Vol. 144, No. 2 · Research article

Festifavelisation: mega-events, DIE ERDE and strategic city-staging – Journal of the Geographical Society the example of of Berlin

Malte Steinbrink1

1Institut für Geographie der Universität Osnabrück , Seminarstr. 19 ab, 49074 Osnabrück, Germany, [email protected]

Manuscript submitted: 4 July 2012 / Accepted for publication: 1 March 2013 / Published online: 19 November 2013

Abstract Mega-events are increasingly often taking place in countries of the Global South. In the socio-spatially deeply fragmented host cities these spectacles encompass extremely transformative urban processes. This paper will consider the festivalisa- tion of Rio de Janeiro in the preparatory phase of the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics. It focuses on the urban policy in relation to how Rio deals with its . The aim of the article is to critically assess current measures of ‘invisibilisation’, ‘pacification’, ‘beautification’ and ‘touristic staging’ of favelas against the backdrop of the upcoming events.

Zusammenfassung

Großereignisse (Mega-Events) finden zunehmend in Städten des Globalen Südens statt. Für die sozio-ökonomisch hochgradig fragmentierten Gastgeberstädte bringen diese Spektakel extreme Veränderungsprozesse mit sich. Dieser Artikel behandelt die Festivalisierung Rio de Janeiros in der VorbereitungsphaseInvisibilisation‘ der Fußballweltmeisterschaft 2014 und der Olympischen Sommerspiele 2016 in Bezug auf die Stadtpolitik der Stadtverwaltung Rios im Umgang mit den Favelas. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, die aktuellen Maßnahmen der ‚ , ‚Befriedung‘, ‚Aufhübschung‘ und ‚touristischen Inszenierung‘ der Favelas vor dem Hintergrund der bevorstehenden Events kritisch zu beleuchten. Keywords

Mega-events, festivalisation, urban politics, , , tourism, Rio de Janeiro

1. Introduction -

- nations’ are becoming increasingly successful in ap plying to host large-scale international events. For Two parallel trends are currently discernible in con- example, in 2010 alone, the Commonwealth Games,- nection with mega-events: Firstly, these events are- the EXPO and FIFA World Cup took place in New becoming increasingly gigantic in terms of gener ­Delhi (India), in Shanghai (China) and in South Af ated profits, organisational effort and infrastruc rica, respectively. In 2014 the FIFA World Cup will tural investments, and secondly, they are more and draw global attention to ’s cities. More­over,- more often taking place in countries in the so-called in 2009, Rio de Janeiro was chosen to host the 2016 Global South. Especially applicants from ‘emerging Summer Olympics. The economies of all these coun

Steinbrink, Malte favel

: Festi isation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro. – DIE ERDE 144 (2): 129-145

DOI: 10.12854/erde-144-10

DIE ERDE · Vol. 144 · 2/2013 129 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

- tries have registered enormous growth rates in the only be understood if we consider its economic and- recent past, but at the same time, they are character political significance on a global scale: Mega-events ised by grave internal socio-economic disparities. are both profoundly commercial and highly politi- - cal. The entanglement of these two spheres (politics- Sporting mega-events in the Global South have still and economy) is constituent of the processes sur received relatively little attention from urban geogra rounding the Steinbrinkevent and highly influential on the ur phers, yetGreene they involveMatheson extremely transformativeBaade urbanHorne ban development dynamics initiated or stimulated processesManzenreiter in the socio-spatialPillay deeply fragmentedSilvestre host by the event ( et al. 2011). cities (Ley 2003, Gaffney and Curi 2004, and 2006, et al. 2009, ­ The powerful international sporting federations FIFA 2008, et al. 2010, 2010, et al. 2011). and IOC have been global players for a long time now; as such, they are primarily economic actors operating Given the complexities of mega-events, this paper in accordance with market principles. As the owners will focus on urban policy relating to how host cities and content providers of the largest mega-events, their in the Global South deal with poverty-stricken areas decisions on venues are essentially profit-oriented. The (‘slums’) in the preparatory phase of mega-events. right to host these events is, quite literally, auctioned;- the fact that the application documents submitted by The article is divided into two parts. To set a frame,- national associations are called ‘bid books’ is not with the first part will give brief general insights into the- out its reasons. Bid books explain in detail what the gistspolitico-economic Hartmut Häußermann event logic. DrawingWalter Siebel on the con potential host countries have to offer in exchange for cept of ‘festivalisation’ of the two German sociolo being selected. As franchisees, the applicant countries and (1993), have to ensure commercial success for IOC and FIFA. I will argue that slums represent an image problem.- This means that, among other things, the games have So far, experiences with previous mega-events in to be held in top-class stadiums with sufficient capacity- countries of the South have shown that the conven for spectators (including VIP lounges etc.). Moreover, tional policy strategy is demolition and eviction. excellent transport connections and sufficient accom modation of adequate standard have to be available for In the second part I will look into Rio’s festivalisation (international) visitors. On top of this, an optimum of policy. How does Rio tackle its ‘staging problem’ of international media coverage has to be guaranteed so over 750 favelas? I will show that urban policy in Rio that commercially effective images of happiness and not only draws upon the conventional strategies, but- heroism can be sent out to the world. OfKorth course, reportsRolfes supplementsGottdiener these strategiesLagopoulos with more ‘innovative’- on incidents of crime as, for instance, in the run-up to measures. Drawing on general ideas of ‘urban semiot the 2010 WorldPellacini Cup in South Africa (cf. and ics’ ( and 1986) this paper spe 2010) or reports about violence in the metropolises of cifically focuses on those policy interventions which Brazil (cf. 2011), do not fit in here. Since fans, aim to manipulate the sign ‘favela’ by transforming journalists and teams need to feel comfortable during it in terms of a positive change of favela semantics. A the tournaments, the question of public safety stands simple heuristic is introduced and current measures out as a further central concern of FIFA and IOC. of ‘invisibilisation’, ‘pacification’, ‘beautification’ and ‘touristic staging’ of favelas are discussed against the With regard to securing the smooth course of events,- backdrop of the upcoming events. both FIFA and IOC have developed a comprehensive favel catalogue of obligatory requirements addressed to po This article is about the festivalisation of the favela, tential hosts. Their fulfilment must be guaranteed by the ‘festi isation’ in Rio de Janeiro. the host governments. The very fact that governments 2. Festivalisation in the Global South willingly grant FIFA and IOC the right to exercise far- reaching political influence is a clear indication of 2.1 Staging the city the huge politicalSteinbrink interest that the governments of the host countries associate with the staging of these - events (cf. e.g. et al. 2011). In the case of applications from so-called ‘emerging’ or ‘threshold’ The logic behind the application and selection pro countries, the symbolic enhancement of the national cedures as well as the staging of a mega-event can profile in particular plays anDIE important ERDE · Vol. role 144 in · regard2/2013

130 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

to ‘foreign policy’. There is the hope that successfully ness partners. The amalgamation of these interests staging a mega-event will help shake off the stigma of- constitutes the commonHaferburg goal of the events’Steinbrink success – ‘underdevelopment’Greene and willLey thus enable the country whereby ‘success’, most notably, means successful to cross the ‘threshold’ to the circle of leading indus staging of the event (cf. and 2010). trial nations ( 2003, et al. 2010). - In the run-up to a mega-event, the rigorous time frame The applicants also cherish hopes with regard to puts politicians and planners under enormous pres ‘domestic policy’. Beside the argument of economic sure, which strongly affects urban development. This growth, which is constantlyWhitson put forwardMacintosh in the run- almost inevitably leads to a concentration of urban Hillerup to events Burton (foreign directMaennig investment,Schwarthoff promotion policy regarding spatial distribution and content and of tourism etc.; cf. e.g. and 1996; to an acceleration of the implementation of selected 2000; 2003, and (prestigious) projects. Despite the mantra-like ‘legacy 2010), the function of sport as a generatorCornelissen of a sense of and sustainability’ rhetoric – i.e. the reference toReeves long- belonging – in terms of a national ‘feel-good effect’ – term positive effects (for all) – in the bid books and in must be mentioned here as well ( 2012). political speeches (cf. Rio 2016 Candidate City; - 2009), the actual priority inDavis this phaseMonk is primarily At the level of urban policy, globalisation processes,- orientated towards (short-term) global staging and- neo-liberal economic policies and the global competi- ‘neo-liberal dreamworlds’ ( and 2007) and tion between metropolises,Sassen in particular,Harvey are consid not to the objectives of socially integrative city devel- Greeneered the driving forces behind the growing impor opment. Consequently, the main target groups of this tance of mega-events (cf. 2001; 1989;- festivalisation policy are not the residents and espe 2003). Taking a look at Europe and the USA this cially not the urban poor but the billions of global TV Davidprocess Harvey can be placed in the context of de-industrial viewers and the international visitors on the one hand isation. In an effort to parry the threatening decline, and the investors on the other hand. (1989) notes, the post-industrial cities- 2.2 Visible backstage are hardly left withRoche anything butHoffman asserting themselves as international finance, consumption or entertain- ment centres (cf. 1994, et al. 2003). Yet the metropolises of the South are also out to po The preparation of events in the Global South leads to sition themselves on the global market. In both cases, a conflict between image objectives in the context of mega-events are becoming instruments of global city global competition on the one hand and the needs of Burbankmarketing and image-buildingBittner in theGreene competitionShin for urban citizens, most of whom are economically weak, investmentSteinbrink capital between the ‘world class cities’ (cf. on the other hand. Tensions are particularly evident et al. 2001; 2001; 2003; - in the political treatment of urban poverty areas. The 2009; et al. 2011). The current mega-event densely populated cities are characterised by poverty- trend in countries of the South can therefore be inter and immense socio-economic disparities. The spatial preted as the ‘globalisation of festivalisation’. - structures of the cities are correspondingly fragment Häußermann - ed. A large part of the urban populations – especially With regard to the objectives of festivalisation poli the lowest income groups – live in informal dwellings- cies, et al. (2008: 263f.) propose a dis on the city outskirts and on residual urban land. The- tinction between (1) the outwardly directed goal of- urban poor often live in settlements that are describ- image production for international recognition, and able as ‘slums’ (UN-Habitat 2003: 11) and that gener (2) the inwardly directed goal of initiating, legiti ally do not comply with the right to adequate hous mising and promoting certain urban development ing as defined in the UN Charter for Human Rights (cf. ­dynamics or large-scale projects. The mega-event, General Assembly 1948). then, is intended to serve both as growth engine and transmission belt for urban redevelopment. It is well known that the spread of urban poverty and - the living conditions of the worldwideDavis one billion slum In the course of the preparation of events, the national dwellers represent one of the greatest humanitarian- ambitions of the host countries and the urban politi- challenges of our time (cf. e.g. 2006). But within cal interests of the host cities blend together with the the logic of mega-events, the host cities’ ‘slum prob profitDIE ERDE objectives · Vol. 144 of · FIFA2/2013 and IOC as well as their busi lem’ is a very different one: To begin with, slums are131 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

sometimes located in places labelled for developments to manage the ‘slum as a staging problem’, and they relevant to the events (stadiums, roads etc.); secondly, are also indicative of the usual modus operandi. slums conflict with the cities’ image-building efforts.- 3. Festifavelisation in Rio de Janeiro Governments, city administrations and organising committees often perceive these settlements as ‘eye sores’. Slums thereforeHäußermann pose an obstacle to city staging. With regard to festivalisation policies in countries of For nearly ten years now, Brazil – especially Rio de the Global North, et al. (2008: 265) state: - ­Janeiro – has strongly been hedging its bets on the urban policy of festivalisation. This is reflected in “Since large-scale events primarily aim at showcas the list of sporting mega-events taking place there: ing a visible image of the city internationally, there Pan American Games (2007), World Military Games- is the inevitable tendency, in mega-event policies, (2011), FIFA Confederations Cup (2013), FIFA World to actually consider everything that is invisible as Cup (2014), Summer Olympic Games and Paralym unimportant, too. This, of course, includes the many pics (2016), as well as Copa America (2019). Further, social problems that cannot be integrated into a large-scale political, religious and/or cultural events positive image” [author’s translation]. - such as the RIO+20 Conference (2012) and the World Youth Day (2013) took place here. In cities of the Global South it is indeed hardly pos Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva sible to overlook the social problems of poverty and- The world’s eyes are upon Brazil now, which, under its inequality since they are clearly visible in the form of former president , has evolved informal settlements. Hence the hostSteinbrink cities are com into a major economic world power. And Rio will be pelled to cope with these visible problems, or rather its main stage on which the new, strong Brazil is to with the problem of their visibility ( et al.- present itself to the world public. For Rio de Janeiro, 2011). There is no room for strategies of sustainable- this is a special opportunity after having experienced- settlement development, firstly because of the con a substantial decline in importance since 1960 when densed timeframe typical of such events, and second Brasília had become the new federal capital. Com ly because the limited financial resources flow into- pared particularly to São Paulo, which has steadily other event-related investments. As a result, cheaper grown into Latin America’s biggest economic centre short-term measures are preferred: ‘visual protec in the past decades, Rio has continuously been lagging- tion screens’ such as fences and walls, as well as the- behind. The up-coming mega-events are perceived as- demolition of settlements and forced evictions. The- a great opportunity to push forward urban redevelop more visible a slum is for the media and the interna ment and infrastructural projects in order to reposi tional public, the higher the probability of such inter tion the city both nationally and globally. ventions. The most affected settlements are near city - Greenecentres or importantNewton event venues, next to airports But Rio de Janeiro has a ‘slum problem’, too: Just as in- or along important roads connecting the venues (cf. other major Brazilian cities,Lopes the immense de Souza social disCoy 2003, 2009). paritiesBorsdorf in Rio find expressionCoy Wehrhahn in an extremely Defffrac­ neturedr urbanPerlman structure (cf.Lanz Rothfuß 1993, Prior to the 1988 summer Olympics in Seoul (South 2006; and 2009; 2009; Korea), 720,000 people were forcefully relocated; in- 2010; 2010; 2012, 2012). the run-up to the 2010 EXPO exhibition in Shanghai Approximately every sixth inhabitant lives in one (China), the relocation of 400,000 people was an of the city’s over 750 favelas (IBGE 2010). Because- nounced; and New Delhi (India) was supposed to be of the tense situation on the formal housing market ‘slum-free’ by the opening day of the Commonwealth and due to the insufficiency of public housing pro Games in 2010; and so between 2003 and 2006, as grammes, the informal residential areas have long many as 300,000 slum inhabitants were evicted (cf.- represented the only affordable choice for the poor COHRE 2007). The relocation measures attained a in Rio. Ever since the emergence of the first favelas new dimension prior to the Olympic Games in Bei more than a hundred years ago, they have largely- jing: AccordingShin to estimates, roughly 1.5 million been neglected by the city administration. Apart people were affected by evictions between 2000 and from some limited measures in the run-up to elec 2008 (cf. 2009). These figures illustrate how tions and from occasional interventions in the form 132much importance the host cities attach to the need of resettlements or police andDIE ERDEmilitary · Vol. repressions, 144 · 2/2013 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

Lanz Wacquant Penglase the government has largely ignored its urban poverty jects relevant to the events (e.g. the construction of- areas (cf. 2004; 2005; 2009).- roads connecting important event venues); secondly, - these centrally located favelas pose an aesthetic stag- The problem of violent crime first emerged in the pub ing problem. Due to their exposed locations, they are lic consciousnessCaldeira in the earlyHolston 1980s duringPiquet the Carnei tran- very visible on the city’s front stage, and their ap- sitionalro phaseAziz fromAlves military dictatorship to electoral pearance is difficult to reconcile with the striven-for democracy ( and 1999; - world-class city image. Due to their dense and appar 2000; and 2003).Lanz Drug gangsWacquant began to fill ently chaotic building structures, the favelas rather theLopes power de Souza gap in the Deffnersocially and politically margin- emblematically stand for attributes (poverty, bad alised parts of the city ( 2004; 2005; governance, social stratification etc.) the elimination 2008; 2013). Based on hierar of which is meant to be presented to the world. - chically organised mafia-like structures and strongly - influenced by drug-trafficking businesses, armed The pressure to tackle this staging problem is intensi violence and terror, these criminal syndicates control fied by international media reports on the crime situ- most of the favelas inPenglase Rio de Janeiro. The traffickers ation in Rio de Janeiro. Besides scepticism regarding have thus become a parallel power with its own rules- the infrastructural preparations (e.g. the construc (‘law of the hillside’, 2009: 49), to which the tion of roads and stadiums), there are serious concerns inhabitants of the favelas have to submit. The syndi about the high crime rates in Rio. The mass-media- cates became so powerful and so heavily equipped discourse on the issue constructs a spatial semantic with arms that they were capable of preventing or link between crime and the favela; there is hardly a re controlling any state interference in ‘their’ territories. asport City on of the God safety situationTropa in Rio de Elitethat does not locate The police could only gain access to the settlements- crime in the favelas. Successful film productions such by armed force or in consultation with the drug lords; (2003) and (2007) further- even social projects and public infrastructuralLopes de Souza meas contribute to this discourse: Favelas are portrayed as- Ariasures could only be implemented through negotiations- uncontrollable and dangerous places in which drug-re with the respective gangs (cf. 2004,- lated crimes, violence and lawlessness are the prevail 2006). This additionally enhanced the govern ing features. In media discourses favelas are the quasi- ment’s neglect of the favelas and led to further mar spatial bearer of the image of an ‘insecure Brazil’. From ginalisation and stigmatisation of their inhabitants. the viewpoint of the organisers of the event, however, At the same time, it contributed to the fact that rents it is precisely the journalists’ and international guests’ and house prices in the favelas remained relatively feeling of security that is crucial for the success of the unaffected by the dramatic price increases on the event. The planners and policy-makers therefore feel formalFrischtak real estateMandel market. Even in centrally located the urgency to deal with this globally transmitted favelas, the price of housing is still comparatively low ‘favela problem’ (as Rio’s security problem No. 1). (cf. and 2012). To a certain extent the 3.1 Tackling ‘the favela’ favelas have remained outside the sphere of economic valorisation of the formal land and real estate market. Zona Norte Most of Rio’s informal settlements are located in its In recent years the City of Rio de Janeiro has been western part or in the NorthernZona Sul Zone ( ), remarkably active in the implementation of various- far from the city centre and from the economically measures concerning the favelas. It seems reasonable- flourishing Southern Zone ( ) with its popular to see this increased activity in the light of the upcom Copacabana, Leblon and beaches. However, ing mega-events: The favelas represent an urgent im there are numerous favelas in these parts of the city age issue that needs to be tackled before the event. - as well, and they shape Rio’s cityscape since they are Gottdiener Lagopoulos Lagopou- built on the steep mountain slopes and partly border losIn compliance with the general idea of ‘urban se the most expensive residential areas. These favelas- miotics’ ( and 1986; are by no means Rio’s poorest areas with the worst 2009) this staging problem can be interpreted living conditions, but it is precisely these that repre against the backdrop of the specific semiotichigh nature vis- sent the biggest planning problem in the context of- ofibility the ‘favela’. Under the event logic, the sign ’favela’- the mega-events: Firstly, some of them are located in has two problematic aspects: The first is the areasDIE ERDE that · Vol.have 144 been · 2/2013 chosen for infrastructure pro of the (material) signifier – i.e. the large num133 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

3.2.1 Demolition and eviction ber of favelas, central and exposed locationsspecific significa of some- favelas,tion and their broad presence in the media. The- second problematic aspect is the The coarsest form of invisibilisation strategy is the- , i.e. the semantic charging with negative ascrip forced removal of inhabitants – mostly to the remote tions such as ‘poverty’, ‘crime’, ‘bad governance’ etc. outskirts of the city – and the demolition of the build semiotic inter- ings. Extensive eviction measures had already been- ventionsBasing on this notion, the various observable urban taken in the period prior to the 2007 Pan-American policy measures can be interpreted as games; and relocations of ‘less advantaged communi , as governmental attempts to interfere with- ties’ were also mentioned in the Olympic bid book (Rio the signifying character of the favela, and can hence- 2016 Candidate City 2009, Vol. 2: 145). In 2009,Gaffney Rio’s be assigned to the two problematic invisibilisation aspects men municipalSilvestre governmentGusmão published de Oliveira a list of 119 favelas- tioned above.transformation Accordingly, two types of strategic in to be partly or fully removed before 2016 (cf. terventions can be distinguished: (1) 2010, and 2012). How and (2) of the sign ‘favela’.Fig. 1 ever, in most cases the official rhetoric doesn’t link- the announcedby relocations to the approaching events; Along with this simple heuristic ( ) this article instead, the settlementsto are often said to be threat elucidates the governmental measures to ‘tackle the ened the environment (landslides, floods etc.) or favela’ and interprets them within the context of presented as a threat the environment (extension Rio’s festivalisation policy. The following sections of settlements to forest conservation areas). are structured accordingly. 3.2.2 Walls 3.2 Intervention type I: invisibilisation

Sergio Cabral Edu­ardo - ThePaes argument of environmental preservation was also This first type of strategic intervention represents the used by Governor and Mayor ­ conventional method to approach the slum as a stag to justify a programmeZona for theSul erection of walls ing problem in the context of mega-events in the Global (‘eco limites’ to protect the Atlantic forest), 3 meters- South (see above); it aims to render the favela (signifier) high, around 19 favelas in , for a total of 11- ‘invisible’. Different urban policy measures of this type kilometres long and encompassing 550 removed fami could be observed in Rio de Janeiro in recent years. lies. This programme started in 2009 and was heav

Fig. 1 ‘Favela’ as a problematic sign and urban-­policy interventions in the con- text of ­mega-events – a ­heuristic model

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134 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

- Furthermore, favelas are also left out on the official tourist map (RioTur); instead the areasGoogle are mostly Maps in in dicated as green spaces. In this context, there was also- a conflict between the City of Rio and 2011. The city complained that the online maps pro- vided by the free cartographic service had presentedFig. 2 the favelas too prominently and had highlighted com Antonioparatively Figueira little of deRio’s Mello tourist attractions ( ).

, a spokesperson of Rio’s Fig. 2 Visible favelas on Google Maps (2011) tourism authorities, described the maps as absurd, (commentingAntunes that they created the impression that the- Minoja host city was an ‘immense agglomeration of favelas’ 2011). The city, fearing that it might suf- ily criticised inTurcheti the international e Melo media ( 2010: fer damage to its image, requested that the maps- 128f.). The first favela to be enclosed by walls was be changed. In 2013 Google complied with Rio’s de Santa Marta ( State Fund 2010).of Environmental This measure, Con- mands and amended the cartographic representa- whichservation costs approximately US$ 18 million, and which tions accordingly. TodayFigure the term 3 ‘favela’ no longer was financed by the appears on the online maps and the areas are indi (Fecam), can well be considered part of the cated as green spaces. shows the satellite invisibilisation strategy, for walls are not only erected image of the favelaGoogle Cantagalo-Pavão-Pavãozinho Maps along forest fringes, but also along connecting roads (approx. 10,000 inhabitants) and the cartographic that are important for the events. Although Turchetithe latter e invisibilisation on in 2013. Meloare officially justified as noise protection measures, the assumption that they are ‘sociolimits’ ( 2010: 22ff.) primarily intended to serve as sight and image protection seems r­ easonable. 3.2.3 Visual media representation

Another form of invisibilising the favela refers to the- manipulation of the visual representation of the host city in the media: The City of Rio is making a remarka- ble effort to ensure that the favelas are left out of official promotion photos and advertising videos. It is notice able, for instance, that pictures of the famous Maracanã Stadium are always taken from an angle that prevents- the bordering Manguiera favela from coming into view. Rio’s official Olympic bid video also features a comput- er-animated flyover on which not a single favela can be spotted; favelas were simply erased (http://www.you tube.com/watch?v=QBTyx4ie3hQ, 14/06/2012).

It is also remarkable that the term ‘favela’ does not even appear once in the three volumes of Rio’s 419-paged Olympic bid book (cf. Rio 2016communidade Candidate’ City 2009); here and in other official documents the- political correct alternative term ‘ Fig. 3 Cartographic invisibilisation of the favela (‘community‘) is used in its stead. This official lan (Source: Google 2013) guage policy, too, can be interpreted as an attempt ofDIE (textual) ERDE · Vol. invisibilisatiof 144 · 2/2013 the favela.

135 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

3.3 Intervention type II: transformations Unidade de Policía Pacificadora

tions of UPP ( ), Rio’s - ‘pacifying police unit’, are set up in the favelas. The The second type of intervention represents a more newly established and specially trained UPP police innovative urban-policy strategy applied in an ef- units are to act as ‘community police’ and to make fort to deal with the favela as a ‘problematic sign’ sure that these areas permanently remain free from- and ‘staging obstacle’. It relates to the practice of in drug trafficking and armed violence. Their official- terpretation and sense-making. This involves firstly task is to act as regulators and helpers in the com governmental attempts to improve the image of the munities, to establish communication and interac state with regard to how it deals with the favelas tion with the residents and to promote the overall and their inhabitants, and secondly the attempts acceptance of police presence in the favelas. to actively transform the favela image. Against this Social background different measures of intervention in So far, 30 UPP police stations have been set up (cf. UPP- (1)the preparation favelas can be remodelinginterpreted as partsstaging of a ( Fig.three- 1 2013); and the two largest favelas, Complexo- step strategy of semiotic favela transformation: do Alemão and , were also occupied in prepa , (2) and (3) ). ration for the stationing of UPPs. Altogether, the au 3.3.1 Step 1: preparation by ‘pacification’ thorities plan to pacifyFreeman forty favelasGaffney before the FIFA World Cup in 2014, and one hundred until the Summer - Olympics in 2016 ( 2012; 2010). - - Shortly after the announcement of FIFA’s choice of Bra This timetable and the initiation date of the pro zil as the host of the 2014 World Cup tournament, the gramme clearly indicate that the UPP programme, de government started a large-scale programme for the spite official comments to the contrary, is primarily a ‘pacification’ of favelas in Rio. The declared goal of the- security programme for the coming mega-events. The- campaign is to improve the general security situation programme is by no means a city-wide measure;Frischtak it is in Rio, as well as to create a precondition for social pro Mandeconfined to selected favelas, and they are not necessar jects and infrastructural measures in the settlements. ily those with the highest crime rates (cf. and Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais: l 2012: 8), but those located in city areas, which The first step consists in the massive deployment- are strategically relevant to the events. This and the of BOPE ( fact that the UPP programme is financially supported- Special Police Operations Battalion), a special mili nateby international Eike Batista concerns(Barrionuevo such as Coca Cola – a major tary police unit of Rio de Janeiro State. The invasions sponsor of the IOC and FIFA – and Brazilian oil mag carried out by these notorious special forces intend- 2010) suggest that it is to expel, arrest or kill members of drug gangs and not the inhabitants of the respective favelas who are to occupy the favelas. In the second step, police sta the primary beneficiaries of the pacification efforts.

Photo 1 Staging of the clenched fist of the state – BOPE Photo 2 Sign of the victory of ‘Ordem e Progresso’– BOPE snipers and journalists during the occupation of forces hoisting the Brazilian flag after the occu- the Rocinha favela (Source: AFP) pation of the Complexo do Alemão (Source: AFP)

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- - The recent favela pacification is a means in the at (kneeling and smiling) pose with him for the camera: tempt to fulfill the requirements of FIFA and IOC re coincidence or part of the public-relations campaign?- garding the safety of international visitors. With this ambitious programme, the state is demonstrating The favela pacification is obviously a political reac its political power and capacity in matters of public tion to the representation of the ‘favela problem’ in security. Accordingly,Choque de thePaz state is placing its actions the international media. The UPP programme is an on the media stage. And the media actually do take- integral part of strategic city-staging. It is part of a- notice: The (shock of peace) operation- campaign with which the host city seeks to media-1 for the pacification of Rocinha, a large-scale opera effectively demonstrate its capacity in terms of secu tion involving over 3000 storm-troopers in Novem rity policy in order to improve its security image . ber 2011, developed into a large-scale media event. There were about as many international reporters But this programme is not only an expression of the on the scene as were police and military forces; one effort to change the media-assigned role of the state could have gotten the impression that press photo­ (‘The state is doing something!’); the pacifications graphers were in troubleTropa to findde Elite motifs unspoiled by also create certain preconditions for a change in the a colleague’s telephoto. With helicopters, tanks and globally communicated image of the favela itself. The special forces of the (BOPE) dressed progamme can be seen as a first step of the host city’s in black combat suits with the martial skull-emblem, strategy to transform the sign ‘favela’ by actively the operation looked like an elaborate PR spectacle:- influencing the signification and interpretation in RocinhaPhoto as an 1 arena for a media circus in which the a way that makes it possible to integrate the favela state was putting the firm hand of its power on dis in the sugar-loaf-sweetened and samba-saturated play ( ). The government forces hoisted the- event-image of the ‘marvelous city’. Brazilian flag at the highest point of the settlement – 3.3.2 Step 2: Aesthetic remodeling (‘beautification’) a symbol of victory which had also been used dur ing the occupation of the Complexo do OrdemAlemão e –Pro for- gressoa ­media-effective climax. The intended messagePhoto 2 is clear: The state is now taking care of This strategy relates to acts of interference into the (order and progress) in the favelas ( ). materiality of the signifier. Some elements of the sign- ‘favela’ are deleted, changed or added with the aim of However, it is not only the clenched fist of the state- suggesting other – more positive – ascriptions or in that is put on display; its helping and protective hand terpretations. Many of the massive construction and is also stage-managed skillfully. The UPP profession infrastructural activities in the pacified favelas can- UPPally managesRepórter its– Embrace media image; this idea it runs its own press serve as examples for this aesthetic remodeling. In office as well as a well-maintained website entitled- public speeches, these measures are presented as pro (www.upprj.com),- jects designed for the betterment of the local living which provides information on current develop conditions; a closer look, however, reveals that many- ments – in English, too! In addition, UPP police offic of the developments are largely intended to improve ers are trained in media relations. Journalists, social- the outward appearance of the favelas or are particu scientists and foreign delegations are welcome to visit- larly orientated towards the needs of visitors. UPP stations, where they are supplied with informa- tion (on the programme’s achievements). This inten For example, in the pacified Favela , which sive public-relations work has given rise to the pre- Oscaris located Niemeyer next to the Maracanã Stadium, a cable car is- dominantly positive news reports. In the media, UPP installed, a samba school designed by star architect police officers are presented as close to the commu is erected, and public places are taste nity, helpful and friendly. One key visual Photomotif is3 that fully redesigned. As a result of these beautifications, Photoof officers 4 posing with children – often displaying a- many houses in Mangueira have to be demolished and tender and caring physical contact (cf. and their inhabitants displaced. , ). In the Santa Marta favela, the author wit- nessed the following scene: a male tourist (approx. 50- In the case of Morro da Providência Favela which was years old) asked a UPP officer for permission to pho pacified in March 2010,Freeman it is also obvious that many of tograph him. The officer kindly accepted and spon the construction measures mainly serve the purpose taneouslyDIE ERDE · grabbedVol. 144 · 2/2013 an approx. 6-year-old boy for a of ‘symbolic taming’ ( 2012). 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Photo 3 and 4 The helping and protective hand of the State – UPP police officers with favela children (Source: www. upprj.com, 24/06/2012)

which counts roughly 5,500 inhabitants, is considered cial and residential functions.Menezes Moreover, there are Rio’s oldest favela. It is situated on a steep hill not far plans for a ‘favela museum’,para quem? which is to be devoted to from the old port. The port area (Porto Maravilha) will the history of Providência ( 2012: 121). The be completely newly developedGaffney and revitalised for the- question here, too, is: Cantagalo-Pavão-Pavãozinho(‘for whom?’) ­ Olympic Games; it is the most lavish and cost-intensive - urban-development project ( Morar 2010). Carioca The meas A further example is the - ures in Providência that areFreeman planned on the social complex, which used to be infamous for its high homi investment programmes PAC and also cidal rates. The favela is located near some particular include a cable car system. (2012) expresses ly popular residential areas at the boundary between the presumption that this system is actually designed- Ipanema and Copacabana and is quite visible from the in such a way that it purposely sacrifices many houses- beach. The favela complex was pacified in late 2009. to the bulldozer (‘thinning out’). Eight hundred resi Before the pacification, construction work had already- dential units have already been labelled for demoli commenced on the new Ipanema metro station. An exit tion. These measures gave rise to massive protests;- from the station was constructed on the site of a for residents tried to block the construction works, but mer entrance to the favela Cantagalo on junction R. Tei-­ were prevented from doing so by UPP units. The pro xeira de Melo/R. Barão da Torre. Until then, Ipanema’s- testers complained that the building project worth middle-class inhabitants had considered this area ex severalteleférico millions para quem? did not at all meet their most urgent tremely unsightly, dubious and ­dangerous, mainly be needs (e.g. education, jobs, health care). Their slogan, cause of the disorderly appearance and the various – ‘ ’ (‘cable car for whom?’), seems partly informal,Mirante partly da Paz illegal – business2 activities. A reasonable if one considers the lay-out of the cable car 64-meter tower with a liftComplexo and a viewing Rubem B­platformraga for- system: One of the lines will lead to the central station- tourists ( /‘view of peace’) constituted- (Central do Brasil), another one directly to the Cidade a central element of the build do Samba, where the floats for the yearly carnival pro ing project (costs: BLR 48 million/roughly US$ 24 mil cessions are built and which is also one of Rio’s most lion); it also features a modern bridge construction popular tourist attractions. Moreover, there is a plan connecting the tower with the favela. Although it was for a line to the new cruise docks, where the ‘Museum- claimed that the tower was designed to improve the of Tomorrow’ is built as a prestige object and tourist- accessibility of the settlement, this oversized building magnet. The cable car will go to Cruzeiro, Providên might rather be serving the purpose of remodelling an cia’s highest point, which provides a fabulous pano infamous part of Ipanema so as to meet the aesthetic- inrama O G view.lobo All the houses in this area have already requirements of the middle class and the tourists. The been earmarked for demolition. According to a report favela entrance and the houses located there disapCom- (Brazil’s biggest daily paper) of 29 March- plexopeared Rubem as a Braga result of the construction project; they 2010, there are plans to replace these dwellings with were replaced by the iconic architecture of the new colonial-style buildings designated for commer and by a DIEclean, ERDE camera-monitored · Vol. 144 · 2/2013

138 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

square controlled by security staff. The hyper-modern square meters of hillside slum, converted into a new building designed in blue and green and illuminated monument for the community.” This statement is at night dominates the scenery; it also conceals large remarkable since it suggests that the new design parts of the settlement when viewed from below. alone suffices to change this part of Santa Marta into something that is no longer a slum ─ not, however, Another form of remodelling favelas, which clearly into a ‘deslummed’ residential area, but into a (slum) aims atUrry a positive change in outward appearance monument. The second part of the statement is open and is primarily orientated towards the ‘tourist- to further interpretation: Does ‘monument for the- gaze’ ( 2002), are the aesthetic interventions community’ mean that the designers intended to set made on favela facades. For example, the City in up a monument for the inhabitants (just like a memo vested a lot of money in paint in order to redesign rial for a deceased person whom one would like to- the roadside structures in the lowest part of the remember in a certain way)? Or is the project really well-known Favela Rocinha at the Estr. Lagua Barra meant to give Santa Marta’s inhabitants aesthetic en- in bright colours. Also along a major street within joyment? The work of art is doubtlessly monumental,3 Rocinha (Rua 4) houses were revamped in this way.- but again the question is: for whom? ‘for the commu The bright and colourful design contrasts sharply nity’, as it proclaimed, or ‘for the tourists’? . - with the usual appearance of the grey or unplas tered house fronts inside the favela. The new facade design in Rocinha and Santa Mar Jeroen Koolhaas Dre Urhahn - ta is unusual both for the favelas and for Rio as a The project, dubbed ‘Favela Painting’, conceived by- whole; yet, the design is still compatible. In terms- the designer duo and , rep of choice of colour and pattern it meaningfully resents a particularly impressive example of aesthet links up aesthetically to specific notions and imag ic intervention. The Dutchmen designed the facades- es of the favela, which are particularly prevalent in at the central square (Praça Cantão) at the entrance to the context of city tourism in Rio. The redesigned the lower part of the first pacified favela Santa Mar favela facades unequivocally invoke certain modes- ta. They remodeled the square into a comprehensive- of representation and apply style elements which work of art. They hired people from the favela, who,- in fact are known from favela paintings that are of after completing a brief course in painting and scaf fered as souvenirs on the streets. folding, painted the house facades, followingPhoto the 5 ba Fig. 4 sic pattern drafted by the artists. The outcome of this These pictures, often designed in a naïve, child-like- work is a colourfully bright ensemble (cf. ). - style (cf. ), reflect a favela image beyond misery, drug, crime and violence. Instead they draw on no On their website (www.favelapainting.com), the de tions of an exotic way of life which, though chaotic, is signers describe their work as follows: “About 7000 largely colourful, vibrant and happy ─ notions of ‘the

Photo 5 ‘Favela Painting’ in Santa Marta (Source: D. Urhahn, with permission of the artist)

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Fig.4 Examples of typical favela paintings

real exotic Brazil’. These souvenirs that reflect the povertySteinbrink areas, which mostly takes place in the exoticising elements of the favela image have become form of organised tours for visitors from the Global the aesthetic ideal for the new face of the favela, they North ( et al. 2012). - function as templates for the new design. In Rio de Janeiro, favela tourism – the Brazilian ver The described examples of activities directed towards sion of slum tourism – emerged in the context of changing the outward appearance of the favela (be the United Nations Conference on Environment and that by building or painting) can all be interpreted as Sustainable Development (UNCED) in 1992. Favelas, an expression of a politically initiated facelift for the already visible in the distance, drew the attention visitors’ eyes. The city is out to display favelas located of representatives of NGOs, political activists and in areas of strategic importance in a way that fits into journalists, mainly because the police and military- the intended image of the event city. The intention is- had cordoned them off during the conference, owing not to render these favelas invisible, rather prettier. (toFreire-Medeiros security and image concerns. They therefore de The aim is to suggest other, more positive interpreta manded guided tours of Rocinha, Rio’s largest favela- tions and thus to prepare them for touristic staging. Frenzel 2009). In the center of attention was 3.3.3 Step 3: touristic staging the situation of the socio-spatially marginalised ‘fave lados’ ( 2012: 52). From these first informally guided tours a commercial tourism branch developed- - in the following years. Today, there are at least seven In addition to governmental attempts to achieve a commercial agencies and around twenty independ transformation of the sign ‘favela’ by way of trans- ent tourist guides offering tours to various favelas forming its materiality, the City of Rio has actively in Rio, and approximatelySteinbrink 50,000 Rio tourists take been making efforts to selectively direct the tour advantage of their offers annually ─ and an upward ist’s gaze and to influence the interpretation of the trend Urry can be observed ( et al. 2012b: 5). remodeled signifier. In the process, the city draws In the early phase of this development the ‘tourist upon a trend in tourism which has been spreading gaze’ ( 2002) was a politicised gaze charged with in the Global South since the early 1990s: namely politico-moral outrage and, as a rule, combined with slum tourism, the touristic valorisation of urban a more or less openly accusatoryDIE ERDE side · Vol. glance 144 · 2/2013at ‘the

140 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

- - system’ and at ‘the political class’. Favelas were re For the project in Santa Marta, tourist maps were pro garded as a social and political problem, as places of- duced, bilingual signposts and information boards oppression, exclusion and exploitation. Meanwhile, installed, local tour guides trained, and micro-loans in the course of commercialisation and profession made available for businesses interested in tourism. alisation of favela tourism, political concerns have The tourist attractions advertised in the favela include shifted to the background. The main focus today is the ‘Favela Painting’ art project (see above), the local firstly, on cultural matters and on the mode of life in- samba school, stalls of local artisans and a look-out the favelas, and secondly and particularlyBe a Local on –issues don’t point with a statuesee Medeiros of Michael MenezesJackson, who shot the beof violencea Gringo and drugs-related crime. One of the larg video for his famous song ‘They don’t care about us’ in- est professional tour companies ( Santa Marta ( and in this volume- ) has particularly been making much use- for details). In addition, the newly established UPP sta of the kick that adrenaline delivers: During a guided tion is also marked as a tourist sight by a plaque ex tour in October 2011, in which the author also par plaining the official idea of pacification. - ticipated, the group came across five heavily armed youngsters. The tour guide first shouted: “No photo! It has been publicly emphasised that Rio Top Tour cre- No photo!” After the boys had passed, he added: “Hey, ates jobs and therefore serves the purpose of poverty you are lucky! You don’t see that every day!” He made reduction (‘pro-poor tourism’), and that it addition- the same statement 30 minutes later when a coffin ally strengthens socio-economic and socio-cultural was carried towards the tourist group. - participation (‘community-based tourism’). It is pro claimed that favela tourism is a tool for development.- At least until the pacification of Rocinha in Novem- Irrespective of the actual socio-economic effects of ber 2011, crime and drug war were unmistakably the this programme, it is a means to internationally dem central topicsBe-a-Local and gang members carrying assault ri onstrate the government’s will and ability to tackle fles were the major attraction of the tours. Besides, urban poverty. The promotion of favela tourism can the tours of are explicitly guided through thus be interpreted as a symbolic political gesture. parts of Rocinha which, both optically and olfactorily, By guiding the tourists to pacified and spruced up appear extremely run down and dirty. In a bid to meet showcase favelas, the public attention is directed the expectations of international tourists private tour- to those areas in which the state has become active- companies tend to draw on Frischcertain daunting as well regarding security and social policies. The formerly as thrilling aspects of the favela imaginations dis accusing side glance at the state becomes an appre seminated by the media (cf. 2012). It is obvious ciating look as the role of the government becomes- that such tours hardly serve the purpose of positively re-interpreted. The state is no longer an opponent of changing this image; the hitherto common mode of the ‘favelados’, but their supporter. Pacification it representation rather reproduces the stereotypes self becomes an attraction of favela tours, since the which are supposed to be overcome. tourists are now presented with the achievements - of security policy as well as of governmental social If favela tourism is to be valorised in terms of the and infrastructural projects. The Brazilian state festivalisation paradigm, then the favelas will defi now displays itself as a socio-political caretaker. nitely need to be staged differently. The City of Rio therefore decided to play an active role in favela- Moreover, the selective direction of the tourist gaze tourism. In May 2010, the programme Rio Top Tour diverts it from the numerous forgotten favelas at initiated by the Ministry of Tourism, Sports and Lei- the periphery (invisibilisation), as well as from the sure and TourisRio, the urban tourism agency, was demolition and eviction measures (invisibilisation brought into existence. The aim is to develop touris- of invisibilisation measures). tic structures in pacified favelas.Bruns The programme’s- pilot project started in Santa Marta, with an invest By engaging in favela tours, the state actively tries ment volume of US$ 145,000 ( 2011). Canta to Rio transmit Top Tour a differentlyFig. 5 composed picture and to galo and ProvidênciaLula da (see Silva above) are also among the show the favelas ‘from a new point of view’ (cf. logo areas covered by the programme. The fact that the of ; ). The colourful and pleasant then president personally inaugurated aspects of the favela are moved to the foreground, the programme is a clear evidence of the political which contrasts with what is usually emphasised in importanceDIE ERDE · Vol. attached 144 · 2/2013 to favela tourism. most of the established favela tours.

141 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

4. Concluding remarks

The housing and living situation of lower income groups probably represents the most sensitive sphere regarding the effects of the recent festivalisation- trend in the Global South. This is not only because the public budgets of the host cities are strained by gigan- tic investments, which also tie up important financial resources needed for social housing programmes. Ad ditionally, due to the intrinsic logic of festivalisation policy the urban poverty areas themselves represent

Fig.5 “Rio de Janeiro from a new point of view” – Official logo of Rio a staging problem to be solved before the event starts. Top Tour This paper has shown how Rio de Janeiro is dealing- with its ‘favela problem’. It has been explained that Monica Rodri- image considerations are an important urban poli gues cy concern. But unlike in previous host cities in the The co-ordinator of the programme, Global South, the measures in Rio are not confined , emphasises: - to the invisibilisation of the signifier. In addition, Rio applies strategies of sign transformation, i.e. of the “We want to show that Brazil doesn’t just have he reinterpretation or recharging of favela semantics.- reditary culture. Here there are samba and capoeira State interventions in this area include both aesthetic groups, northeastern traditions, typical cuisine, people transformation of the material substrate of the sig doing trails at night, the stunning viewpointClarke at the top. nifier (building and painting) and touristic staging There exists a community inside the city that needs to (promotion of favela tourism), which aims at directing be discovered by foreigners […]” (cited in 2010). and diverting the tourist’s gaze. A precondition for the implementation of these measures is the pacification RolfesThe City of Rio makes use of a general tendencyMesch that- programme which is simultaneously a strategy of the cankank be observed inDyson global slum tourism. The study by state to present itself in a media-effective manner. et al. (2009) in Cape Town and those by Freeman - (2012) and (2012)Rolfes in MumbaiMeschkank reveal that All the projects mentioned in this paper can be seen slum tours have a strong capacity toMedeiros change negative Me- as a ‘symbolic taming’ ( 2012) of the fave nezesperceptions ( of slums (cf. and in this las and as part of the strategic city-staging of Rio in volumeRolfes). The findings of the study by and the preparatory phase of two mega-events. The city in this volume), which adopts a method close to is sprucing itself up and is trying to integrate the that of et al. (2009), prove that the favela tourism favelas – at least semantically – into the event city.- in Santa Marta does indeed indicate a positive change Seen as such, the measures in the favelas seem to be as well. Hence the governmental promotion of favela designed to mainly serve the outwardly directed ob tourism seems to achieve its transformativeRio aim. Top Tour jective of festivalisation policy (image production, positioning on the global market etc.). The way Santa Marta is represented by - involves a specific form of culturalisation which aims This, however, is only one possible interpretation. at a recharging of spatial semantics or in other words The event-related measures can just as well be inter at a ‘rebranding’ of the global trademark ‘favela’. This- preted in line with the inwardly directed objective of culturalising representation goes hand in hand with- promoting particular urban development dynamics a shift in ascribed responsibility. The living condi- and at the same time as a means serving powerful- tions in the favelas are no longer observed as an ex economic interests: For the city, the events constitute pression of social injustice, but as one of local char an opportunity to legitimise certain policies. The im- acter and of a typical Brazilian way of life. In other mense pressure resulting from the high expectation- words: Social inequality is deproblematised and the of achieving the national goal of successfully host tourist gaze is depoliticised. And that is definitely ing the events creates the necessary public accept good for a happy festival mood of the visitors. ance and permits a bundlingDIE of ERDE capacities · Vol. 144 as ·well 2/2013 as

142 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

financial resources for measures and strategies which- the reduction of crime rates in the city nor the fight would hardly be implementable without the events.- against urban poverty; for both will presumably only This applies particularly to the expensive favela paci shift to the periphery. Rather, with these measures,- fications. The interests behind the pacification pro- the state will make it possible for the ‘invisible hand gramme and also the effects of these measures go far of the free market’ to take hold on certain highly at beyond the short-term purpose of improving the se- tractive areas, which so far have been ‘no-go areas’ for curity situation in regard to the coming events. The investors and which have to a certain extent remained regained state control over the favelas not only cre outside the sphere of formal economic valorisation. ates a secure environment for public infrastructural - measures and social programmes; it also gives rise to The urban policy strategies described in this paper- attractive conditions for private investments. are not only orientated towards the short-term re - quirementsHarvey’s of mega-events. The market-orientated in- Despite the undeniably positive effects for the favela session’terventions (Harvey of the state Harveymust instead be placed in the residents, the pacification and the follow-on pro context of notion of ‘accumulation by dispos jects lead to a tremendous rise in the value of land 2003; 2004): By opening up- and rents and thus, indirectly, to a displacement of new lucrative market areas the state almost directly large parts of the residentFreeman population. Increases in serves the interestsfavel of capitalist accumulation (espe prices of up to 400 % are being reported from some cially those of the real estate sector). The neoliberal of the pacified favelas (cf. 2012). orientation of festi isation policy is just as visible as are its far reaching implications for the urban poor. Moreover, private service companies have seized the- Notes opportunity to extend their markets areas into the- pacified favelas. For example, big restaurant and re 1 tail chains are setting up branches. Besides, many pri- - vate providers are currently making every effort to The importance attached to a solution to the ‘favela problem’ from a political point of view can be inferred from the im formalise hitherto informally connected public infra- - structural facilities (such as water, electricity, TV and mense costs involved in the pacification programme. In late 2011, there were 3771 UPP police officers; this number im WIFI).Freeman It remains toGaffney be seen whether and to what ex tent the favela residents can meet the additional costs plies an annual expenditure of 230 million Reais (Brazilian (cf. 2012; 2010). Real = BRL; roughly US$ 113 million). Considering the total of 100 UPPs currently being planned to be set up by the start of - the Olympic Games in 2016, this would imply projected annual But price increases will not only be experienced within- costs of BRL 1.8 billion from 2016. In view of the state annual the pacified favelas. There are indications that the paci- Freeman security budget of BRL 5 billion in 2010, we can appreciate the fications will also have an immense impact on the for 2 Fischtak Mandel extent of the financial burden ( 2012). mal real estate and housing sectors. In calculations con - Rio’s language policy is also interesting in this connection. There ducted for the whole city, and (2012)- are bilingual signboards for visitors on the tower platform, pro report that the pacifications are responsible for about- 15 % of the rise in price in the formal housing sector be viding information on the surrounding sights; they also draw tween mid-2008 and mid-2011. In some residential are attention to other favelas. But here, too, the word ‘favela’ is Freeman avoided and the term ‘community‘ is used instead. This is again as directly bordering pacified favelas, real estate prices Jim Freeman a language-policy expression of the invisibilisation strategy. In have already doubled ( 2012). This indicates - that the pacifications will further open the door to the a personal communication shared an interesting observation with me: “I have been noticing increasingly that ‘co already flourishing speculative business. We can thus - assume that in the foreseeable future, gentrification munidade’ is starting to take on the same negative connotations as ‘favela’. People use it ironically. One middle-class acquaint will occur. Medium-income households will move from shortinho ance of mine was criticising the way favela girls dressed and formal areas into the pacified favelas; and so pressure communidade spoke disdainfully about a girl’s very tight and short ‘ due to rent increases will be intensified and will lead to - the moving out of favela residents. ’, her ‘community shorts’. A real estate agent I was interviewing went on and on about the negative effect of com 3 Kosmala munidades and views of communidades on real estate values.’ The example of the pacification programme illustrates Imas how the city of Rio uses the coming mega-events to For a completely different reading of the arts project see and (2012). achieveDIE ERDE certain · Vol. 144 policy · 2/2013 goals. And I mean neither

143 Festifavelisation: mega-events, slums and strategic city-staging – the example of Rio de Janeiro

5. References Freeman, J. -

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