INFORMATION TO USERS

This materia! was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. Wniie the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heaviiy dependent upon the quality of the original submitted.

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction.

1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity.

2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame.

3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.

4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced.

5. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received.

University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 8HR

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1311995

* BROWK, MICHAEL KEVIN DUNCAN PHYFE.

UNIVERSITY OF DELAWARE (WINTERTHUR PROGRAM I t M .A . ? 1978

University; Micrtifiirns international 300 n . z e e b r o a d , a n n a r b o r , m i 48106

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DUNCAN PHYFE

BY

Michael Kevin Brown

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture.

June., 1978

Copyright Michael Kevin Brown 1978

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DUNCAN PHYFE

BY

Michael Kevin Brown

Approved: ^ . rajruJUkE IQaMOxft______Deborah Dependahl Waters, M. A. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee

Approved: Qc LO f r & V ______Stephahie £. Wolf', Ph.D.' ' Coordij^atDf- of the Jfljjpterthur Program

" Or Approved: /[JP/Y&aA ^f / / /' l0i/^

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PREFACE

Recognition of Duncan Phyfe (1768-1854) as a major

American cabinetmaker can be dated as early as 1882, con­

current with the reacceptance of antique furniture in the

Victorian decorating scheme, and only twenty-eight years

after Phyfe*s death. The earliest reference to Phyfe is

found in the order books of Ernest Hagen (1830 - c.1908),

a New York City cabinetmaker and antiques dealer, which

record the sale of old furniture described as "Phyfe*s 1 Antique," as well as reproductions in "Phyfe*s pattern.'*

On June 15, 1886, Hagen billed Lenox Smith of 453 West 21st

Street for "1 Phyfe*s Arm Chair (antique) in XVI Century old

blue plush 5c fancy bronze nails 35.00, 1 small chair to 2 match (reproduction) 22.00." Hagen's interest in Duncan

Phyfe, along with his desire to chronicle and preserve the

history of the nineteenth-century New York cabinetmaking

profession, led him to observe, research, and record pertin­

ent data. In 1907 he transcribed his findings in what has

come to be known as Hagen's Memorandum Book (1907). Later

ill

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv

scholars have discovered discrepancies in Hagen1s commen­

tary; nevertheless, his notes have provided the basis of

our knowledge about Duncan Phyfe and have served as an

i impetus for additional study.

In the following years such distinguished authors

as Charles Over Cornelius and William MacPherson Hornor, Jr.,

published articles or made reference to Phyfe in books about

American craftsmen and furniture. Walter A.Dyer, in his book

Early American Craftsmen, entitled a chapter "The Exquisite

Furniture of Duncan Phyfe," while Thomas Hamilton Ormsbee

gave the pretentious title "Duncan Phyfe, The Great" to a

chapter in Early American Furniture Makers.^ The popularity

of furniture in the "Phyfe style" was widespread. Manufac­

turers like the Century Furniture Company of Grand Rapids,

Michigan, aware of the developing market, began to reproduce

the designs associated with the Phyfe cabinet shop for a

twentieth-century clientele.^ Simultaneously, antique fur­

niture in this style once again became exceedingly fashion­

able, and important collections were formed by Mrs. Harry

Horton Benkard, Henry Ford (who assembled more than 200

pieces), R.T. Haines Halsey, Louis Guerineau Myers, Mr. and

Mrs. Andrew Varick Stout, and Mrs. Giles Whiting. In 1938,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Henry Francis du Pont furnished a parlor from New York’s

Moses Rogers House with several pieces of fine New York

classical furniture and named the room in honor of Duncan

Phyfe. Among the furnishings in the Phyfe Room is a set

of mahogany chairs believed to be those referred to on a

bill of sale from Phyfe to the New York merchant William

Bayard (1761-1826).^ Mr. du Pont’s admiration for this

graceful set of chairs is apparent in his foreword to

Charles F. Montgomery's American Furniture: The Federal

Period;

Furniture of the Federal period has always inter­ ested me greatly. In 1929 I had the good fortune to acquire ten [twelve3 pieces of furniture made in 1807 for William Bayard of New York, together with their original bill from Duncan Phyfe. In the following year, I got the labelled desk by John Seymour & Son which is the frontispiece of this book. The Phyfe chairs and the desk pleased me especially because they were not only fine fur­ niture; they were identified."5

Phyfe-style furniture was exhibited in such major

shows of the American arts as the Metropolitan Museum's "The

Hudson-Fulton Celebration" in 1909, the Girl Scout Loan

Exhibition of 1929, in which almost fifty pieces were inclu­

ded, and in the 1934 exhibition of New York State furniture

held at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. In 1922 the Metro­

politan Museum presented "Furniture Masterpieces of Duncan

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Phyfe," an exhibition of classical furniture believed to

have been the products of Phyfe*s cabinet shop, the first

museum exhibition totally devoted to the work of a single

American cabinetmaker. In conjunction with this exhibition,

the museum published Furniture Masterpieces of Duncan Phyfe

by Charles Over Cornelius. Undoubtedly, this exhibition

stimulated decorative arts historians to study Duncan Phyfe

in even greater depth, and the number of articles published

about Phyfe and his furniture proliferated.

In 1939, Nancy McClelland (1876-1959), an interior

designer, antiquarian, and the author of four books about

historic wallpapers and colonial decorations, compiled the

considerable amount of previously written material, combined

it with information derived from her own research and pub­

lished Duncan Phyfe and the English Regency.McClelland’s

book is an admirable treatise for that time and remains the

most comprehensive study on Phyfe. However, she relied

heavily on previously published articles rather than consul­

ting the original documents. Consequently, her book contains

misinterpretations as well as information which cannot be

confirmed today. ^

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii

Since 1939, countless articles about Duncan Phyfe

have appeared in a variety of publications; without excep­

tion, these monographs have not contributed any additional

knowledge of Phyfe and have simply adapted McClelland1s

information. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to

reexamine and reevaluate the present knowledge of Duncan

Phyfe. To ' interpret more accurately Phyfefs significance

as a cabinetmaker and entrepreneur, I examined the avail­

able manuscript materials and sought out newspaper adver­

tisements, tax lists, and probate and shipping records.

Although I located, and, whenever possible, examined the

fifteen or so known pieces of signed or labelled Phyfe fur­

niture, they did not figure prominently in my study. Instead,

it is the objective of this thesis to provide a clearer under­

standing of the organisation and operation of the Phyfe cab­

inet shop and to assess Duncan Phyfe's importance and influ­

ence in the New York cabinet making trade, as well as in the

development of the taste of New York's upper class.

Recently an advanced collector of New York classical

furniture wrote: "It is obvious... that the classical furni­

ture made in New York City during the first two decades of

the nineteenth century is certainly aesthetically equal if

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. not superior to that made anywhere in the world." While

such a qualification may be overly ambitious, nevertheless.

New York classical furniture has long been of interest to

both collectors and scholars. During the course of my

research I had the good fortune to meet many of these

people, whose generosity and knowledge is reflected in this

thesis.

At the suggestion of Philip Zimmerman, a 1976

Winterthur Fellow, I began to appraise the feasability of

studying Duncan Phyfe. To my surprise;, all of the articles

published about Phyfe since Nancy McClelland’s study in

1939. simply restated what McClelland had written.

Among the many people who helped me, several indi­

viduals should be singled out. Nancy Goyne Evans offered

sound advice regarding possible resources to consult as well

as generously sharing pertinent references that she has

uncovered during the course of her thorough research. Mr.

and Mrs. John Gibbon, descendants of Duncan Phyfe were

unsparing with their knowledge, and family possessions, and

hospitality, as were other Phyfe descendants, particularly

Mrs. Margaret Cornell Flower and Mrs. Helen Whitlock York.

Mr. and Mrs. Edward Stone were most kind to me during the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. course of my research and more than once directed me to

relevant information. Stuart P. Feld, Richard Jenrette,

Ronald S. Kane, and Vernon Stoneman showed me objects of

interest in their fine collections and discussed the topic

with me, as did Jay Carey, Ronald A. DeSilva, Benjamin

Ginsburg, and Albert Sack, william N. Myhre, III and Dr.

Edward R. Lehman generously accomodated my pursuit of

Phyfe memorabilia.

Without the assistance of numerous individuals and

institutions much important information might not have been

located; among them are: William Asadorian, Mary C. Black,

The New York Historical Society; Roderick Blackburn and

Norman Rice, Albany Institute of History and Art; Marilyn

Johnson Bordes, David Keihl, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Jonathan Fairbanks, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Donald L.

Fennimore, Elizabeth H. Hill, Charles F. Hummel,. Karol

Schmiegel, John A.H. Sweeney, Beatrice Taylor, Eleanor

McDowell Thompson, The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur

Museum; Cheryl Gold, Clermont, New York State Historic

Trust; Dr. Leo Herschkowitz, Queens College; Frank L.

Horton and Carolyn J. Weekley, Museum of Early Southern

Decorative Arts; Brock Jobe, Colonial Williamsburg; Betty

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. X

Bright Low, Maureen O'Brien Quimby, Hagley Museum? Betty

Monkman, The White House; Charles F. Montgomery, The

Garvan and Related Collections of American Art, Yale

University: Howard B= Rock, Florida International Univer­

sity; Margaret Sterns, The Museum of the City of New York;

and staff members at the National Archives, New York Public

Library and the New York Society Library.

Suzanne C. Hamilton, my parents and other members of

my family took an active interest in my research and helped

me to maintain good spirits throughout.

Suggested changes were made to the thesis by Jean

Taylor Federico and Dr. Stephanie G. Wolf. Margaret Hassert

untiringly read and reread the manuscript, moulding it into

its final form. Christina Corsiglia carefully checked the

manuscript and did a splendid job of typing.

A special debt of gratitude is owed to Mrs. Joyce

Longworth, her mother, Mrs. Francis Kettaneh and their fam­

ily. Without their generosity and hospitality the research

for this thesis could not have been undertaken.

Lastly, I would like to thank my advisor, Mrs.

Deborah Dependahl Waters, whose knowledge and recommendations

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. were able to direct me to the necessary materials and ind

viduals. Her criticisms, suggestions, and high standards

have made this project an invaluable experience for me.

her I owe a special thanks.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. FOOTNOTES: PREFACE

-‘-Ernest Hagen Order Books, 1880-1886, MSS, New- York Historical Society, New York, New York. 2 Hagen Order Book, June 15, 1886, MSS, New York Hict-orical Society, New York, New York.

^Memorandum of Phyfe by the Cabinetmaker Ernest Hagen, 1907, MS, 75 x 80.38, The Joseph Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection (hereafter cited as DMMC), The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum (hereafter cited as Winterthur), Winterthur, Delaware.

^Elizabeth A. Ingerman, ’’Personal Experiences of an Old New York Cabinetmaker, " Antiques, 84, No. 4 (1963), pp. 576-580. Clare Vincent, ’’John Henry Belter: Manufacturer of All Kinds .of Fine Furniture," Winterthur Conference Report, 1973: Technological Innovation and the Decorative Arts, (1974), d . 230.

^Charles Over Cornelius, Furniture Masterpieces of Duncan Phyfe, (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Page, and Company for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1922). William MacPherson Hornor, Jr., "A New Estimation of Duncan Phyfe," The Antiquarian, March, 1930, pp. 37-40, 96. Walter A. Dyer, Early American Craftsmen, (New York: Century Company, 1915), pp. 43-69. Thomas Hamilton Ormsbee, Early American Furniture Makers, (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1930).

^Furniture, Century Furniture Company (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1926).

xii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xiii

^Charles F. Montgomery, American Furniture: The Federal Period, (New York: Viking Press, 1966), pp. 118-121.

®Ibid_., p . 6.

Q ■'Charles Over Cornelius, op. cit.

^®Nancy V. McClelland, Duncan Phyfe and the English Regency, 1795-1830, (New York: W.R. Scott, Inc., 1939). 11 The notes compiled by Nancy McClelland are not known to have survived. Mary E, Dunn, President, Nancy McClelland, Inc., correspondence, August 11, 1976.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

PREFACE ...... iii

Chapter I. DUNCAN PHYFErS CAREER ...... 1

II. THE IMPORTANCE OF DUNCAN PHYFE. . . . 63

ILLUSTRATION - Nos. 168-172 Fulton Street, New York 71

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 72

APPENDIX

List of Bills and Receipts from Duncan Phyfe's Cabinet Shop . . 84

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Watercolor of Numbers 168, 170, and 172 Fulton Street, New York City, showing the shop and warehouse of Duncan Phyfe,5 , 71

xv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I: DUNCAN PHYFE'S CAREER

During the first quarter of the nineteenth century,

New York City was emerging as the American center of com­

merce and finance. The city's unparalleled natural harbor,

the steamboat system operating on Long Island Sound and the

Hudson and Raritan Rivers, the formation of the Black Ball

Line and other New York based packet boat lines, the link

to western sources and markets provided by the Erie Canal,

and the development of southern trade placed New York in an

exceptional position to conduct both domestic and foreign

commerce. An energetic spirit of business was apparent--one

which was reflected in the swift growth of the city's pop­

ulation from 60,000 in 1800, to 96,000 (surpassing Philadel­

phia) in 1810, to 123,000 in 1820.1

As a result of this rapid development and a concom­

itant growth in wealth, elegant new houses began to be con­

structed and furnished with the most fashionable products of

New York's ever-growing cabinetmaking industry. The furni­

ture produced in the city during this period attained a high

standard of quality, one which prompted Henry Bradshaw

Fearon, an Englishman who visited America in 1818, to com­

ment: "I would remark that the cabinetwork executed in this

1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. city is light and elegant, superior indeed, I am inclined 2 to believe, to English workmanship.'

The 1SG5 edition of Longworth; s American Almanack,

listed sixty-six cabinetmakers, nineteen chairmakers, fif­

teen carvers and gilders, and nine joiners working in the

city. Regarding the cabinet industry, Longworth noted that:

This curious and useful mechanical art, is brought to a very great perfection in this city. Furniture daily offered for sale, equals in point of elegance, any imported from Europe, and is scarcely equalled in any other city of A m e r i c a . ^

Although Longworth's opinion may be somewhat biased, cer­

tainly highly-skilled craftsmen were attracted by the

opportunities available in New York, as evidenced by the

fact that between 1795 and 1825 more than one thousand

cabinetmakers are known to have been working in the city.^

In 1789 Duncan Phyfe was twenty-one years old and

presumably had completed his apprenticeship. Although his

mother and younger brothers were living in Albany, Phyfe

was prompted to work in New York City.^ The earliest real

evidence of Phyfe's presence in Mew York is dated 1792,

when he became a member of the General Society of Mechanics

and Tradesmen of the City of New Y ork.^ This benevolent

society, which received its charter from the State Legislature

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 in 1792, was formed to assist members, in sickness or in

the event of death, to help provide for the deceased's widow

and children. Later amendments to the charter established

a school for the children of poor or deceased members and

an apprentices' library (1821), while a new charter in 1883

included the dissemination of literary and scientific knowl­

edge among the society's goals.

Whether Phyfe had previously been working in New

York or had just moved there from Albany is not known. The

New York Directory and Register, for 1793, recorded that

"Duncan Fife", a joiner, had established his shop at 2

Broad Street.^ As a joiner the young Phyfe was probably

supplementing his cabinetwork by assisting with the construc­

tion and finishing of buildings, until he could establish a

clientele that could wholly support a cabinetmaking shop.

By 1794, the directory records that he had changed the spel­

ling of his surname, moved his shop across the street to 3 Q Broad Street and now called himself a cabinetmaker. The

following year Phyfe moved the location of his shop to 35

Partition (now Fulton) Street. The Fulton Street address was

an excellent location, not far from the elegant new city hall

designed by Francois Mangin and John McComb and St. Paul's

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4

Episcopal Church, and near the shops of other cabinetmakers

and related craftsmen. Here Phyfe conducted his business

until his retirement in 1847 and continued to reside until

his death seven years later.

By the time that Phyfe had relocated his business

on Partition Street, if not before, he was probably no

longer working alone; he had undoubtedly taken on an appren- a tice as well as a journeyman. Many boys must have worked

for Phyfe as apprentices during his fifty-five years as a

cabinetmaker, but only three have been identified: William

Brown, Jr., Beverly March, and David Van Tassel. William

Brown apprenticed his son William Jr., to Phyfe on July 28,

1802, for a term of four years and nineteen days, until he

reached age twenty-one. The agreement stated that:

The said Master shall use the utmost of his endea­ vours to teach, or cause to be taught or instructed the said Apprentice, in the trade or mystery of a Cabinet Maker And procure and provide for him suf­ ficient meat, drink, washing and lodging.-*-®

The other two apprentices1 names are found in advertisements

Phyfe placed for run-away apprentices. On October 2, 1809,

he advertised a five-dollar reward in the New York Evening

Post for the return of Beverly Marsh, a twenty-year-old

apprentice. Less than two years later, he offered a six-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5

cent reward for the return of a second apprentice, David Van

Tassel. 11

In addition to the apprentices working in Phyfe*s

shop, there were undoubtedly several journeymen employed.

The journeymen had completed their apprenticeships but

usually lacked the funds to establish their own shops.

Instead, they would work on a piecework basis, for wages,

or both in the shop of a master craftsman, hoping eventually

to accrue the necessary funds to work independently. In 1802.

a group of master craftsmen claimed that the journeyman could

earn between twelve and fourteen shillings a day; however,

Charles Montgomery's research has indicated that between 1795

and 1810 the average journeyman*s wages were approximately

seven shillings, six pence - the equivalent of a dollar a

day.j 12

Although no records showing the division of labor

and the organization of the Phyfe cabinetshop are known to

survive, there is no reason to doubt that the usual piece­

work system was followed. Under such a system, journeymen

who excelled in specific skills, such as chairmaking, inlay-

making, carving, or gilding, usually practiced just that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6

particular skill, thereby insuring the most competent

craftsmanship available. The advantages of such special­

ization are implied in an 1813 letter from the New York

merchant Anthony Girard to Victor du Pont at Wilmington.

Du Pont had asked Girard to obtain a work table from

Duncan Phyfe as a present for his niece, Victorine du

Pont, at the time of her marriage to Ferdinand Bauduy:

"I think that the little work table should be finished by

now. Phyfe wanted it to be made by one of his workmen who

best understands this kind of work."^ Girard's reference

to a specific kind of work is probably in regard to the

inlay or the tambour encircling the cabinet of the table

presumed to be the piece referred to by Girard.

Some of the workmen employed by Phyfe may have

lived in buildings that he owned as a part of their remuner­

ation. By 1822, in addition to his residence, the sales and

show rooms, and the cabinet shop, Phyfe also owned as many

as six other buildings on Fulton Street, as well as struc­

tures on Vesey, Dey, and Reed Streets. The city tax acces­

sor's records indicate that these structures were principally

used as rental properties for either residences or small

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7

businesses. Although the majority of Phyfe*s tenants

worked in professions unrelated to the furniture trade,

some were employed in related occupations: Asa Butman, who

resided at 97 Reed Street in 1820, was employed as a chair-

maker and varnisher; L. Peter Clover, a gilder and carver,

lived at 180 Fulton Street during the years 1828-1835;

Gabriel P. Gratacap, an upholsterer, rented 197 Fulton

Street between 1839 and 1843; and William Stackhouse, a

chairmaker, lived at 31 Fulton Street in 1810.

In addition to the apprentices and journeymen

employed by Phyfe, several members of his family worked as

cabinetmakers, or in related activities, and possibly were

affiliated with the operation of the cabinet shop. Such

a relationship must have broadened the extent of a business

network and thereby increased the quantity of work for the

various individuals and their businesses. Phyfe's younger

brother James (1769-1817) worked in the shop in some capa­

city, perhaps as an agent or clerk; his signature appears

on a receipt to a Mr. Talbot, dated April 11, 1807.^ How­

ever, the extent of James Phyfe's association with his broth­

er's business is not certain, since the Talbot receipt is the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8

only known evidence of his presence in the shop.

Laughlin Fhyfe (1773-1869), the youngest of Phyfe’s

brothers, is known to have been a cabinetmaker. The

Baltimore city directories for 1807 and 1808 list him as a

cabinetmaker at the 37 South Gay Street cabinet shop of 16 Robert Fisher. Furthermore, Laughlin Phyfe’s signature

appears with those of "the heads of fifteen firms" in an

1807 petition to Baltimore's mayor and city council, request­

ing that a person familiar with the manufacture of mahogany

be appointed as an inspector of the foreign woods imported

for the cabinetmakers' use.^ Laughlin is next recorded in

the Federal census of 1850 as a cabinetmaker, living at the

farm of James Coles in Westfield, New Jersey. His where­

abouts after 1850 are not known.

Although there is no evidence that Laughlin Phyfe

ever worked in his brother's cabinet shop, the possibility

exists that at sometime before 1807 or the interim between

1808 and 1850 he worked for his brother, moving to Westfield

after the Phyfe cabinet shop closed in 1847. Included in

Duncan Phyfe’s will is a provision for an annual bequest of

$420 to his only surviving sibling, Laughlin. Such a bequest

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. may have been made for a variety of reasons, possibly as an

appreciative gesture for Laughlin’s services in the cabinet

Shopu .18

At least two of Duncan Phyfe’s four sons are known

to have worked in their father's cabinet shop. William

Phyfe (1799 - ?) can first be associated with the shop in

1825, when his signature, as a representative for his father,

appears on a receipt to George Newbold:

George Newbold Esq- 1825 To D Phyfe Dr June 14th To Bookcase -_------22.00 1826 May 6 Pair Bason Stands---- — 15.00 Mar 13 Mending Dining table 1.50 29 Book Shelves------3.50 Decrll Pair Pillows------10.00 52.00 Rec Payment D:Phyfe per W® Phyfe 1°

In 1837, William Phyfe and his brother James D. Phyfe (1797-

?) became partners in their father’s business, which was 20 renamed Messrs. D. Phyfe & Sons. When William Phyfe left

the business in 1840. the partnership was dissolved, and the 21 firm was renamed D. Phyfe & Son. Between 1841 and 1843

William Phyfe was listed as a turpentine dealer in the city

directories; the 1842-1843 directory lists the partnership

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. i n IV/

of William and an unidentified man named Williams. The 1850

Federal Census lists William Phyfe as a "Foreman” living at

Stamford, Connecticut, which is also recorded as his resi- 22 dence in an 1853 legal transaction.

James D. Phyfe remained in partnership with his

father until 'the business was terminated in 1847 and, with

his wife, continued to reside at his father's house at 193

Fulton Street. His older brother, Edward, is not known to

have been affiliated with the cabinet shop, although he 25 also was living at 193 Fulton Street in 1850.

The youngest of Duncan Phyfe's four sons, Michael,

is listed as a cabinetmaker between 1817 and 1828.^ There

is no evidence of his participation in his father's business.

However, between 1819 and 1822 he was living at one of his 25 father's properties, 38 Dey Street. In 1828, Michael

Phyfe entered into a two-year partnership with John Turnbull 26 in a mahogany and lumber yard at 33 Harison ^sic"} Street.

Turnbull and Michael Phyfe did lease some property of which

a section adjacent to the Harison Street lumber yard was

leased to Duncan Phyfe; however, there is no evidence that

Phyfe purchased lumber through his son, although the like­

lihood exists.^

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. cabinetmaking and related trades, several of his nephews,

the sons of his brother John (1765-1827), a grocer, also

found employment in trades related to cabinetmaking.

John Phyfe, Jr., (1798 - ?) was an ivory turner.

An 1863 reference states that he was apprenticed to James

Ruthven & Son, "the great ivory and hardwood turners of 28 their day (1801)." A day book surviving from the Ruthven

shop notes some transactions with New York cabinetmakers,

including William Dove, Charles-Honore Lannuier, and an 29 unidentified member of the Burling family. Although the

Ruthven day book does not record many transactions for turn­

ing furniture legs, certainly the possibility exists that

the typical New York reeded turnings found on classical

furniture may have been either the product of the Ruthven

shop or of individuals who had served their apprenticeships

there.

John's younger brother, James Phyfe (1800 - ?), in

1821 was recorded working as a carver at 30 Barclay Street,

where his brother worked as a turner and their father oper- 30 ated a grocery store. Three years later, James and

another brother William (1803-1843) formed a partnership

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J. & W.F. Phyfe, upholsterers, at 34 Maiden Lane.^ Follow=

ing William's death, James continued the operation of the

shop.

Two other brothers, Robert (1805 - ?) and George

(1812 - ?) were later affiliated with the Maiden Lane

upholstery shop, which then became known as Phyfe & Brothers

J. & W.F. Phyfe imported paper hangings and upholstery trim­

mings and provided hair and feather beds, among other goods, 32 for their clients.

Yet another brother, Isaac M. Phyfe (1796 - ?)

practiced a diversity of skills related to the cabinetmaking

profession. Longworth's 1822-1823 New York directory lists

Isaac as a pianoforte maker at 100 Chapel Street. He next

appears in the 1829-1830 directory as a piano maker, now at 33 215 Mulberry Street.''"' The next edition of the directory

indicates that Isaac had changed both his address and pro-

Q/ fession; he is listed as a paperhanger at Tyron Row.

Between 1833 and 1840, the city directories refer to Isaac

as an upholsterer, although he is never listed as working 35 at his brothers’ Maiden Lane shop. The latest directory

listings for Isaac M.. Phyfe occur in the 1841-1843 direc­

tories, which refer to him as a ’’U.S. inspector" or "U.S.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13

Measurer.”36

It is likely that Isaac M. Phyfe, like his brothers,

sold both fabrics and paperhangings, since he is referred

to in the directories at various times as an upholsterer

and paperhanger. Upholsterers not only provided materials

for furniture coverings, but also supplied fabrics for bed

and window hangings, as well as wall coverings, as this

typical advertisement indicates:

Amos Broad, Wholesale and Retail Upholstery Warehouse, no. 46 Maiden-lane, offers for sale...Sheets and Counterpanes, Dimities and Furniture; Fringes, Bindings, Cords and Tassels for bed and windows; An elegant assort­ ment of English, French, India and American Paper Hangings; Curtains and Carpets made on the shortest notice, and in the most modern style ^

With so many members of the Phyfe family employed

in professions related to home-furnishing, it would have

been likely for Duncan Phyfe to obtain turnings or have

upholstery work done by his nephews, if it was not being

done in his own shop. Furthermore, the lumber yard operated

by John Turnbull and Michael Phyfe would have been a suit- 38 able source for much of the wood Phyfe needed.

Mahogany was by far the most popular and widely

used cabinetwood during the first half of the nineteenth

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14

century. The wood was shipped into the city along with

cargoes of wine, coconuts, coffee beans, and other goods

from Honduras and St, Domingo, Newspapers continually

carried advertisements notifying craftsmen of the arrival

of new shipments of wood:

14,000 feet of first quality St. Domingo Mahogany, also a large quantity of Plank and Boards, well- seasoned, fit for cabinet work and stair casing. All orders from the country will be punctually attended to. Enquire of

Charles White 234 Greenwich-St.

Phyfe's specific sources of mahogany are not known,

but it was available to him through a wide variety of sources.

Mahogany yards, such as the one operated by John Turnbull

and Michael Phyfe were the principal source for the wood.

According to Henry Fearon:

Mahogany yards (in New York) are generally separ­ ate concerns... Honduras Mahogany is five-pence halfpenny to seven-pence farthing the superficial foot; and St. Domingo, nine-pence three farthing to seventeen-pence half penny. Mahogany is used for cupboards, doors, and bannisters, and for all kinds of cabinet work...Veneer is in general in demand, and is cut by machinery. Chests of drawers are chiefly made of St. Domingo mahogany... shaded veneer and curl maple are also used for this purpose.40

Mahogany could also be acquired directly from the traders

and ship captains who brought it to the city. Advertisements

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15

placed by such men were frequently printed in the news­

papers .

Cabinetmakers often acted as suppliers of mahogany

and other woods.^ In New York, Charles Watts, who was

actively engaged in the cabinetmaking trade, imported

hundreds of feet of wood which he vended to Charleston and

New York cabinetmakers.^ Another New York cabinetmaker,

Fenwick Lyell, also was a supplier of wood.^ Although

Duncan Phyfe is recorded among the clientele of both of

these cabinetmakers, his purchases were of hardware and

furniture rather than wood. Apparently Phyfe*s supplies

of mahogany were plentiful enough that he himself exported

mahogany to southern markets.^

The earliest reference made by Phyfe to his use of

mahogany is on an 1807 bill to William Bayard: "To 28

Mahogany Chairs 1 2 ~ -- 350-00," although he was cer­

tainly using mahogany well before that date.^ Not all of

the furniture listed on Phyfe*s bills would have been made

of richly grained mahogany. In addition to high-style

pieces supplied for the major rooms, shops such as Phyfe*s

also produced furniture for the lesser rooms in the house.

Mr. Talbot was charged $1 for a pine table in 1807, and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16

Thomas Masters paid $2.25 for a pine table in 1810.^

As Phyfe bills rarely describe furniture sold beyond

listing the forms, the 1847 catalogue advertising the dis­

persal of the contents of Phyfe1s salesrooms is helpful. ^

The catalogue reveals that for high-style furniture, mahog­

any was still the most popular cabinetwood. However, in

addition to mahogany, the catalogue refers to the use of

rosewood, maple, curled maple, amboyna, satinwood, and zebra-

wood; furthermore, imitation mahogany and rosewood and "oak-

colored" woods were also offered as a cheaper alternative

to the actual wood.

For brasses and hardware, surviving documentation

indicates that Phyfe dealt with a number of individuals.

The Watts account books reveal that he made several sub­

stantial purchases of cabinet hardware during the years 1808-

1811. Charles Watts imported large quantities of hardware

from Great Britain and marketed them to cabinetmakers, uphol­

sterers, coachmakers, and carpenters, as well as to other

tradesmen in Charleston and New York. Watts1 a accounts

specify selling hardware to many of Phyfe's competitors,

including Michael Allison, Elbert Anderson, Jacob Brower,

William Burling, John T. Dolan, William Dove, and William

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17

Mandeville.^

The quantities of hardware that Phyfe was purchas­

ing from Watts suggest the volume of production from the

Phyfe cabinet shop was greater than that of most other

cabinetmakers:

1808 Mr. IlB. Fyfe Cabinetmaker pr New York July 14th 12-doz- table hinge:s £|jincn 10/6 15.75 11 12-do do 1 5/8 do 144 cents 17.28 11 No.9 12-Gro= 5/8 Screws - @ 46/100 3/8 5.52 U #10 14-do-J; inch do @ 44/100 6.10 2/11 #8 12 do-% do do 4.44 ® 3^ 8 ° #11 10-d°- 5/8do do @ 48 100 4.80 j., ~ 10 do 6/4 do do @ 7M ? 8 7.90 do- #12-6 Gro - 1 3/4do 98 100 5.88 #6-12 do % In do ® life 3.75 #7-6 do Inch do @3/7 2.70 45/100 3 6 #7-12 do - 7/8 do @ 44/100 5.28 (ct 6/- #18 12 do - 1% do ^ 75 100 9 __ --- 2 doz = circle bitt 12 key locks $5 10.00 49

Frequent accountings show that Phyfe, like other

craftsmen, often settled his debt to Watts in both money

and furniture:

1808 July 25 By bedstead 20 tea table 18___ 38.00 " 29th Secretary & bookcase 80.00 make foot board for beda____ 2.50

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18

Augt 2d 2 circles with glass 27 2 stands 6___ 33.00 ” 6th Chest drawers $23 chamber table 5___ JZ8.00 Octr 25 By Cash ______263.83 181.50 82.33 50

The latter procedure allowed Phyfe to dispose of an over­

stock advantageously.

Andrew Thorp also supplied Phyfe with cabinet hard­

ware. A work table which belonged to Phyfe's daughter,

Eliza Vail, has a caster marked "A.THORP."51 Thorp was

first listed at 36 Fulton Street in the 1822-1823 city

directory but moved frequently during his thirty-five . . . 52 years m business.

During the fifty-five years that the Phyfe cabinet

shop was in operation, not only was new furniture varnished

and finished, but old pieces were redone. In 1815, James

L. Brinckerhoff, a New York merchant, was billed for "re­

moving & varnishing 12 chairs $7.50" and "Removing & varnish- 53 ing sofa 2. a variety of varnishes and finishes must

have been used. Rarely do specific references survive; how­

ever, in 1840 the Alexandria Gazette and Virginia Advertiser

carried an advertisement for P.B, Smith & Co. Varnish Manu­

facturers and Dealers at 139 Maiden Lane, New York. Listed in

the advertisement were several firms and individuals endorsing

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19

P.B. Smith & Co. Varnish with "Duncan Phyfe, Cabinet Manu.

N e w - Y o r k . h e a d i n g the list. Others included "Nunns 6c

Clark, Piano-forte Manu. New-York, Chickering 5c Co, Piano­

forte Manu. Boston, Mass," "John Needles, Cabinet Manu.

Baltimore," as well as a variety of sofa, chair, and car­

riage manufacturers from Richmond to St. Louis.^

Following the termination of Duncan Phyfe 5c Sons,

William Phyfe became a turpentine dealer, while his father

and brother James D . Phyfe consolidated as D . Phyfe 6c Son.

The possibility exists that Phyfe patronized his son and

former partner in his new business venture.

As in the case of varnishes, transactions concerning

upholstery were rarely recorded. Duncan Phyfe1s nephews—

James, William, Robert, George, and Isaac M. Phyfe— were up­

holsterers and could have acted as suppliers to their uncle's

cabinet shop. Surviving receipts and bills indicate that

Phyfe's shop did undertake a variety of jobs which involved

upholstery work. James Brinckerhoff1s 1815-1816 bill inclu­

ded charges for "Covering foot stool...1.50," "Covering Piano

Stool.. .3.00," and "Making 2 Easy Chair Covers 6c Binding...

12 In 1823 and 1826 George Newbold was charged for

"Covering Sofa...$12--," and for a "Pair Pillows...$10__

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20

Lawrence Ackerman, who operated an upholstery shop

in New York between 1808 and 1837, also covered furniture

made by Phyfe. An upholstered easy chair, presently in the

White House collection, bears an inscription which testifies

to this relationship: "For Mr. Van Rensselaer/ Stuffed by L.

Ackerman 1811 New York/ L. Ackerman October 18, 1811/ This

frame made by D. Phyfe." Whether Mr. Van Rensselaer pur­

chased this chair from Phyfe's cabinet shop or from Lawrence

Ackerman is not known. Upholsterers often acquired sofa and

chair frames which they would complete and sell themselves.

Amos Broad's Wholesale and Retail Upholstery Warehouse adver­

tised that he had on hand: "6 setts of large Mahogany Dining

Tables; A Few Elegant Bedsteads; a handsome assortment of

Drawing Room Chairs & Sofas, 200 setts of India Blinds, Easy

Chairs and Bed Chairs...

Interactions between craftsmen, although rarely doc­

umented, were not uncommon. Fenwick Lyell, a cabinetmaker

who worked in New York City and Middletown, New Jersey, recor­

ded in his account book two such transactions involving Phyfe.

On March 23, 1802, he billed John J. Post, an upholsterer,

"To 1 Easy Chair Frame...3..0..0" and "To Putting Casters on

1 Easy Chair Frame Mr. Phyfe's Make 0..8 .6 ."53 in the latter

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21

instance, at least three craftsmen worked on the same piece

of furniture: the chair frame was produced in Phyfe’s shop,

Lyell added the casters, and the upholstery was probably

done by Post, who presumably vended the finished chair.

Lyell’s accounts also contain two references sug­

gesting that when Phyfe had difficulty completing an order,

he commissioned another craftsman to produce the required

object for him:

1805 May 3 To Sopha frames 13..12..0 " Cash on Account 16.. Q..0 i o n May 28 " 1 Large Pine table 3 xu • • u 1809 January 25 To 1 Pair Knife Cases Veneers found 16.. 0..0 47..10..0 59

The reference "Veneers found" indicates that Phyfe supplied

Lyell with the veneers used on the knife cases. Knife

cases must have been one of Lyell's most successful products

as evidenced by his advertisement in the New York Gazette

and General Advertiser of June 19, 1802:

N.B. Any persons wishing to be furnished with knife cases, of a superior quality made after any fashion, to contain any number of knives, forks, and spoons, or any other furniture in the cabinet line will please to call at above."

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22

Besides his transactions with other craftsmen, Phyfe

also had an agreement with George I. Newberry, a New York

merchant, to display Newberry's imported London goods. A

series of at least five advertisements appeared in the New

York Evening Post between November 1817 and February 1819

announcing that Newberry's commodities could be examined at

/* D. Phyfe1s, Fulton Street.DU The merchandise included a

variety of objects such as embossed leather and velvet to

cover table and piano tops or to be used for bell pulls, for

dress borders, and for parts of doors as a means to stop

drafts. Newberry also advertised pianos manufactured by W.

Dettmer and Sons of London, metronomes, and sheet music, all

of xyhich could be examined at Phyfe's showrooms.^

In addition to displaying Newberry's merchandise,

Phyfe also offered ready-made furniture produced in his cab­

inet shop and on exhibit in the showrooms. An aquarelle

(c.1816), which has descended in the Phyfe family and is

now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art,

depicts the Phyfe shops and includes a detail of two women

examining a pair of lyre-back chairs, while a salesman shows

them an occasional table with a tilt-top. Anthony Girard

refers to this non-commissioned furniture in his letter

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23

dated October 16, 1813, to Victor du Pont. Girard, attempt-

ing to obtain the work table previously mentioned as a wed­

ding gift for Victorine du Pont, suggests that the ready­

made furniture sold quickly: "Phyfe, whom I saw yesterday,

had on hand only a little chiffonier, but the price exceeds

by far my limit. Those which I and Mrs. Cruger had in mind

have been sold.,,v^

To dispose of an excess or outdated stock, cabinet­

makers could sell their goods through public auction. Robert

Kelly, whose cabinet shop was located on Fulton Street not

far from Phyfe1s, advertised an auction of his wares in the

November 5, 1819, issue of the New York Evening Post:

ELEGANT CABINET FURNITURE., Robert Kelly offers to sell at public auction on Thursday the 11 inst at 10 o'clock, A.M. a general assortment of cabinet furniture, at his cab­ inet warehouse, 164 Fulton St, viz: cradles, bedsteads, dining tables, single 6c in sets, tea 6c card tables, plain and with pillars, 6c claws, sideboards, secretaries, bookcases, bureaus, wardrobes, toilets, candle and work stands, which he warrants to be manufactured of the best materials and workmanship, such as to stand the southern climate. His friends and customers are assured that they will be well supplied and are invited to attend the sale.

The New York auction system was highly organized, principally

for. the disposal of imported goods. For domestic goods, the

auction system offered a means for the manufacturer to market

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24

excess products, even though the prices were usually well

below the retail prices. Although Phyfe is not known to

have disposed of excess stock through auction, he did employ

such a method to close his cabinet warehouse in 1847.

Exportation provided another outlet for non-commis­

sioned furniture. The New York City newspapers consistently

carried ship’s captains’ advertisements offering to consign

articles for export to southern ports. As early as the

1750s, New York craftsmen found it profitable to export

their furniture south. By the second decade of the eigh­

teenth century, cabinetwares were shipped to Savannah,

Georgia; Charleston, South Carolina; Edenton, Fayetteville,

New Bern, Raleigh, and Wilmington, North Carolina; Hampton,

Lynchburg, Norfolk, and Richmond, Virginia; and Annapolis,

Maryland.^

The New York furniture shipped to southern ports

represented one component of the "cotton triangle." During

the earliest years of the nineteenth century, the production

and exportation of cotton steadily increased because of the

efficiency of Eli Whitney's newly invented cotton gin.

Aware of the significance of the trade that was developing

between the southern ports and Europe, New York was able to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. become a third sector of this lucrative trade pattern by

1820. The financial backing by New Yorkers of southern

commerce enabled New York investors to gain control of

the southern cotton market. The profitable trade pattern

that evolved eliminated direct contact between the south­

ern and European ports. The cotton was shipped to New

York and there placed upon boats headed for Europe that

had disposed of their cargoes in New York. In turn, these

European goods, as well as those from New York were dis­

persed to other sections of the country through the packet

boat lines and the canal systems.

The New York cabinetmakers benefited from this

direct trade with the prosperous southern states. Crafts­

men's advertisements frequently referred to special prices

and advantages that they offered their southern clientele.

Robert Kelly's auction advertisement in the New York Evening

Post November 5, 1819, specified that: "he warrants (his

furniture) to be manufactured of the best materials, and

the workmanship, such as to stand the Southern climate."

Duncan Phyfe like his competitors, must have found the

export business lucrative, although the extent of his par­

ticipation is uncertain.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26

The furniture that Phyfe prepared for export was

probably the principal, if not only, instance in which he

labelled his furniture. This inference is supported by the

fact that all of the labelled Phyfe furniture was first

f i l L discovered outside New York City. Without exception, the

labelled examples are all of middling design and execution,

causing one to question whether Phyfe was actually the out­

standing craftsman that he has always been reputed to be.

However, Phyfe probably intended to use his label as an

advertisement on pieces of noncommissioned furniture inten­

ded for export. This class of furniture, since it was not

made for a specific customer, was not considered Phyfe!s

finest production. Furthermore, it was not necessary to

label furniture marketed in New York, where Phyfe's reputa­

tion was already firmly established. By labelling his fur­

niture, Phyfe could also protect his own products from being

considered the work of other craftsmen. Elijah Sanderson,

a Salem, Massachusetts, cabinetmaker, not only branded his

initials on the backs of his own work but instructed

Jeremiah Briggs, a ship's master, "to sell mine by itself -

not to mix it in a bargain with others.',fc,5 Several ship­

ments of furniture and lumber consigned by Phyfe to indivi­

duals and merchants in Savannah between 1817 and 1822 are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. currently known.

Besides providing export pieces to southern ports,

Phyfe also shipped furniture to the West Indies: Lady

Elizabeth Heyliger of St. Croix had her agent, William

Rogers, procure a dining table from Phyfe in January 1810.^

Larger quantities of Phyfe1s furniture were shipped to

Deville and Rezeville at Pointe a Pitre, Guadeloupe, through

Victor du Pont de Nemours & Co.'s commission house in New

York; Deville noted the popularity of Phyfe's furniture:

My little beds have sold wonderfully, so much so that I have not been able to keep a single one for myself....Go to Phyfe in Partition Street and order 12 beds made exactly like mine, only 6 in. and 9 in. wider; also some pretty chests of drawers; but above all no inlay, they don't like it here.^8

The pecuniary success of his export trade must have

persuaded Phyfe to place an agent, J.W. Morrell, in Savannah.

Only two references to Morrell's business activities on

Phyfe's behalf are known. The first, an advertisement in

the January 4, 1822, issue of the Savannah Museum, announced

the commencement of his business, listed his stock, and

noted that he had also brought a workman to repair and var­

nish furniture. Five months later, Morrell advertised:

J.W. Morrell will close his business for the season on the 25th inst. Those wishing to supply thenselves

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28

with furniture of every description, and curled hair matrasses— will have an opportunity of fur­ nishing themselves previous to that time.

N.B. Orders will be received for furniture of the newest fashions made by B. Phife of New York on accomodating terms--delivered per the summer months or will be brought out on my return in October.

J.W. Morrell ^

By locating his own agent in Savannah, Phyfe did not have

to rely on the judgment of a ship captain to transport and

market his furniture; instead, he could exert control by

having his agent supervise the transfer and disposition of

his goods.

Although J.W. Morrell must have principally sold

non-commissioned furniture, Morrell and Phyfe, like other

craftsmen, would produce furniture to suit a customer's

specifications. Price books provided a detailed list of

piecework rates covering all phases of a journeyman’s pro­

duction. Published in New York as early as 1796, the books

supplied descriptions of the newest styles in addition to

approximations of the cost of production, with some illus­

trations. The books were divided into categories of form

and then broken down further, describing specific elements,

allowing the customer to specify and thereby determine the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29

appearance and cost of a particular piece. Usually, the

price listed in the book was the amount that the journeyman

was paid for the finished piece, the master cabinetmaker

receiving approximately twice that figure for the retail sale.

Since none of Duncan Phyfe's account books are known

to survive, it has only been possible to reconstruct his

activities and production through approximately thirty known

bills of sale and the catalogue for the 1847 auction, listing

the showrooms1 contents. Most of the references to furniture

are in rather broad and general descriptions, usually just

recording the name of the form. Although these documents

supply a variety of pertinent information, they also present

a distorted picture of the production of Phyfe's shop. Of

the thirty extant bills, twenty-seven represent approximately

sixty percent of Phyfe's career, the years 1801 through 1829.

Only one receipt survives from the period 1792-1800, and

just two represent the years 1830-1847. Therefore, while

the forms can be discussed, the surviving records cannot

present a comprehensive view of his total output. The fol­

lowing discussion of forms suggests the types produced in

chronological order as they appear on the bills and by the

variations in cost. It will include references to bedsteads,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30

chairs, sofas and couches, stands, tables, sideboards,

bureaus, desks, and specialized forms of furniture.

The earliest reference to the production of a bed­

stead occurs on Mr. Morewood's bill of 1802: "to find bead- —* ^ stead sic 6..0..0.,,/VJ Descriptions from additional bills

and from the 1847 auction catalogue refer to "canapee,"

"French," and "tronnel" beds, a cradle, and a "child's

mahogany Crib cane sides."

Phyfe*s 1820 label indicates that, in addition to

producing bed frames, he supplied his clientele with the

appropriate accoutrements for their beds: "D. PHYFE'S/

CABINET WAREHOUSE/ no. 170 Fulton-Street,/ New-York/ N.B.

Curled Hair Matrasses, Chair and/Sofa Cushions./ August, 71 1820." Since upholstery work could also be obtained from

Phyfe, it is possible that he supplied bed hangings as well.

Two mahogany beds which can be attributed to Phyfe's

shop are known. The earliest, a French bed with ormolu mounts,

is believed to be the one referred to on an 1812-1813 bill

to Montgomery Livingston: "1812 Oct 12 Bedstead 25— .

The other bed, quite different in design, is high-posted,

with carved paw feet, beautifully inset arabesque panels

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31

of crotch mahogany, ormolu mounts, and posts with carved

acanthus leaves and rope turnings. The bed's high quality

of craftsmanship and its provenance, first belonging to

Fnyfe's daughter, Eliza Vail, and descending in her family

until 1974, strengthen the attribution.^3

Surprisingly, the earliest reference to chairs, a

form frequently produced, appears on William Bayard's bill

dated 1807, fifteen years after Phyfe's first recorded

appearance in New York City. Scroll-back chairs with cross

bannisters or lyres are frequently attributed to Phyfe; how­

ever, the only documented examples of this type are the

chairs referred to on William Bayard's bill,^ the pair

of chairs depicted in the aquarelle of the Phyfe shop, and

a drawing of another pair of chairs which relates to Phyfe's

bill to the Philadelphia merchant, Charles N. B a n c k e r . ^

Between 1792 and 1847 Phyfe must have produced seating fur­

niture in a variety of styles. A set of square-back chairs

in the Bayou Bend Collection are said to have belonged to

his grandniece, Emily Phyfe Dunham and, because of this fam- 76 ily association, have been attributed to Phyfe. It should

be noted that, because of the style, this set of chairs was

probably made prior to 1805, when Phyfe would have been only

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32

thirty-seven years old, and thus it appears unlikely that

Emily Phyfe Dunham was the first owner of the chairs.

Besides side chairs, easy chairs and rocking chairs are also

listed on Phyfe!s bills; a bill to Mr. Hasbrouck in 1841 re­

cords the sale of a rocking chair:

Mr. Hasbrouck 1841 To D. Phyfe and Son Qctr 17th To Rocking Chair $23 RecH. payment ''

Phyfe*s fifty-five year tenure in business is perhaps best

expressed by the contrast of the Federal-style square-back

chairs at Bayou Bend (c. 1790-1805) to a reference in the

1847 auction catalogue: "mahogany Gothic Chairs tufted

seats."78

In contrast to the prevalence of chairs, sofas and

couches were less frequently found in the American home.

Besides containing the earliest reference to chairs, William

Bayard's $1,434 bill from Phyfe includes the first reference

to sofas: "Nov£. 21 To 3 Sofas --65— 195,00."7^ Phyfe contin­

ually offered furniture in the latest taste. A copy of The

New-York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair

Work (1810) which belonged to Phyfe, describes both "A Scroll

Back Cane Sofa," as well as introduces the newest style: 80 "A Grecian Sofa." Further indications are found in the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33

1847 auction catalogue: "Lot 354 1 rosewood Sofa, style of

Louis XIV, Serpentine front, covered with rich fig'd

crimson plush.

Stands, tables, and sideboards, although related

forms, have diverse functions. Stands, the simplest and

least expensive of these forms, are first recorded on Mr.

Morewood's 1802 bill: "Dect. 23 washstand 7...2..0."^

However, should the customer so desire, expensive examples

could also be provided. In 1816, James L. Brinckerhoff pur- 83 chased "2 bason stands" for $55. In addition to these

wash and basin stands, Phyfe's bills also record the sale

of towel stands, as well as toilet and dressing tables.

Probably the most innovative design element used on

American classical furniture is the "pillar and claw,” (pre­

viously used just on tea tables) adapted for table bases.

The design, consisting of an urn-shaped shaft with three or

four "saber" legs projecting from the base of the urn, pro­

vided an alternative to the usual placement of legs at the

table's sides and corners. The latter placement often made

seating uncomfortable since the legs obstructed the indivi­

duals about the table. "Pillar and claws" were adapted for

work, tea, card, sofa, breakfast, center, and dining tables.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34

Surviving Phyfe bills and the 1847 auction catalogue refer

to all of these forms.

Work tables were generally quite expensively priced:

particularly when a journeyman was earning approximately

one dollar for a day’s work; one sold in 1809 for $ 3 2,^

while four years later Victor du Pont paid $40 for the one Q C purchased for his niece. Tea tables were slightly less

expensive; two were sold to William Bayard in 1807 for $30 86 and $35, while Thomas Masters purchased one in 1810 for $19.

Card tables, which, when not in use, could have been placed

against the wall as pier tables, were particularly expen- 07 sive; two pairs sold for $135 and $130 in 1815 and 1816.

Although none of Phyfe’s bills refer to sofa and center

tables, several were offered in the 1847 sale. At least six

dining tables or sets of dining tables are listed on Phyfe's

bills between 1806 and 1834, ranging in price from $29 to $180.

About 1785 the sideboard evolved from the sidetable

as a new form of furniture. Not only was the sideboard an

aesthetically pleasing addition to a room, but it was also

useful for serving food and drink and, unlike the side table,

contained storage compartments for bottles, silver, glass,

ceramics, and table linens. In 1802, a Mr. Morewood purchased

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35

88 a sideboard from Phyfe at a cost of <^16. Another was

sold in 1816 to James L. Brinckerhoff for $340;^ unfor­

tunately. no description of this expensive sideboard exists.

Although Phyfe*s bills do not mention sideboards after 1816,

undoubtedly he continued to produce and sell this expensive,

but popular, form. Seven sideboards and sideboard tables

are included among the 432 lots offered at the 1847 auction,

including a ''splendid*' rosewood example, "with marble top

and back, gothic door and plate glass panels, mirror back,

<50 lined with white silk."

Chests of drawers, or, as they were described by

Phyfe, "bureaus," were a commonly-produced form because of

their utilitarian nature. Surprisingly, the surviving Phyfe

bills only record the sale of six bureaus, all between 1806

and 1810, although thirty-seven are included among the 432

lots of the 1847 auction catalogue. Aside from a bureau

and a similarly designed wardrobe that has descended in the

family of Eliza Phyfe Vail, there are no other examples of

this form known that can be attributed to Phyfe.

As in the case of bureaus, Phyfe*s bills rarely

mention desks, although the form was not uncommon. Mr.

Morewood's bill of 1802 records Phyfe*s earliest reference

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36

to a desk: "Novr 19'th Counting House Desk 24. .0. .0."^ Three

similar references are found on Phyfe's bills, although the

name and form differs slightly in each instance. Bookcases

are also referred to on some of the bills, but not as a part

of a desk. A mahogany desk and bookcase now in a private 92 collection bears Phyfe*s label.

Although these forms constitute the majority of fur­

niture produced in the Phyfe cabinet shop, specialized

pieces were also produced to fulfill a particular custom­

er's needs. Surviving bills, as well as the 1847 auction

catalogue, list a variety of such pieces including: a bidet;

hat, flower and candelabra stands; fire screens; a child's

chair; coffins; a cheval glass; and even a mahogany "refrig­

erator. "

While cabinetmaking must have constituted the major­

ity of the operations of the Phyfe shop, like most other

cabinetmakers Phyfe undertook a variety of other tasks rela­

ted to the cabinetmaking profession in addition to the pro­

duction of furniture. Phyfe's bills frequently include

charges for reconditioning, assembling, repairing, and uphol­

stering furniture. William Bayard, a prominent New York

merchant, in 1809 and 1810 was billed for: "mending furniture

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37

93 _0-75." Bayard's neighbor, Montgomery Livingston.

secured Phyfe's services in 1813: "To Taking Down & Putting

up Bedsted 0.50," "To Removing Wardrobe. 0 ..75," and

"To putting Castors on Bedsfedv"^

In 1815 and 1816 Phyfe billed the New York merchant

James L. Brinckerhoff for $2,100. Brinckerhoff's receipt

includes charges for: "To Removing & varnishing 12 chairs

7.50," "To Bed Cord .50," "To covering Piano Stool__

3__," "To 8 Mahogany Chairs stuffed 264."^ An additional

charge for packing was levied on customers outside New York

City:

1816 Mr Bancker (Philadelphia) Jan^ 4 To D. Phyfe Dr. To 12 Mahogany Chairs c$22 264" Sofa 122" Piere Table 265" Pair Card Tables 130" Packing 19"

$800 24 96 $756

In November 1802, Phyfe billed Mr. Morewood for installing

a lamp.97

By the first quarter of the nineteenth century,

entrepreneurs were advertising in New York's newspapers

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that they could supply individuals with everything necessary

to furnish their houses completely. "George Bridport, Dec­

orative Architect and Furnisher," from Philadelphia, adver­

tised in 1818 that his warerooms displayed: "an extensive

assortment of Carpets, Paper-Hangings, Curtain Furniture,

Lamps, Lustres, Looking-Glass Plates, and Fancy Furniture

of every description." Furthermore, Bridport assured his

prospective clients that "the different branches of Uphol­

stery, Paper-Hanging, and Cabinet-Making, will be under...

his immediate direction.The variety of tasks and

products that Phyfe1s bills describe shows that he offered

similar services to his customers, however, the 1844 edition

of Doggett's Business Directory indicates that Phyfe did

not consider his business to be a furniture store or a dec­

orating service, as it records D. Phyfe & Son under the

heading of Cabinetmakers, rather than as "Furniture Dealers,"

(both old and new) or "Furnishing House Ware-Houses."

Between 1789, when Duncan Phyfe was twenty-one and

presumably had just completed his apprenticeship, and 1847,

when he retired from the cabinetmaking business, he had

been trained in and produced furniture in five different

tastes. Stylistically, Phyfe*s career began with the; modern

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39

taste" or, as it is known today, the Chippendale style; fol­

lowed by the classical taste in both its early Federal phase

associated with the designs of the Englishmen George Heppie-

white and Thomas Sheraton; and its later Empire phase, ex­

pressed in the continually evolving adaptation of Grecian

and French forms. By 1847, when his shop closed, the mid­

nineteenth century revivals of the Gothic and Louis XIV

styles were then popular. Despite the fact that Phyfe

worked in all these various styles, his name has become syn­

onymous with the classical furniture produced in New York

Cit;? during the first quarter of the nineteenth century.

Ernest Hagen, the first individual to study Duncan

Phyfe and his cabinetwork, wrote in 1907 that:

Phyfe s chief merrit Isic^ lies in the carrying out and Especially improving of the "Sheriton" style of Settees, Chairs and tables in his best period the work about 1820, although the work­ manship was perfect, gradually degenerated in style at first to the questionable "American Empire" and after 1830 to the abominable heavy Nondescrip [t] veneered style of the time when the Cholera first appeared in New York 1833 to 1840-1845 when the overdecorated and Carved rosewood style set in which Phyfe himself called tne<•1,. H t sutenet 3 ,,c iui .uii -i .u x 8. ii99

Hagen and later decorative arts historians have interpreted

Phyfe's relationship to the classical style variously,

defining him as an adapter of the style, crediting him with

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40

the introduction of the style to New York, or even proclaim­

ing him as an originator of the classical style. The consen­

sus of these writers, however, is that Phyfe*s classical fur­

niture represents his most successful work during the course

of his long career; no evidence supports the theory that

Phyfe was actually an innovative designer on the order of

Hepplewhite and Sheraton.

By 1792, when Duncan Phyfe had commenced his cabin­

etmaking business, the new style was already popular in

America:

Strong and Massy Furniture is everywhere vulgar and unpleasing. Some years ago every article of furniture was made in what was called the Chinese Taste....To this succeeded the Gothic Taste.... The taste which now reigns is that of the Antique. Everything we now use, is made in imitation of those models which have been lately discovered in Italy.

The classical taste, championed in England by the Adam

brothers during the 1760s, incorporated classical elements

into a linear design. The style is documented in America as

early as 1774, the date engraved on a silver tea urn by

Richard Humphries which was commissioned by members of the

Continental Congress, for its secretary, Charles Thomson.

However, it was not widely adapted until after the conclu­

sion of the American Revolution in 1783. Through the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41

publication of The Cabinet-Makers1 London Book of Prices,

and Designs of Cabinet Work. (1788; revised in 1793 and

1803), George Hepplewhite1s The Cabinet-Maker and Uphol­

sterer’s Guide. (1788), and Thomas Sheraton’s The Cabinet-

Maker and Upholsterer1s Drawing Book (1793), cabinetmakers

learned of the new style and corresponding ornament. Later

publications such as Thomas Hope’s Household Furniture and

Interior Decoration (1807), the monthly editions of

Ackerman* s Repository (1809-1828), both of which were ad­

vertised in New York newspapers, as well as George Smith’s

The Cabinet-Maker and Upholsterer’s Guide (1826), informed

craftsmen of the latest interpretations of the style.

It is likely that Phyfe, and his contemporaries,

first became familiar with the classical taste through pub­

lished design and price books. These pattern and price

books provided American craftsmen with a compact, two-dimen­

sional means to acquaint themselves and their clientele with

the latest furniture designs. The London Book of Prices,

(1788), includes early printed references to the classical 102 style, with pillar and clax-;s, forms that were not pro­

duced previously. Additional London price books, frequently

including references to new designs and forms, continued to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42

103 be published as late as 1866. In 1794, The Philadelphia

Cabinet and Chair Makers1 Book of Prices appeared, and two

years later The Journeyman Cabinet and Chair Makers1 New-

York Book of Prices was published.

It is evident that Phyfe, like other craftsmen,

utilized these English price and design books. American-

published price books, containing references to ’’pillar

and claws" for tables and "lyres" for chair backs and

table bases, document the existence of the style in

Philadelphia (1796,1828), Pittsburgh (1830), and Cincinnati

(1836). The classical style was soon popular throughout

America, being adopted for architecture and the decorative

arts and even incorporated into the contemporary fashions.

The London Chair Makers1 and Carvers’ Book of Prices

for Workmanship (1802) and its 1808 supplement contain des­

criptions and drawings of various elements, such as ogee

bannisters, lyres, harps, and lion's paws, found on New York

classical furniture. Phyfe himself owned a copy of The New-

York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work

(1810), and it seems logical that he possessed copies of

other New York and London price books, as well as design 105 books. The 1854 inventory of his estate, taken within a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43

few months of his death, lists: "1 lot Cabinet Makers Books

& Drawings .5 0 ."106 located in the "open garret". Unfortu­

nately, the appraisers considered the value of books to be

so slight that they were not listed by title.

In addition to pattern and price books, yet another

method of conveying new fashions across the Atlantic was

through the exportation of English and Continental furniture.

Even after America was politically independent, the young

nation remained culturally dependent on Great Britain.

Wealthy Americans continued to want the stylishness and

prestige associated with European-produced goods. Henry

Bradshaw Fearon noted this desire for imported goods when

he wrote: "The Americans, however, are not content with the

productions of their own country.,.."'*'^ William Bingham,

the rich Pihladelphia merchant and banker, was just such an

individual. For his Philadelphia mansion, Bingham imported

English furniture and decorative objects of such quality

as to prompt Henry Wansey, and English visitor, to compli­

ment Bingham's house:

I found a magnificent house and gardens in the best English style, with elegant and even superb furniture; the chairs of the drawing room were from Seddon's in London, of the newest taste; the back the form of a lyre adorned with festoons of crimson and yellow silk, the curtains of the room a festoon of t h e s a m e .

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44

Regrettably, none of Bingham's lyre-back chairs are known

to survive. Thus, it is impossible to determine if their

pattern might have been adopted for American=produced lyre-

back chairs.

It is doubtful that Duncan Phyfe ever had an oppro-

tunity to examine William Bingham's elegant lyre-back chairs,

but he must have been acquainted with imported English fur­

niture owned in New York households. William Constable

(1752-1803), a successful merchant who operated an import

house in New York, had purchased large quantities of furni­

ture while living in England. Between October and December

1794, Constable spent ,£773. . 14. .9% at the shop of Thomas

Andrews, a Bristol cabinetmaker. Included among the furni­

ture itemized for Constable's dining room was:

A Set of Mahogany Dining Tables consisting of two Center Tables & 2 round ends on Pillars Shifting flaps brass fasteners &c. Very fine Spanish wood 12..12..--, A Very large Mahogany Side Table with Wine Coolers Deep plate Drawer lin'd Spirit Drawer Cupboard to Comp 15..15..0.1^9

Although there are no surviving documents to indi­

cate that Phyfe actually did work for William Constable him­

self, references exist showing that Constable's widow and

son patronized his shop. Included among Mrs. Constable's

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45

accounts is a notation dated November 26, 1805, remitting

seven dollars to "Phyfe for mending furniture.Phyfe*s

name appears again on a list of creditors to the estate of

William Constable, Jr., in 1 8 1 9 . Thus, Phyfe must have

been familiar with the English interpretation of the Clas­

sical style by the latter half of the 1790s. However, it

was not until 1807, when he billed William Bayard for the

set of mahogany chairs, some of which may now be in the

Winterthur Collection, that the style can first be documen­

ted to him.

While Phyfe*s name is most frequently spoken of as

the maker of the finest New York classical furniture,

labelled examples by Michael Allison, Charles Christman,

Joel Curtis, John Dolan, Charles-Honore Lannuier, George

Woodruff, and Stephen and Moses Young attest to the fine 112 craftsmanship of Phyfe*s competitors. The label of

Gustavus Beall of Georgetown, District of Columbia, suggests

the extent of the New York craftsman*s sphere of influence

and renown:

Cabinet Ware-house GUSTAVUS BEALL, HAVING taken the stand lately occupied by WORTHINGTON & BEALL in High-street, GeorgeTown, respectfully informs his Friends

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46

and the Public in general that he has commenced the above business, and solicits their patronage.

Having received a large supply of the best materials from New-York, and employed good and faithful workmen, trusts, that by his application and industry, he shall not be altogether unworthy of attention.

His furniture will be made in the new(st) supe(rior) elegance to any man(u)fac (turea) . 113 December 1811

The economic success of Duncan Phyfe's cabinet shop

is appropriately described by Moses Yale Beach in the 1845

edition of his yearly compilation of New York’s most pros­

perous inhabitants, Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy

Citizens of New York City. Beach listed Phyfe’s net worth

at $300,000, noting that he had "commenced in Fulton Street,

where he now is, a poor cabinetmaker, and has now the largest

and most fashionable establishment in the country."

Following Phyfe's death, appraisers evaluated his 114 estate at $309,671.67 in 1854. The estate inventory, in

addition to other references and the lack of contradictory

material, suggests that Phyfe had accrued his wealth princi­

pally as a result of his cabinetmaking business, although

his numerous rental properties provided some additional

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47

income= A breakdown of the estate indicated household

goods worth $1,419.87; United States 6 p.c. stock of 1867-

$11,600; New York and Erie Railroad Company 7 p.c. Mortgage

Bonds of 185S - $13,020; New York and Erie Railroad Company

7 p.c. Convertible Bonds of 1871 - $700; balance of bank

accounts and cash - $13,410.28. The majority of the estate,

valued at $269,521.52 consisted of promissory notes and

bonds. Two promissory notes were John L. Brower's, who

operated a grocery at 191 Fulton Street, not far from Phyfe's

cabinet shop, for $5,627.55 and Stephen Burkhalter’s for

$562.50. The remainder of the notes recorded transactions

between Phyfe and his children. Five bonds, all dated May

2, 1853, were recorded in all: William Phyfe - $65,582.33;

James Phyfe - $43,676.24; Edward D. Phyfe - $41,000; Mary

Phyfe Whitlock - $59,835.43; and William and Eliza Phyfe

Vail - $48,903.50. In addition to these five bonds, there

are two promissory notes, one from James D. Phyfe for 115 $4,058.97 and another from Mary Phyfe Whitlock for $1,275.

Phyfe’s estate, sizable for that time, was actually

worth as much as $600,000 since estate appraisals in that

period did not include real property. Before his death,

Phyfe disposed of at least seven pieces of real estate. On

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48

May 2 and July 7, 1853, he conveyed properties at 184, 190, 1 *1 fi 192, 194, 196, 198, and a house then occupied by Mary

Phyfe Whitlock in Southbury, Connecticut,"^ to his five

children for nominal amounts, in most cases one dollar.

Phyfe!s children transferred the remaining property to one

another as a method of settling their father’s estate. The

transactions, which are dated April 4, 1855, gave William

Phyfe 195 and 197 Fulton Street, valued at $22,000; James

D. Phyfe acquired 191 Fulton Street, worth $37,000; Mary

Phyfe Whitlock received 180 Fulton Street, valued at

$37,000; and Edward D. Phyfe was given 38 Dey Street, also

valued at $37,000.118

In 1847, when Duncan Phyfe was seventy-nine years

old, the auction firm of Halliday and Jenkins advertised

the dispersal of the contents of Phyfe’s furniture warerooms.

The closing of Phyfe's sales rooms in 1847, after fifty-five

years in operation, is difficult to understand. As there

is no specific evidence to indicate why Phyfe decided to

terminate his business, one can only speculate on the rea­

sons behind such a step.

By 1847, Phyfe's advanced age may have been a fac­

tor, but why Phyfe’s son and business partner, James D. Phyfe,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49

decided not to continue the operation of the cabinet shop

is unknown. The increasing difficulty of securing competent

craftsmen in New York may also have prompted Phyfe's deci­

sion to close. In 1846, Alexander Roux, one of Phyfe's

principal competitors, noted this shortage of proficient

craftsmen and found ifc necessary to hire Frenchmen to come nn to work in America.~J';7

whatever the reason for closing the shop, Phyfe

continued to maintain his Fulton Street residence, directly

across from the former cabinet shop and sales rooms. The

Federal census for 1850 indicates that in addition to

Rachel and Duncan Phyfe, the household members included

their sons Edward and James, James' wife Julia, and three

women, Mary Collars, Bridget Smith, and Margaret Burns,

all natives of Ireland and presumably maids in the Phyfe

household.

On August 19, 1854, the New York Times published a

brief obituary: "In this city, on Wednesday August 16th,

Duncan Phyfe, in the 86th year of his life."

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER I

■''Robert G. Albion, The Rise of New York Port, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), p. 419. O ^Henry Bradshaw Fearon, Sketches of America, A Narrative of a Journey, (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1818), p. 23.

^David Longworth, Longworth's American Almanack, New-York Register, and City Directory,(New York: Old Established Directory Office, Shakespeare-Gallery, 1805), p. 111.

^Margo C. Flannery, "Richard Allison, Cabinetmaker, and the New York City Federal Style," Antiques, CIII (May, 1973), p. 1001.

^First Census of the United States, 1790, Population Schedules, New York, Albany, County, MSS, National Archives, Washington, D.C. g Annals of the General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen of the City & New-York, From 1785 to 1880 (New York: Francis Hart and Company, 1882), p. 409.

^William Duncan, The New-York Directory, and Register, for 1792 sic 1793 (New York: T. and J. Swords, 1793), p. 51, Q °William Duncan, The New-York Directory, and Register, for 1794 (New York: T. and J. Swords, 1794), p. 140.

^Frequently, after a cabinetmaker had established his shop, he would take on an apprentice, who would work with the master, usually in exchange for his keep, in order to learn the trade. The apprentice was bound by a legal contract reg­ istered with the local government, setting the term of inden­ ture until the apprentice reached the age of twenty-one.

50

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51

Apprenticeship indenture for William Brown, Jr., July 28, 1802 (photocopy, original owned by Mr. Kendall H. Bassett, Longview, Washington), The Decorative Arts Photo­ graphic Collection (hereafter cited as BAPC), The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Deleware.

^ New York Evening Post, September 17, 1812.

■^Charles f . Montgomery, American Furniture, The Federal Period, (New York: The Viking Press, 1966), p.23. (James Collier Marshall, "Duncan Phyfe, American Cabinet- maker," Country Life in America, (April, 1915), p. 50. Fre­ quently, it has been stated that as many as 100 men were simultaneously employed as cabinetmakers, chairmakers, turn­ ers, carvers, inlaymakers, gilders, and upholsterers in the Phyfe shop. However, this information, first published in 1915 cannot be documented and is highly suspect. 1 Q Letter from Anthony Girard to Victor du Pont, November 21, 1813, MS W3-2790, Eleutherian Mills Historical Library. Greenville, Delaware. A mahogany work table, bel­ ieved to be the one referred to in Anthony Girard's corres­ pondence, is now owned by Hagley Museum, Greenville, Delaware. I am grateful to Mrs. Maureen O'Brien Quimby for bringing this information to my attention, and to Mrs. Joyce Longworth who translated the letter.

■^Records of Assessment, Third Ward, New York, 1808- 1811, 1813-1836, 1839-1841, 1843-1857, MSS, Municipal Ar­ chives, New York, New York.

•^Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Talbot, April 11, 1807 (photocopy, original owned by the Marine Historical Association, Mystic, Connecticut), 1123. 1 & 2, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

16James M'Henry, Baltimore Directory, and Citizens Register, for 1807. (Baltimore: Warner & Manna, 1807), p. 99.

Baltimore Directory and Citizen's Register, for 1808 (Baltimore, 1808), p. 99.

17john Henry Hill, "The Furniture Craftsmen in Baltimore 1783-1823," (unpublished Master's Thesis, Univer­ sity of Delaware, 1967), p. 144.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52

18 Duncan Phyfe’s son, and later partner. James D. Phyfe, was the executor of Laughlin Phyfe’s estate in 1869. Papers relating to the settlement of the estate of Laughlin Phyfe, 1869, MSS, 8-26630 Probate Records, Hall of Records, New York, New York.

^Bill from Duncan Phyfe to George Newbold, Decem­ ber 11, 1826, MS, 73 x 3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

^Previously it has been written that James D. and Michael Phyfe became partners in their father’s firm; how­ ever, a trade card for Messrs. D. Phyfe and Sons lists the members of the partnership as Duncan Phyfe, James D. Phyfe and William Phyfe. The trade card is attached to a pier table which belonged to Phyfe’s daughter Eliza Vail, cur­ rently on loan at the Museum of the City of New York. Nancy V. McClelland, Duncan Phyfe and the English Regency, 1795-1830, (New York: W.R. Scotc, Inc., 1939), p. 129, henceforth cited as McClelland. .v : •. 21 Thomas Lcngworth, Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory, (New York: Thomas Longworth, 1840), p. 503. 22 Deed from Duncan Phyfe to William Phyfe, July 7, 1853, MS, Liber 636, p. 59, Register of Deeds, Hall of Records, New York, New York.

9 8United States Census Report for Third Ward, New York, New York, 1850, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 24 David Longworth, op. cit., 1817 edition, p 344. Thomas Longworth, op. cit., 1827 edition, p. 388. 0 s Records of Assessment, Third Ward, New York, 1819- 1822, MSS, Municipal Archives, New York, New York. 9fi Thomas Longworth, op. cit., 1828 edition, p. 468. Ibid., 1829 edition, p. 450.

^Property Deeds, MS, Book 372, p. 244, Register of Deeds, Hall of Records, New York, New York. 28 Walter Barrett (pseudonym for Joseph Alfred Scoville), The Old Merchants of New York City, (New York: Carleton, 1863), III, pp. 444-445.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53

29 James Ruthven day book. 1792-1804s Ruthven Sash Book; 1843-1849, MSS, New-York Historical Soceity, New York, New York. 30 Thomas Longworth, op. cit., (New York; William Grattan, 1821), p. 347.

~^Ibid., (New York: Thomas Longworth, 1824), p. 345. 32 Printed receipt for the firm J. & W.F. Phyfe, 1830, MS, Phyfe - Miscellaneous manuscripts, New-York His­ torical Soceity, New York, New York. 33 Thomas Longworth, op. cit., (New York: Thomas Longworth, 1829), p. 450.

34Ibid., 1830 edition, p. 481.

35Ibid., 1833 edition, p. 483. Ibid., 1840 edition, p. 503.

^ Ibid., p. 562. John Doggett Jr., The New York City Directory, For 1842 and 1843....(New York: John Doggett Jr., 1843), p. 258. 37 Merchantile Advertiser (New York), September 17, 1804. v 38 Four other craftsmen with the surname of Phyfe appear in the New York City directories. Although it is probable that these individuals were related to Duncan Phyfe, the nature of the relationships is not yet known. James M. Phyfe, a cabinetmaker, is just listed in the 1821 directory. The listings for 1828-1830 refer to Samuel Phyfe as a car­ penter. In 1839 William Phyfe was working as a silversmith, while another William Phyfe was listed in the 1841-1842 directories as a carver. 39 — _ New York evening rost, November 5, 1819.

^Fearon, op. cit. , 2d ed. , p. 23.

^ I t is clear that several cabinetmakers also sold mahogany in addition to their manufacture of furniture. The label used by Isaac Cross's (w. 1809-1838), "Warehouse of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cabinet Furniture" illustrates a three story building where Cross conducted his business. Painted in bold letters on the upper level of the building is an advertisement: "FUR­ NITURE WAREHOUSE, MAHOGANY FOR SALE." Winterthur, DAPC, The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum. Winterthur, Delaware.

^ ‘Charles Watts' Accounts, 1808-1811, MS, 69 x 212. 1-69 x 212.5, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware. Charles Watts' Letter Book, 1811-1820, MS, New- York Historical Society, New York, New York.

^ F e n w i c k Lyell Account Book, 1800-1811 (Microfilm, original owned by the Monmouth County Historical Society, Freehold, New Jersey), M-2436.3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware

Inward Coastwise Manifests, Savannah, Georgia, March 27, 1818, MS, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

^ B i l l from Duncan Phyfe to William Bayard, Novem­ ber 21, 1807, MS, 65 x 595, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

^Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Talbot, May 20, 1807 (Microfilm original owned by the Marine Historical Association, Mystic, Connecticut), MS, 1123.1 & .2, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware. Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Thomas Masters, August, 1810, MS, 61 x 52.1 & .2, DMMC, Winterthur Delaware. 47 Peremptory and Extensive Auction Sale of Splendid and Valuable Furniture...At the Furniture Ware Rooms of Messrs. Duncan Phyfe & Son..., 1847, MS, 55.510, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware. 48 Charles Watts Accounts, 1808-1811, MS, 69 x 212.2, DMMC, Winterthur,- Delaware.

49Ibid., July 14, 1808.

50Ibid., July 25, 1808 - October 25, 1808. 51 Eliza Vail's work table is currently on loan at the Museum of the City of New York by a Phyfe descendant, see "Collectors' Notes," "Andrew Thorp, Furniture Hardware, Antiques CXI, 4, (April, 1977), p. 698.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55

52 Phyfe may also have purchased hardware from Louis S. Fellows, whose fancy hardware store was located at 21 Maiden Lane. Such transactions, though purely speculative, are suggested because in 1835 Fellows rented a house owned by Phyfe at 38 Dey Street. 53 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to James L. Brinckerhoff, September 29, 1815 - October 26, 1816, MS, Box 2, Folder: Brinckerhoff Domestic Receipts 1815-1821, Papers of Robert Troup, New York Public Library, New York. I am grateful to Mrs. Nancy Goyne Evans for bringing this advertisement to my attention.

^ Alexandria Gazette and Virginia Advertiser (Alexandria, Virginia), October 19, 1840. I am grateful to Mrs. Deborah D. "Waters for bringing this advertisement to my attention.

■^Phyfe to Brinckerhoff, loc. cit. 56 Bills from Duncan Phyfe to George Newbold, Sep­ tember 11, 1823-January 10, 1824, and June 14, 1825-Decem- ber 11, 1826, MSS, 73 x 1 and 73 x 3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

•^Merchantile Advertiser (New York), September 17, 1804.

■^Fenwick Lyell Account Book, op. cit, 1800-1811.

59Ibid.

b^New York Evening Post, November 11, 1817; August 31, 1818; November 4, 1818; January 4, 1819; February 8, 1819. 61 Nancy McClelland in Duncan Phyfe and the English Regency, op. cit., p. 127, and others, have frequently sta­ ted that according to an 1815 advertisement in the New York Evening Post, John Geib Jr., a maker of piano actions could be found working at Duncan Phyfe1s cabinet shop; consequently Geib's piano cases have been attributed to Duncan Phyfe. Research indicates that this relationship probably never existed. An examination of more than 100 of the daily issues

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56

of the 1815 New York Evening Post has failed to turn up this advertisement. However, Geib did place an ad which first appeared in the May 1, 1815, issue of the Evening Post;

John Geib, Jr., respectfully informs the public that the business heretofore conducted by him under the firm of John Geib & Son, will be ecn= tinued by him in his own name....

Any lady or gentleman wishing to favor him with their custom, or to see his work, will please to call at Adam Geib's new establishment Maiden- lane, near Broadway, or at the Manufacture, Sugar Loaf-Street.

Since there are no indications of any arrangement between Phyfe and Geib, the most logical explanation is that the information was probably mis-interpreted from a statement which appeared in Esther Singleton's The Furniture of Gar Forefathers, (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1900), p . 526:

In 1816, John Paff has some pianofortes from London, priced from $200 to $200. For grand upright pianos, in 1817, you could inquire at Mr. Phyfe's Cabinet Warehouse, Fulton Street"; and in the same year, John and Adam Geib & Co. advertise a "superb musi­ cal clock manufactured in Paris,...

This Phyfe advertisement appears in the New York Evening Post for December 11, 1817. Since the Geib's address did not appear until several lines later, the Phyfe and Geib advertisements were probably read as one.

^Letter from Anthony Girard to Victor du Pont, October 16, 1813, MS W3-2782, Eleutherian Mills Historical Library, Greenville, Delaware. I am grateful to Mrs. Maureen O'Brien Quimby for bringing this information to my attention, and to Mrs. Joyce Longworth who translated the letter.

Newspaper files - exports, TS, Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Winston, Salem, North Carolina.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The majority of Phyfe’s labelled pieces are tables specifically work and card tables. The frequency that tables rather than other forms were labelled may be attribu­ ted to their small and manageable size, (particularly for export), the form was common, and the label would be more visible than on an upholstered or a large case piece. A lady's work table, bearing the label Phyfe used between 1806 and 1817 was discovered in Yonkers. It is illustrated in McClelland, Duncan Phyfe, op. cit., pis. 121 and 122. Another lady's work table bears a different label, probably used by Phyfe between 1811 and 1817. This work table, in the collection of the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum (Montgomery, American Furniture, op. cit. , p. 409), is said to have descended in the Dearing Family of Albany, Georgia. A cabinet, perhaps a combination desk and work table was offered by the Dixie Antique Shop, 86 Church Street, Charleston, South Carolina in 1955. A photo­ graph of the cabinet is in the DAPC at Winterthur. Two card tables, both bearing the August, 1820 label are known. One, owned by Mrs. Alvin Schwartzman, 44 Ridge Drive Plainview, New Jersey, prior to February 19, 1964, was said to have been "found a great distance from New York." The second card table descended in the family of Dunbar Paul of Charleston, South Carolina. A desk and bookcase also bearing the August, 1820 label, descended in the family of Thomas Lattimer Bowie, a Philadelphia attorney.

fi S Mabel Munson Swan, "Coastwise Cargoes of Venture Furniture," Antiques, LV (April 1949), p. 280.

66 u”Inward Coastwise Manifests, Savannah, Georgia, December 15, 1817; March 27, 1818; April 30, 1818; November 16, 1818; January 21, 1822; March 11, 1822; April 8, 1822; May 11, 1822; December 16, 1822; January 9, 1823; December 2, 1823, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

7 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to William Rogers, agent for Lady Elizabeth Heyliger, January, 1811, MS, 69 x 62.3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Greenville, Delaware, Eleutherian Mills Histor­ ical Library, Letter from Deville and Rezeville to Victor du Pont de Nemours & Co., August 20, 1805, MS, W3-2594, Eleutherian Mills Historical Library, Greenville, Delaware.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58

69 Savannah Museum, June 12. 1822.

^Bill and receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, December 28, 1802, MS, 57.28.1, Museum of the City of New York, New York, New York.

^McClelland, op. cit. , p. 247. 72 Classical America 1815-1845, (Newark: The Newark Museum, 1963), pp. 42, 75.

^McClelland, op. cit.. pi. 144. A pier table, also owned by Eliza Phyfe Vail and presently on loan at the Museum of the City of New York, bears Duncan Phyfe's trade card.

■^Bill from Phyfe to Bayard, op. cit. , 1807.

^Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Charles N. Bancker, January 4, 1816, MS, 56 x 6.3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

7fiDavid B. Warren, Bayou Bend, (New York: New York Graphic Society, 1975), p. 78.

^ Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Hasbrouck, October 17, 1841, MS, Huguenot Historical Society, New Paltz, New York. 78 Peremptory and Extensive Auction Sale of Splendid and Valuable Furniture..., op. cit., 1847, p. 5.

^Bill from Phyfe to Bayard, op. cit., 1807. 80 The New-York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work, (New York: Southwick and Pelsue, 1810), p. 57. The copy owned by Phyfe is now in the Rare Book Collection of the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum Libraries, NK2406 N53a, Winterthur, Delaware.

^ Peremptory and Extensive Auction Sale of Splendid and Valuable Furniture..., op. cit., 1847, p. 17.

82b H 1 and receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, op. cit., 1802.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59

83 Bill from Duocan Phyfe to James L. Brinekerhoff, op. cit., 1815 - 1816. 84 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to William Bayard, July 2, 1810, MS, Bayard-Campbell-Pearssll Collection, Bos 6 , New York Public Library, New York, New York. 85 Letter from Anthony Girard to Victor du Pont, op. cit., October 16, 1813. OC Bill from Duncan Phyfe to William Bayard, op. cit., November 21, 1807. Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Thomas Masters, op. cit., August, 1810. O *7 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to James L. Brinckerhoff, op. cit., 1815-1816. Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Charles N. Bancker, op. cit., January 4, 1816. 88 Bill and receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, op. cit., December 28, 1802. 89 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to James L. Brinckerhoff, op. cit., 1815-1816. 90 Peremptory and Extensive Auction Sale of Splendid and Valuable Furniture..., op. cit., 1847, p. 13. 91 Bill and receipt from Drncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, op. cit., December 28, 1802. 92 McClelland, op. cit., pp. 264-266. 93 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to William Bayard, op. cit., July 2, 1810.

^ Classical America 1815-1845, op. cit. 95 Bill from Duncan Phyfe to James L. Brinckerhoff, op. cit., 1815-1816.

^ B i l l from Duncan Phyfe to Charles N. Bancker, op. cit., January 4, 1816.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60

97 Bill and receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, op. cit., December 28, 1802.

^ New York Evening Post, July 20, 1818.

A A Memorandum of Phyfe by the Cabinetmaker Ernest Hagen, 1907, MS, 75 x 80.38, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

^■^Archibald Alison, Essays on the Nature and Princi­ pals of Taste, (Edinburgh: J.J.G. and G. Robinson, London; and Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh, 1810), pp. 392-393.

■'■^An advertisement for Thomas Hope's Household Furniture and Interior Decoration,(1807), appeared in the January 4, 1819 issue of the New York Evening Post. The Minerva Circulating Library and Book and Stationary Store advertised copies of Ackerman's Repository in the November 11, 1819 issue of the New York Evening Post, while a sim­ ilar ad was placed by Goodrich's Library in the February 27, 1821 issue of the New York Evening Post.

■^-^The book lists tables and dining tables with pillar and claws, forms that were not produced previously.

^-O^The London Cabinet-Makers' Union Book of Prices, 1866, n.p.

^ ^The Philadelphia Cabinet and Chair-Makers' Book of Prices, (Printed by Richard Folwell, 1796). The Philadelphia Cabinet and Chair Makers' Union Book of Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet Ware, By a Commit­ tee of Employers and Journeymen, (Printed for the Cabinet and Chair Makers' by William Stavely, 1828). The Pittsburgh Cabinet Maker's Book of Prices, Pre­ pared by a Committee appointed by the "Journeyman cabinet makers of Pittsburgh," 1830. Cabinet Makers of Cincinnati, Book of Prices of the United Society of Journeymen Cabinet-Makers of Cincinnati, for the Manufacture of Cabinet Ware, (Cincinnati: N.S. Johnson, 1836). 10 5 Phyfe's autographed copy of The New-York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work, (1810) is now in the rare book collection of the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum Library, Winterthur, Delaware.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61

106 Inventory of the Personal Estate of Duncan Phyfe, 1854, MS, 54.37.34, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

-^^Henry Bradshaw Fearon, op. cit., p. 284 108 Henry Wansey, Excursion to the United States of Worth America in the Summer of 1794, (2d ed.; Salisbury, Easton, 1798), p. 123. 109 Bill from Thomas Andrews to William Constable, 1794, Constable-Pierrepont Papers, Box 8, Accounts Personal, New York Public Library. New York. New York.

^■^Mrs. Constable’s Account, 1803-1805, Constable- Pierrepont Papers, Box 23, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

m - MLeft of Debts owing by Wm. C. [onstable"3 1819, Constable-Pierrepont Papers, Box 23, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

11 9 DAPC, filed by name under New York Cabinetmakers, Winterthura Delaware. I 1 O Anne Castrodale Golovin, "Cabinetmakers and Chair- makers of Washington, D.C., 1791-1840," Antiques CVII (May 1975), p. 899. 114 Inventory of the Personal Estate of Duncan Phyfe, 1854, MS, 54.37.34, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

115ibid.

II fi Deeds dispersing property owned by Duncan Phyfe, Liber 643, p. 437; Liber 638, p. 89; Liber 646, p. 13; Liber 646, p. 24; Liber 636, p. 239; Liber 636, p. 243, MS, Register of Deeds, Hall of Records, New York, New York. 117_ McClelland, op. cit., pp. 330-331.

■^Registery of Deeds, Liber 681, pp. 273-277, p. 394, 1853, MS, Hall of Records, New York, New York.

H^Diane d . Hauserman, "Alexander Roux and his'Plain and Artistic Furniture,"' Antiques, XCIII (February 1968), p. 212.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62

120 United States'Census Report for the Third Ward, New York, New York, 1850, MSS, National Archives, Washington, B.C.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II: THE IMPORTANCE OF DUNCAN PHYFE

In the past decorative arts historians have not

been restrained by the lack of documentary evidence in

attributing New York’s finest furniture to Duncan Phyfe.

In fact, a wardrobe in the collection of the New-York

Historical Society and a handsome gaming or tric-trac table

at the Museum of the City of New York had both been attri­

buted to Phyfe until the brand and label of Charles-Honore

Lannuier was discovered on each piece. Hagen and later stu­

dents of Phyfe actually had very slim evidence to support

their evaluation of furniture which they believed to have

been produced in the Phyfe cabinet shop.

Thus, when Nancy McClelland published Duncan Phyfe

and the English Regency in 1939, she was only able to sug­

gest Phyfe’s prominence in that he was commissioned to pro­

duce wooden boxes to contain vials of Lake Erie water.

These boxes were to be presented to the Marquis de Lafayette

and other notables by the committee for the celebration of

the opening of the Erie Canal, headed by William Bayard.

63

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64

Phyfe is specifically credited by William L. Stone in his

Narrative of the Festivities observed in Honor of the Com­

pletion of the Grand Canal, Uniting The Waters of the Great

Western Lakes with the Atlantic Ocean, , . , and in

Cadwallader D. Colden's Memoir Prepared at the Request of A

Committee of the Common Council of The City of New York and

Presented To The Mayor of The City, At The Celebration Of

The Completion Of The New York Canals. Although these

sources suggest his hignly=respected name, such acknowledg­

ment seems hardly sufficient to form a basis for such an

eminent reputation.^

The account book of John Hewitt, which will be dis­

cussed further on, evinces the major role that Duncan Phyfe

played in influencing the work of the New York craftsmen;

however, Phyfe's notability, as viewed by the New York pop­

ulace, as well as his clientele located outside the city,

has never been satisfactorily proven.

Apparently, by 1817, the name Phyfe was known well

enough among New Yorkers to be synonymous with fine furni­

ture. An auction advertisement which appeared in the Feb­

ruary 20, 1817, issue of the New York Evening Post attests

to the high quality of his cabinet shop's production:

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65

HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE. A PERSON about to leave the city, wishes to dispose of his furniture at private sale. Anyone intending to commence house-keeping would find it worth attention; it consists of almost every article necessary for a small and genteel family, and is but three years old: was made by Phyfe and other respectable persons.

Similarly worded auction notices appeared in the New York

Evening Post at least as late as 1835, but none referring 2 specifically to other New York cabinetmakers is known.

The fame of Duncan Phyfe's cabinet shop was not

limited to New York City and its vicinity. P.B. Smith &

Co., ’’Varnish Manufacturers and Dealers,” listed Duncan

Phyfe among the firms which endorsed the use of their pro­

ducts. The appearance of this advertisement in the October

19,1840, issue of the Alexandria Gazette and Virginia

Advertiser, indicates both the geographic extent of Phyfe’s

reputation and its longevity.

At least two other Southern newspapers, the Richmond

Enquirer, (Virginia) and the Frederick Town Herald (Maryland)-

-included references to Duncan Phyfe in an editorial that was

reprinted from the New York Evening Post. The author wrote,

expressing "regret and mortification” that the Monroe admin­

istration had purchased a suite of French furniture for the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66

Executive Mansion when fine furniture could be procured

from American craftsmen. The writer, based in New York,

then the nation's largest city, praised the high quality

of the furniture produced by cabinetmakers working in that

city:

Now I will venture to assert, with entire confi­ dence, that the best, the very best household fur­ niture in this city, whether taking into consider­ ation the materials, the workmanship, or the taste and elegance of design, has been made here. And whoever wishes to be satisfied of the degree of perfection to which our mechanics in this partic­ ular branch have arrived, may gratify their curi­ osity by calling, at any time, at Mr. Phyfe's cab­ inet ware-house in Fulton-street, and looking at his articles of cabinet w o r k . 3

It is difficult to document fully the interaction

and influences between the New York craftsmen, in part

because of the limited number of account books and manu­

scripts surviving from the first quarter of the nineteenth

century. The account book of John Hewitt, recording his

production and business transactions for the years 1809-1812,

does point to Phyfe's dominance among the New York cabinet­

makers.^ Hewitt's account book indicates his awareness of

the specific designs and proportions utilized by both Phyfe

and Charles-Honore Lannuier, the French emigrant craftsman

who produced French furniture for New York's well-to-do.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67

In March L81L, Hewitt noted an analysis of his competitor's

work: "Phyfe Collum 23 or 28 with leafe hand carv'd 2 7/8

wide/ Lanuas (Lannuier's) Collum 2 ft 6 to 3 ft w i d e , " ^

probably to be reproduced and applied to pieces of his own

manufacture. Hewitt's analysis of the proportion and

details of Phyfe's cabinet work was not limited to the

design motifs and specific elements. Apparently, Hewitt

was copying entire pieces of furniture; he records the

production of a "French Sideboard like Phyfes" with "2 £ Shelves in center & as many locks as possible" for $80.

Thus, Hewitt's accounts indicate that, by 1812. Phyfe. as

well as Lannuier, had attained such influential positions

among their contemporaries that, just as new patterns in

the London cabinetshops were known in the trade by the

names of their craftsman-inventor, the names of Phyfe and

Lannuier were assigned to patterns which they had popular­

ized in New York.

Phyfe, like his American predecessors, contemporar­

ies, and successors, was familiar with the taste then popu­

lar in England and on the continent. By exposure to design

and price books, prints, and imported furniture, Phyfe util­

ized, but modified these designs to appeal to his own taste,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. his clients1, or both. Some day, documentary evidence may

be found which will support or refute these views; however,

V V for the present the account bpok of John Hewitt makes it

clear that Phyfe5s patterns were influential in Hewitt's

production and most likely in that of other New York cab­

let! t- makers .

Although John Hewitt's accounts and the various

newspaper advertisements containing references to the

Phyfe cabinet shop prove that Duncan Phyfe was the leading

cabinetmaker in New York, nothing could be more convincing

of his preeminence than the correspondence between the New

York lawyer John Wells (1770-1823), and his sister-in-law,

Sarah Huger. Wells had recently married Sabina Elliot

Huger and, while on his honeymoon, wrote to his sister-in-

law requesting her to select carpets, tables, chairs, and

bedroom furniture for his new home. He suggested that: "The

tables you will get better at Phyfe's than elsewhere, and I

wish you therefore to give him the preference.However,

Miss Huger found difficulty in fulfilling her brother-in-

law's request; writing back to apologize for the delay, she

explained that: "Mr. Phyfe is the United States rage."**

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69

The evaluation of Duncan Phyfe expressed by John

Hewitt, John Wells, Sarah Huger, and the anonymous news­

paper correspondents, as well as those of decorative arts

historians and twentieth century furniture designers testify

to the incredible influence that a single individual, Duncan

Phyfe, has had on the taste of New Yorkers and other

Americans from the nineteenth century until today.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. FOOTNOTES: CHAPtek 11

‘‘'William L. Stone, Narrative of the Festivities Observed in Honor of the Completion of the Grand Erie Canal, Uniting The Waters of the Great Western Lakes With The Atlantic Ocean, (New York, 1825), p. 230. Cadwallader D. Colden, Memoir Prepared at the Request of A Committee of The Common Council Of The City of New York and Presented To The Mayor of The City, At The Celebration Of The Completion Of The New York Canals, (New York: Printed by Order of the Corporation of New York, 1825), pp. 196-197. 2 Similar advertisements appear in the March 30, 1820; November 18, 1830; and April 27, 1835 issues of the New York Evening Post. 3 New York Evening Post, November 13, 1817.

^John Hewitt Account Book, 1800-1803, 1810-1813, (microfilm, original owned by the Monmouth County Histori­ cal Society, Freehold, New Jersey), M 491, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

5Ibid., p. 20.

^Ibid., p . 26..

^McClelland, pp. 302, 304-307.

^Metropolitan Museum of Art, 19th-Century America, Furniture and other Decorative Arts, (New York: New York Graphic Society Ltd., 1970), p. xiii.

70

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71

Figure 1

Watercolor of Numbers 168, 170, and 172 Fulton Street, New York City, showing the shop and warehouse of Duncan Phyfe, ca. 1820. (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 22.81.1) 15 3/4 x 18 7/8 in.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

"A Glimpse of Duncan Phyfe," Antiques XXV (April, 1934), pp. 135-137.

"Add to Early Phyfe," Antiques XXV (April, 1934), pp. 129- 131.

Baicourt, Jane. "Duncan Phyfe," Antiques LIX (June. 1951). pp. 473-475.

"Collectors Notes," "Lyell, Slover, Taylor, Phyfe, et al." Antiques XCVII (January, 1970), pp. 119-120.

Flannery, Margo. "Richard Allison, Cabinetmaker, and the New York City Federal Style," Antiques CIII (May, 1973), pp. 995-1001.

Golovin, Anne Castrodale. "Cabinetmakers and Chairmakers of Washington, D.C., 1791-1840," Antiques CVII (May, 1975), pp. 898-922.

Hauserman, Diane D. "Alexander Roux and his ’Plain and Artistic Furniture,1 " Antiques XCIII (February, 1968), pp. 210-217.

Hornor, William M. "A New Estimation of Duncan Phyfe," The Antiquarian XV (March, 1930), pp. 37-40, 96.

Ingerman, Elizabeth A. "Personal Experiences of an Old New York Cabinetmaker Ernest Hagen, " Antiques LXXXIV (November, 1963), pp. 576-580.

72

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73

Johnson, Marilynn, A. "John Hewitt, Cabinetmaker," Winterthur Portfolio 4 , (1968), pp. 185-205.

Jones, Edward V. "Two Creative Geniuses of Federal New York," The American Art Journal IX (May., 1977), pp. 4-14,

Marshall. James Collier. "Duncan Phyfe, American Cabinet­ maker," Country Life in America ( April, 1915), pp. 48-50.

Ormsbee, Thomas Hamilton. "Autographed Duncan Phyfe Furni­ ture," American Collector XI (March, 1942), p.5.

______."Phyfe ne Fife," Antiques XVI (December, 1929), pp. 469-499.

Pearce, Lorraine Waxman. "Distinguishing Characteristics of Lannuier’s Furniture," Antiques LXXXVI (December, 1964), pp. 712-717.

."The Lannuier Brothers, Cabinetmakers," Antiques LXXXII (August, 1957), pp. 141-143.

Ralston, Ruth. "Ernest Hagen’s Order Books," Antiques XLVIII (December, 1945), pp. 356-357.

Swan, Mabel Munson. "Coastwise Cargoes of Venture Furni­ ture," Antiques LV (April, 1949), pp. 218-280.

Vincent, Clare, "John Henry Belter: Manufacturer of All Kinds of Fine Furniture," Winterthur Conference Report, 1973: Technological Innovation and the Decorative Arts, (1974), pp. 207-234.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74

Books

Ackermann, Robert (ed.) The Repository of Arts, Literature, Commerce, Manufacture, Fashions and Politics. London: 1809 - 1828.

Albion, Robert Greenhelgh. The Rise of New York Port. New York: Charles Scribnerls Sons, 1939.

Alison, Archibald. Essays on the Nature and Principals of Taste. Edinburgh: J.J.G. and G. Robinson, London; and Bell and Bradfute, 1810.

Barrett, Walter (pseudonym for Joseph Alfred Scoville). The Old Merchants of New York City. 3 vols. New York: Carleton, 1863.

Beach, Moses Yale. Wealth and Pedigree of the Wealthy Citi­ zens of New York City comprising an alphabetical arrangement of persons estimated to be worth $100, 000 and upwards. New York: Sun Office, 1845, 1855.

Bjerkoe, Ethel Hall. The Cabinetmakers of America. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1957.

The Cabinet-Maker and Upholsterer's Guide Hepplewhite's Guide from Drawings by A. Hepplewhite and Co., Cabinet-Makers. London: I. and J> Taylor, 1788.

Classical America 1815-1845. Newark, New Jersey: The Newark Museum, 1963.

Comstock, Helen. American Furniture. New York: The Viking Press, 1962.

Cornelius, Charles Over. Furniture Masterpieces of Duncan Phyfe. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Page, and Company for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1922.

Downs, Joseph, and Ralston, Ruth. A Loan Exhibition of New York State Furniture. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1934.

Dyer, Walter A. Early American Craftsmen. New York: The Century Company, 1915.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75

Earle, Thomas, and Congdon, Charles T. (ed.) Annals of the General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen of the City of New-York, From 1785 to 1880. New York; Printed by order of the Soceity, 1882.

Fearon, Henry Bradshaw. Sketches of America, A Narrative of a Journey. London: Longman, Hurst, R.ees, Orme, and Brown, 1818.

Furniture. Grand Rapids: Century Furniture Company, 1926.

Girl Scouts Loan Exhibition Catalogue. New York, 1929.

Gottesman, Rita Susswein (comp.). The Arts and Crafts in New-York, 1800-1804. New York: The New-York His­ torical Society, 1965.

Hardie, James. The Description of the City of New-York; .... New York: Printed and Published by Samuel Marks, 1827.

Honour, Hugh. Cabinet Makers and Furniture Designers. New York: Spring Books, 1972.

Hope, Thomas. Household Furniture and Interior Decoration, executed from designs by Thomas Hope. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1807.

The Hudson-Fulton Celebration, Catalogue of an Exhibition . held in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Vol. II New York, 1909.

The Journeyman Cabinet and Chair Makers1 New-York Book of Prices. Printed by T. and J. Swords, 1796.

The London Cabinet-Makers' Union Book of Prices. 1866•

McClelland, Nancy V. Duncan Phyfe and the English Regency, 1795-1830. New York: W.R. Scott, Inc., 1939.

Miller, V. Isabelle. Furniture by New York Cabinetmakers, 1650 to 1860. New York: Museum of the City of New York, 1956.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76

Montgomery, Charles, F. American Furniture, The Federal Period. New York: The Viking Press, 1966.

The New-York Book of Prices for Cabinet & Chair Work agreed upon by the Employers. Printed by Southwick and Crooker, 1802.

The New-York Book of Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work. Printed by J. Seymour, 1817.

The New-York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work. Printed by Southwick and Pelsue, 1810.

The New York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work. Printed by Daniel D. Smith, 1818.

The New-York Book of Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work. Printed by Harper & Brothers, 1834.

19th-Century America, Furniture and other Decorative Arts. Published for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, New York. New York: New York Graphic Scoiety Ltd., 1970.

Ormsbee, Thomas Hamilton. Early American Furniture Makers. New York: Tudor Publishing Company, 1930.

Quimby, Ian M.G., and Earl, Polly Anne, editors. Technolog­ ical Innovation and the Decorative Arts, Winterthur Conference Report 1973. Charlottesville: The Univer­ sity Press of Virginia, 1974.

Shaw, Joshua. United States Directory for the use of Travellers and Merchants, Giving an account, of the Principal Establishments, of Business and Pleasure, throughout the Union. Philadelphia: Printed by James Maxwell, 1822.

Sheraton, Thomas. The Cabinet Dictionary. London: W. Smith 1803.

The Cabinet-Maker and Upholsterer^ Drawing Book. London: 1793.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77

Sheraton, Thomas. The Cabinst>Maker, Upholsterer, and General Artist's Encycolpedia. London: 1804-1806.

____ . Designs for Household Furniture. London: J. Taylor, 1812.

Singleton, Esther. The Furniture of Our Forefathers. 2 vols. New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1900.

Wansey, Henry. An excursion to the United States of North America, in the summer of 1794. Salisbury, England: J, Salisbury, 1798.

Warren, David B. Bayou Bend. New York: New York Graphic Society, 1975.

White, Margaret E. Early Furniture Made in New Jersey, 1690 to 1870. Newark: The Newark Museum, 1958.

City Directories

Baltimore

Baltimore Directory and Citizens1 Register, for 1808. Baltimore: Printed for the Proprietor, 1808.

M'Henry, James. Baltimore Directory, and Citizens' Register, for 1807. Baltimore: Warner & Hanna, 1807.

New York

Brown, Solyman (ed.) The Citizen and Strangers' Pictorial and Business Directory, for the City of New-York, and the vicinity. New York: Charles Spalding & Co., 1853.

The Classified Merchantile Directory, for the Cities of New- York and Brooklyn. New-York: Published by J. Disturnell, 1837.

Doggett’s New-York Business Directory, for 1846 & 1847. New York: John Doggett, Jr., 1846.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78

Doggett1s New-York City Directory, for 1845 & 1846. New York: John Doggett, Jr., 1845. ^editions for 1846 & 1847, 1847 & 1848, 1849-1850, 1850-18513

Doggett's New York City Directory, Illustrated with Maps of New York and Brooklyn. 1848-1849. New York: John Doggett Jr., 1848.

Doggett1s New-York City Partnership Directory, for 1849 and 1850. New York: John Doggett, Jr.. & Co=5 1849.

Doggett*s New York City Street Directory, for 1851. New York: John Doggett Jr., 1851.

Duncan, William. The New-York Directory, and Register, for 1792. New York: T SLhomasl and J LamesQ Swords, 1792. {editions for 1793 - 17951

Elliot, William. Elliot's Improved New-York Double Directory. New York: Printed and sold by William Elliot. 1812.

Elliot & Grissy. Elliot & Crissy's New-York Directory, for 1811,... New York: Elliot & Crissy, 1811.

The Gem, or Fashionable Business Directory, for the City of New York. New York: Published by George Shidell, 1844.

Jones, Newman, & Ewbank, J.S.Ewbank. The Illuminated Pictor­ ial Directory of New York. New York: Jones, Newman, & J. S. Ewbank.

Jones, John F. Jones 1s New-York Merchantile and General Directory, ... Arranged upon a Plan Entirely New. New York: Printed for the Editor, 1805.

Langdon, John, and sons. John Langdon and Son's New-York City Directory. New York: William W. Vermilye, 1804.

Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory,... New York: Published for Jona. Olmstead. At the Old Established Directory Office, Joseph Desnoves, Printer, 1819.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79

Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory;... New-York: Published by Thomas Longworth, 1820. \_editions for 1821-1841D

Longworth, David. The American Almanack, New-York Register, and City Directory. New York: TLhomas] and • J Carnes} Swords, 1796.

______. Lor-gworth's American Almanack, New-York Register, and City Directory. , e .New York: T Chomas} & J £ames} Swords, 1797. {[editions for 17981

______Longworth1 s American Almanack, New-York Register, and City Directory....New York: John C. Totlen and Co., 1799.

____ . Longworth1 s American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory....New York: D [avid] Longworth, 1800. [editions for 1801-18171

Longworth, Thomas. Longworth*s New-York Register, and City Directory;...New-York: Published at the Old Established Directory Office, Shakespeare Gallery, 1818.

Loomis, J.V. & Co. The United States Statistical directory, dr merchants' and travellers' guide; with a whole­ sale business directory of New York. New York: G. F. Nesbitt, 1847.

Low, John. The New-York Directory, and Register, for 1796. New York: John Buel and John Bull, 1796.

Mercein, William A. Mercein's City Directory, New-York Register, and Almanac,...New-York: Printed and Published by William A. Mercein, 1820.

The New Trade Directory for New-York anno 1800...A Complete List of all the Occupations and Trades...with* the Names and Residences of those who follow each of them...in alphabetical order. New York: Printed for the editor, 1800.

New-York As It Is, in 1837; accompanied by a correct Map. New York: J. Disturnell, 1837.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80

New-York As It Is; Containing a General Description of the City of New York; Including the Public Officers, & c. of the City of Brooklyn. New-York: Colton & Disturnell, 1839. [[edition for 1840[]

The New York Business Directory, for 1840 & 1841. New York: Publication Office, 1840. ([edition:, for 1841}

The New-York Business Directory, for 1844 & 1845. New York: John Doggett, Jr.

The New York City Directory, for 1842 and 1843.... New York: John Doggett, Jr., 1842. [edition for 1844-1845]

New York City Directory for 1845 and 1846, Street Map of the City of New York, an Almanac for 1845-46. New York: Groot and Elston, 1845.

The New York City Directory, for 1851-1852. New York: Doggett & Rode, 1851.

The New-York City Directory, for 1853-1854. New York: Charles R. Rode, 1853.

The New-York City Directory, for 1854-1855. New York: Charles R. Rode, 1854.

The New-York City and Co-Partnership Directory, for 1843 & 1844. New York: John Doggett, Jr., 1843. [[edition: for 1844-1845J

The New York Directory, for 1852-1853. New York: Charles R. Rode, 1852.

The New York Mercantile Register, for 1847-48, containing the cards of the Principal Business Establishments, including Hotels and Public Institutions in New York City. New York: George F. Nesbitt, 1847.

The New-York Merchantile Register, for 1848-49, Containing the cards of the Principal Business Establishments, including hotels and public institutions in New- York City. New York: John P. Prall, 1848.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81

The New York Mercantile Union Business Directory. Contain­ ing a new map of New York City and State, and a Business Directory, 1850-51, to be revised and continued. New York: S. French, L.C. & E.L. Pratt, 1850.

Rode's New York City Directory, for 1850-1851. New York: Charles R. Rode, 1850.

Sheldon & Co's Business or Advertising Directory; Contain­ ing the Cards, Circulars, and Advertisements of the Principal Firms of the Cities of New-York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, &c., &c. New York: John F. Trow & Company, 1845.

Stanford, Thomas N. The Citizens Directory and Strangers Guide Through the City of New York.... To be pub­ lished Annually in May. New York: Printed by George Long, 1814.

Trow1s New-York City Directory. New York: John F. Trow, 1853.

Trow's New-York City Directory. H. Wilson, (comp.) New York: John F. Trow, 1854,

Williams, Edwin (ed.) New-York As It Is, In 1833; And Citizen’s Advertising Directory, New York; J. Disturnell, 1833, [[editions for 1834-18353

Wilson’s Business Directory of New-York City. New-York: H. Wilson, 1848.

Wilson’s Business Directory, of New-York City. New-York: H. Wilson, John F. Trow, 1849. [[editions for 1850 and 1851]

Wilson's Business Directory of New-York City. New York: John F, Trow, 1852. [[editions for 1853 and 1855j

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82

Manuscripts

U.S. Bureau of the Census. First Census of the United States, 1790. Population Schedules, Albany County, New York. The National Archives, Washington, D.C.

.Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, Popu­ lation Schedules, 3rd Ward, New York. The National Archives, Washington, D.C.

Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, Popu= lation Schedules, Union County, New Jersey.

"John Hewitt Account Book," 1800-1803, 1810-1813, Monmouth County Historical Society, Freehold, New Jersey.

Inventory of the Personal Estate of Duncan Phyfe, 1854, Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection, Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Delaware.

Inward Coastwise Manifests, Savannah, Georgia, 1812-1839, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

"Fenwick Lyell Account Book," 1800-1810, Monmouth County Historical Society, Freehold, New Jersey.

Memorandum of Phyfe by the Cabinetmaker Ernest Hagen, 1907, 75 x 80.38, Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection, Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum , Winterthur, Delaware.

Peremptory and Extensive Auction Sale of Splendid and Valu­ able Furniture...At the Furniture Ware Rooms of Messrs. Duncan Phyfe & Son..., 1847, 55.510, Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection, Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Delaware.

Records of Assessment, Third Ward, New York, 1808-1811, 1813-1836, 1839-1841, 1843-1857, New York Municipal Archives.

Register of Deeds, Books. 65, 67, 78, 102, 109, 130, 141, 157, 193, 241, 317, 372, 420, 504, 549, 575, 613, 636, 638, 643, 646, 681, New York Hall of Records, New York, New York.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83

"James Ruthven, Cash Book,” 1843-1849, New-York Historical Society, New York, New York.

"James Ruthven Day Book," 1792-1804, New-York Historical Society, New York, New York.

"Charles Watts’ Accounts," 1808-1811, 69 x 212.1 - 69.212.5, Downs Manuscript and Microfilm Collection, Henr}?- Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Delaware.

"Charles Watts' Letter Book," 1811-1820, New-York Historical Society, New York, New York.

Unpublished Material

Hill, John Henry. "The Furniture Craftsmen in Baltimore 1783-1823." Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Delaware, 1967.

Pearce, Lorraine Waxman. "French Influence on American Decorative Arts of the Early Nineteenth Century: The Work of Charles-Honore Lannuier." Unpub­ lished Master's Thesis, University of Delaware, 1958.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APrENuiX

BILLS AND RECEIPTS FROM THE PHYFE SHOP

List of debts owed by the estate of W. John Bruce, May 18, 1798, MS, 65 x 86, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Rutherford, June 24, 1801, MS, Mr. and Mrs. John Rutherfurd, Boston, Massachusetts

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Morewood, December 28, 1802, MS, 57.28.1, Museum of the City of New York, New York, New York.

Receipt from Duncan Phyfe to John Cruger, February 14, 1803, (photograph, original owned by Frank Bender, New York, New York, in 1937, present location unknown), Antiques, July, 1937, p. 9.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to the Corporation of the City for repairs at Federal Hall, May 26, 1803, MS, Histor­ ical Documents Collection, Queens College, Flushing, New York

Credits to the estate of John B. Dash, 1804, MS, 54. 37.40, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Accounts of Mrs. William Constable Sr., November 26, 1805, MS, Constable-Pierrepont Papers, Box 23, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

Notebook of Victor du Pont, bills payable, December, 1805, MS, Winterthur MSS, Group 3, Series C, Box 28, Folder for August-December, 1805, Eleutherian Mills Historical Library, Greenville, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to George P. McCulloch, September, 10, 1806, MS, 54.37.33, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware

84

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85

Bills from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Talbot, May 20, 1807, June 10, 1808, (photocopy, original owned by the Marine Historical Association, Mystic, Connecticut), 1123.1 & .2, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to william Bayard, November 21, 1807, MS, 65 x 595, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bills from Duncan Phyfe to William Bayard, November 24, 1807, May 13, 1810, MS, Bayard-Campbell-Pearsall Papers, Box 8, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

Receipts from Duncan Phyfe to Francis Sexton, August 15, 1810, March 13, 1812, June 27, 1812, August 7, 1813, April 30, 1814, February 23, 1819, MS Francis Sexton receipt book, New-York Historical Society, New York, New York.

Bills from Duncan Phyfe to Thomas Masters, August, 1810, December 7, 1810, MS, 61 x 52.1 & .2, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

List- of debts owed by the estate of George Brewerton, June 13, 1811, MS, 63 x 61, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to William Rogers, agent for Lady Elizabeth Heyliger, January, 1811, MS, 69 x 62.3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Oliver Wolcott, Decem­ ber 31, 1812, MS, Receipt book of Oliver Wolcott, 1803- 1814, Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford, Connecticut.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Montgomery Livingston, March 13, 1813, (photograph, original owned by John Walton, New York, New York, in 1963), Classical America 1815-1845, The Newark Museum, 1963.

Receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Nicholas Low, October 14, 1815, MS, Nicholas Low Papers, Box 137, Accounts, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to James L. Brinckerhoff, October 26, 1816, MS, Papers of Robert Troup, Box 2, Folder: Brinckerhoff Domestic Receipts, 1815-1821, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86

List of debts owed by the estate of Catherine Brewerton, November 27, 1816, MS, 75 x 253, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

List of debts owed by William Constable, Jr., c. 1819, MS, Constable-Pierrepont Papers, Box 23, New York Public Library, New York, New York.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Charles N. Bancker, August 21, 1816, MS, 56x 6.38.4, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

List of debts owed by the estate of James Brooks, November 20, 1820, MS, 54.83.47, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to John Jordan Morgan, May 26, 1823, MS, New York Society Library, New York, New York.

Bills from Duncan Phyfe to George Newbold, Janu­ ary 10, 1824, September 18, 1824, December 11, 1826, MS, 73 x 1-73 x 3, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to the estate of Thomas Worthington, June 23, 1827, (pohtocopy, original owned by the Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio), Ph-413, DMMC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Turnbull, November 28, 1829, MS, catalogued under Phyfe, New-York Historical Society, New York, New York.

Receipt from Duncan Phyfe to Luman Reed, March 21, 1833, (photograph, original manuscript’s location unknown), DAPC, Winterthur, Delaware.

Receipt from Duncan Phyfe to B. Clark, August 16, 1834, (photograph, original manuscript's location unknown), White House Collection, Washington, D.C.

Bill from Duncan Phyfe to Mr. Hasbrouck, August 17, 1841, MS, Huguenot Historical Society, New Paltz, New York.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.