A Square Deal for All and No Railroading Historical Essays on Labour in Brandon Errol Black and Tom Mitchell
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Hon. Stanley H. Knowles Fonds MG 32, C 59
LIBRARY AND BIBLIOTHÈQUE ET ARCHIVES CANADA ARCHIVES CANADA Canadian Archives and Direction des archives Special Collections Branch canadiennes et collections spéciales Hon. Stanley H. Knowles fonds MG 32, C 59 Finding Aid No. 1611 / Instrument de recherche no 1611 Prepared by Colleen Dempsey and David Préparé par Colleen Dempsey et David Ross. Ross. Revised in 1991 by Geoff Ott for the Révisé en 1991 par Geoff Ott pour le service Political Archives Service. des archives politiques. -ii- TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Index Headings .............................................................. ii Guide to the Finding Aid ...................................................... .xii Political Series vols. 1-349 ......................................................... 1-256 vols. 398-402 ..................................................... 293-295 vols. 412-485 ..................................................... 300-359 vols. 488-494 ..................................................... 361-366 vols. 502-513 ......................................................... 371 Canadian Labour Congress vols. 350-389 ..................................................... 256-288 vol. 513 ............................................................. 380 Personal Series vols. 390-397 ..................................................... 288-293 vols. 403-411 ..................................................... 295-300 vols. 486-487 ..................................................... 359-361 vols. 495-502 .................................................... -
The British Columbia CCF's Working-Class
CONTROVERSY / POLÉMIQUE The British Columbia CCF’s Working-Class Moment: Socialism Not Populism James Naylor In August 1934, delegates of the Socialist Party of Canada, the dominant of the two affiliates to the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (bc/ccf), returning from the National Convention of the ccf in Winnipeg, lamented that “the Convention was far from being revolutionary, and tended further to the right.” The only bright spot on the horizon, they felt, was the small national youth movement that understood the necessity of “forg[ing] an instrument” capable of “the revolutionary transformation of our economic and social system.”1 Throughout the 1930s, the bc ccf was consid- ered nationally as the most left wing of the movement’s provincial sections, and the bc ccf itself considered itself to be responsible for providing a revo- lutionary and working-class anchor to a national movement that seemed, at times, to drift from its socialist moorings. And, for the most part, historians – most recently Benjamin Isitt – have acknowledged the bc ccf’s place on the left-wing of the Canadian movement in the 1930s and beyond.2 As Robert A.J. McDonald rightly argues, however, there was much in the day-to-day practice and language of the bc ccf that seemed to violate its own self-perception. Indeed, its actions appear not very different, for the most part, than other provincial ccf sections that engaged in socialist education and ran in elections. He argues that was most apparent in the ccf’s breakthrough pro- vincial election in 1933, which he sees as a “populist moment” wherein the 1. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
"THE HAND THAT ROCKS the CRADLE ROCKS the WORLD": WOMEN in VANCOUVER's COMMUNIST Movementy1935-1 945
"THE HAND THAT ROCKS THE CRADLE ROCKS THE WORLD": WOMEN IN VANCOUVER'S COMMUNIST MOVEMENTy1935-1 945 Brian T. Thorn B.A. (Hons.) Queen's University at Kingston, 1999 THESIS SUBMllTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History O Brian Thorn 2001 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY March 2001 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 ,,,a du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services biblicgraphiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Onawa ON K1A ON4 OtiawaON K1AON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Lhrary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts f?om it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ASSTRACT The period behmen 1935 and 1945 was a key one for the Communist Party of Canada [CPC or CP] due to the tumult of the Great Depression and the Second World War. -
A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia During the Great War
A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War by Dale Michael McCartney B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2004 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of History © Dale Michael McCartney 2010 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2010 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Dale Michael McCartney Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Emily O‘Brien Assistant Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Mark Leier Senior Supervisor Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Karen Ferguson Supervisor Associate Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Robert A.J. McDonald External Examiner Professor of History University of British Columbia Date Defended/Approved: ________4 March 2010___________________________ ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
ARTICLES Rebel Or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925
ARTICLES Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925 David Akers DURINGTHE1919VANCOUVERGENERALSTRIKE, the guardians of conventional 'law and order' in the city, the middle-class Citizens League, bemoaned the evils of "Kavanagh Bolshevism" and its "red-eyed vision of Soviet control."1 Jack Kavanagh — a member of the general strike committee, prominent "platform speaker" for the Socialist Party of Canada (SPC), and the provincial chairman of the One Big Union (OBU) in British Columbia — was a prime target for the establishment backlash against labour militancy in Vancouver.2 Red Scare hysterics aside, Kavanagh did, from October 1917, openly embrace the Russian Revolution and its "proletarian dictatorship," as he labelled the Soviet 'Vancouver Citizen, 25 June 1919. "On Kavanagh's role in the 1919 Canadian labour revolt, see Paul A. Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver 1967), 66-84; Martin Robin, Radical Politics and Canadian Labour, J880-1930 (Kingston 1968), 138-98; A. Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto 1977), 145-54; David J. Bercuson, Fools and Wise Men: The Rise and Fall of the One Big Union (Toronto 1978), 57-170; Gerald Friesen, '"Yours in Revolt' : The Socialist Party of Canada and the Western Canadian Labour Movement," in Labour/Le Travail, 1 (1976), 139-55; Dave Adams, "The Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919: The West Coast Story," in Socialist Worker, 161 (November, 1990). David Akers, "Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Com munist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925, Labour/Le Travail 30 (Fall 1992), 9-44. -
Women and the Communist Party of Canada, 1932-1941, with Specific Reference to the Activism of Dorothy Livesay and Jim Watts
Mother Russia and the Socialist Fatherland: Women and the Communist Party of Canada, 1932-1941, with specific reference to the activism of Dorothy Livesay and Jim Watts by Nancy Butler A thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada November 2010 Copyright © Nancy Butler, 2010 ii Abstract This dissertation traces a shift in the Communist Party of Canada, from the 1929 to 1935 period of militant class struggle (generally known as the ‘Third Period’) to the 1935-1939 Popular Front Against Fascism, a period in which Communists argued for unity and cooperation with social democrats. The CPC’s appropriation and redeployment of bourgeois gender norms facilitated this shift by bolstering the CPC’s claims to political authority and legitimacy. ‘Woman’ and the gendered interests associated with women—such as peace and prices—became important in the CPC’s war against capitalism. What women represented symbolically, more than who and what women were themselves, became a key element of CPC politics in the Depression decade. Through a close examination of the cultural work of two prominent middle-class female members, Dorothy Livesay, poet, journalist and sometime organizer, and Eugenia (‘Jean’ or ‘Jim’) Watts, reporter, founder of the Theatre of Action, and patron of the Popular Front magazine New Frontier, this thesis utilizes the insights of queer theory, notably those of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Judith Butler, not only to reconstruct both the background and consequences of the CPC’s construction of ‘woman’ in the 1930s, but also to explore the significance of the CPC’s strategic deployment of heteronormative ideas and ideals for these two prominent members of the Party. -
Total of !0 Pages Only May Be Xeroxed
TOTAL OF !0 PAGES ONLY MAY BE XEROXED (Without Author's Permission) Liberalism in Winnipeg, 1890s-1920s: Charles W. Gordon, John W. Dafoe, Minnie J.B. Campbell, and Francis M. Beynon by © Kurt J. Korneski A thesis submitted to the school of graduate studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History Memorial University of Newfoundland April2004 DEC 0 5 2005 St. John's Newfoundland Abstract During the first quarter of the twentieth century Canadians lived through, were shaped by, and informed the nature of a range of social transformations. Social historians have provided a wealth of information about important aspects of those transformations, particularly those of"ordinary" people. The purpose of this thesis is to provide further insight into these transitions by examining the lives and thoughts of a selection of those who occupied a comparatively privileged position within Canadian society in the early twentieth century. More specifically, the approach will be to examine four Winnipeg citizens - namely, Presbyterian minister and author Charles W. Gordon, newspaper editor John W. Dafoe, member of the Imperial Order Daughters of Empire Minnie J.B. Campbell, and women's page editor Francis M. Beynon. In examining these men and women, what becomes evident about elites and the social and cultural history of early twentieth-century Canada is that, despite their privileged standing, they did not arrive at "reasonable" assessments of the state of affairs in which they existed. Also, despite the fact that they and their associates were largely Protestant, educated Anglo-Canadians from Ontario, it is apparent that the men and women at the centre of this study suggest that there existed no consensus among elites about the proper goals of social change. -
The NDP: Manitoba's Natural Governing Party? (Draft) September
The NDP: Manitoba’s Natural Governing Party? (Draft) September 2008 For a Conference: “Manitoba Politics and Government into the 21st Century” University of Manitoba Winnipeg November, 2008 Nelson Wiseman Dept. of Political Science University of Toronto 1 This paper peers at the Manitoba New Democratic Party through the prisms of leadership, performance, ideology, and policy. It traces the party’s development, membership, and changing bases of support. It probes the interplay of leader, party, and society, of biography and history. To understand the party, its ideas and leaders, requires an appreciation of Manitoba’s ever-evolving political sociology. The provincial NDP’s meteoric rise to power came exactly 50 years to the day after the Winnipeg General Strike ended. The party’s 1969 victory was remarkable because the NDP and its predecessor parties – the Independent Labor Party (1920-1936) and then the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) – had never been more than third parties in the legislature. Within a few short years of the NDP’s creation, however, the party catapulted into government and moved from the periphery to the centre of provincial power and from the margins into the mainstream of provincial society. The party has held office in every decade since its initial election, in 26 of the last 40 years, winning seven of 11 elections. This raises the question: Has the NDP become Manitoba’s natural governing party? What accounts for the party’s success? Consciously constructed as a mass party, it is principle, philosophy, and the membership that ostensibly drive the NDP rather than opportunism, expedience, and leaders. -
The Calgary Working Class and the Social Credit Movement in Alberta, 1932-35
The Calgary Working Class and the Social Credit Movement in Alberta, 1932-35 Larry Hannant THE SOCIAL CREDIT MOVEMENT and government in Alberta constitutes one of the most closely-examined phenomena in Canadian history. Among the many studies of it, C.B. Macpherson's Democracy in Alberta: Social Credit and the Party System, written in 1953, was one of the first. Some recent criticism notwithstanding, it is still regarded as the classic work on the sub ject.' Perhaps because of the authority of Macpherson's contention that farmers have exercised overwhelming political domination in Alberta and in the Social Credit movement, no one has yet conducted even the most superficial study of the role of the working class in Calgary in the growth of that movement up to the election of the first such government in the world in August 1935. The formative influence of the Calgary working class on Social Credit has therefore been overlooked. To redress that imbalance, this essay will demonstrate first that Calgary in the 1930s had a relatively large and politically active working class. Moreover, it will be shown that workers — as individuals and en masse — injected a powerful drive into the organization of the Social Credit movement in the critical period of its infancy and adolescence. I FROM THH BIRTH OF the province, labour's influence on Alberta provincial politics was significant, a fact which is often overshadowed by the strength of the farmers' movements of the early twentieth century. The triumph of the farmers' concept of group government which occurred with the election of the United Farmers of Alberta (UFA) as the provincial administration in 1921 did not leave the labour movement untouched. -
The Great Canadian Sedition Trials, 2Nd Ed
The Great Canadian Sedition Trials, 2nd ed. 215 CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX ife in jail was simpLe. The men took their fate caLmLy and philosophicaLLy. They read, exercised, and enjoyed discussions with one another. There L was a Lot of mail to answer. Visitors were permitted aLmost eVery day. The highLight of the week was their wives’ Sunday Visit. In mid-April, a message was sent to the proVinciaL jail informing IVens that his smaLL son was seriousLy ilL with scarLet feVer. A week Later, on the approVaL of the Minister of Justice in Ottawa, IVens was aLLowed to go home for two days. Two constabLes were assigned to guard him, one during the day and the other during the night. IVens was at home bareLy an afternoon when his child died, leaving Mrs. Ivens “prostrate with grief.” The Western Labor News reported on the funeraL: Thousands of union men and women — InternationaLs and members of OBU units — attended the funeraL […] The cortege — men and women waLking four abreast — extended a distance of six bLocks. A body of 150 returned soLdiers headed it. About 100 automobiLes were aLso in the Line of procession […] At the graveyard another Large crowd had assembLed, and were standing patientLy, in spite of the coLd weather, when the funeraL party reached the grounds. It was estimated that nearLy 8,000 surrounded the grave and watched and Listened to the soLemn rites as they were performed by Mrs. Woodsworth. Fred and Winona Dixon received a similar bLow Later when their young son Jimmy died of scarLet feVer on October 31, 1920. -
DEBATES and PROCEEDINGS 2 March 13, 1959 2Nd Session, 25Th
Legislative Assembly Of Manitoba DEBATES and PROCEEDINGS Speaker The Honourable A. W. Harrison Vol. ll No. 2 March 13, 1959 2nd Session, 25th Legislature Printed by R. S. Evans, Queen's Printer for the Province of Manitoba, Winnipeg ELECTORAL DIVISION NAME ADDRESS ARTHUR .................. ....... .................. J. G. Cobb............... ................. Melita. Man. ASSINIBOIA D. Swailes................................... .. 366 Lansdowne Ave.. Winnipeg 4 BIRTLE-RUSSELL ........................ R. S. Clentent Russell. Man. BRANDON ................. .. R. 0. Lissaman 832 Eleventh St., Brandon. Man. BROKENHE.i\D ................... E. R. Schreyer Beausejour, Man. BURROWS .. J. M. Hawryluk.. ................ 84 Furby St .. Winnipeg 1 CARILLON ..... E. Prefontah1e St. Pierre, Man. CHURCHILl•. E. J. Willi�ms Fort Churchill, Man. CYPRESS Hon. Marcel Boulic.................... Legislative Building. Winnipeg 1 DAUPHIN ..... Hon. Stewart E. McLean Legislative Building, Winnipeg 1 DUFFER IN W. C. McDonald Roland, Man. ELMWOOD S. Peters 225 Melrose Ave.. Winnipeg 5 EMERSON J, Tanchak ................. Ridgeville, Man. ETHELBERT PLAINS........... M. N. Hryhorczuk, O.C•. Ethelbert. Man. FISHER ... P. Wagner Fisher Branch, Man. FLIN FLON F. L. Jobin. 120 Main St .. Flin Flon, Man. FORT GARRY ... ... ................ Hon. Sterling R. Lyon. Legislative Building, Winnipeg 1 FORT ROUGE Hon. Gurney Evans . Legislative Building, Winnipeg 1 GIMLI Hon. George Johnson Legislative Building. Winnipeg 1 GLADSTONE N. Shoemaker ... ................... Neepawa, Man. HAMIOTA. B. P. Strickland Hamiota, Man. INKSTER ..... M. A. Gray 608 Main St .. Winnipeg 2 KILDONAN ... A. J. Reid 561 Trent Ave .. E. Kildonan, Winnipeg 5 LAC DU BONNET. A. A. Trapp ... .. ................ Brokenhead. Man. LAKESIDE .. .. ............ D. L. Campbcll . 32G Kelvin Blvd .. Winnipeg 9 LA VERENDRYE S. Roberts ... .... ........... Niverville, Man. LOGAN S. Juha ... .. .................. 850 William Ave.. Winnipeg 3 MINNEDOSA C. L. Shuttleworth Minnedosa.