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ZEITSCHRIFT ZEITSCHRIFT 19

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2015 INDO-ASIATISCHE

INDO-ASIATISCHE 2015

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ZEITSCHRIFT

INDO-ASIATISCHE19 Schutzumschlag_IndoAsia19_V3.indd 1 18.12.15 14:26 Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für indo-asiatische Kunst

19 . 2015

Inhalt / Contents

Vorwort ...... 2 Abhini¹krama½a in Sanchi Robert Arlt ...... 3 Der jainistische Haustempel im Museum für Asiatische Kunst in Berlin und die Tradition westindischer Holzschreine des Jainismus Johannes Schröder ...... 9 The Case of the “Repainted Cave” (Kizil, Cave 117) Monika Zin ...... 19 New Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin Satomi Hiyama ...... 28

KANGDZÄ. Ein Kosmosbild aus dem Geheimen Tempel Norbert A. Deuchert ...... 37 Die Khmer Vi¹½u-Bronze im Museum für Asiatische Kunst Berlin – ein pastiche tardif ? Adalbert J. Gail ...... 57 Eine betrachtenswerte frühe Buddhabronze aus Kambodscha Peter Röa¯ler ...... 62 The Jewelled Lotus: On the Sources of Ornamental Patterns Woven in Silk Samite Kosuke Goto ...... 67 How come Vajrapani meets a Taliban Warrior in the Woods of North India? Christine Bruckbauer ...... 77 Nachruf Günter Heil Raffael Dedo Gadebusch ...... 90 Autoren / Contributors ...... 91 Ausstellungskalender / Upcoming Exhibitions ...... 92 Mitglieder der Gesellschaft für indo-asiatische Kunst 2015 ...... 94 Impressum / Imprint ...... 96 Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin

Satomi Hiyama

was a member of the group comprised of Caves 82-85, which seem to have been used together as a unit (Fig. 3).2) The third German expedition called this cave group the Schatzhöhle A-E (Treasure Cave A-E), as they discovered a gold treasure from a deep pit in the centre of the main chamber’s floor in Kizil Cave 83 (Schatzhöhle C).3) Of the numerous wall paintings decorating the Bud- dhist rock monasteries in the region, those in Kizil Cave 83 (Schatzhöhle C) and 84 (Schatzhöhle B) are of special interest due to their unique artistic style. While the majority of wall paintings in the Kucha region can be classified into two types of local artistic styles, namely the First Indo-Iranian style and the Second Indo-Iranian Fig. 1 Mural fragments from Kizil Cave 84/Schatzhöhle B. style, the paintings in Kizil Caves 83 and 84 belong Asian Art Museum, Berlin, inv.no. III 8444a1 & a2, ca. 326 x to neither; WALDSCHMIDT called them the „Sonderstil“ 435 cm. © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische 4) Kunst. Photograph by Iris Papadopoulos (Special style). The figures in these caves are repre- sented with particularly delicate contours, subtle facial In the Study Collection of the Asian Art Museum, two large-scale mural fragments depicting various Buddhist In his later publication he made a detailed description of the mu- narratives catch the eyes of visitors (Fig. 1). They are ral paintings from this cave, which were available in the Muse- fragments from Kizil Cave 84 or Schatzhöhle B (inv.no. um für Völkerkunde, Berlin; cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1920, II: 89-96. III 8444a1 and a2), in total measuring approximately 326 2) According to VIGNATO’s analysis, Kizil Cave 85 (Schatzhöhle cm in height and 435 cm in width, having once decorated A), which is a small rectangular cave with a vault ceiling and decorated with Second Indo-Iranian style paintings, is a later the rear and the right side walls of this cave. This paper addition to this cave group; cf. VIGNATO 2006: 374, fig. 8; aims to propose an identification of a thus far unexplained VIGNATO (WEI) 2013: 37-38, fig. 24. scene illustrated in the fragment III 8444a2 (Figs. 2a-b). 3) Cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1912: 100; LE COQ 1924: 6. Kizil Cave 84 is a square cave capped with a dome ceil- 4) Cf. WALDSCHMIDT 1933: 26. WALDSCHMIDT regarded this ing, and is located at the western frontal section of the great style as the prototype for only some of the Second Indo-Irani- gorge (große Bachschlucht) of the Kizil Caves.1) This cave an style paintings, in contrast to the majority of the Second Indo-Iranian style paintings, which seem to have developed from the First Indo-Iranian style paintings. On the other hand, 1) In his publication of 1912, GRÜNWEDEL could only briefly de- GRÜNWEDEL observed elements of both the First and Second scribe the archaeological features of this cave, because the mural Indo-Iranian styles in this painting style, and considered the paintings removed from this cave by the third German expedi- mural paintings of this cave as the product of a certain painter, tion in 1906 and transported to Berlin had not yet been in an ac- who knew well the Indian artistic style and had developed his cessible condition at that time; cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1912: 99-100. own personal style; cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1920, II: 91, 95-96.

Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift 19 % 2015: 28-36 Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin 29

Fig. 2 Topmost part of the fragment III 8444a2 from Kizil Cave 84/Schatzhöhle B, right side wall; a. © Staat- liche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Photograph by Jürgen Liepe; b. Drawing by the author expressions, and slit eyes which protrude slightly beyond two of the narrative scenes of Kizil Cave 84 have been the lines of the face. Depicting eyes in such a manner is identified with certainty: the Puppharatha-Jåtaka (cf. SAN- very unusual in the pictorial tradition of Kucha, and this TORO 1995/96), and the conversion of A¼gulimåla (cf. style of expression bears strong resemblance to the paint- ZIN 2006: 117-118). ing tradition of India. The wall paintings on the rear and right walls of Kizil According to GRÜNWEDEL’s report, the rear and both Cave 84 were cut into small fragments and removed from side walls of Kizil Cave 84 were once decorated with nu- the cave by the third and fourth German expeditions, that merous narrative scenes featuring the Buddha’s sermons, is, in 1906 and 1913. They were then transported to the divided into three horizontal registers. In each register, Museum für Völkerkunde of Berlin and reassembled. each single sermon scene is illustrated side by side with- During the Second World War, two small fragments out partitions. The arrangement of multiple narrative among them seem to have been conveyed to St. Peters- scenes juxtaposed without separating divisions can be ob- burg.7) Presently, four mural fragments from Kizil Cave served in a few other caves in Kucha decorated with the 84 are kept in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin, with the Second Indo-Iranian Style paintings.5) Additionally, some inv.nos. III 8444a1-3 and 8444c. scenes of Kizil Cave 84 were painted over the corner of the rear and right walls (cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1920, II: 92-93). 7) Inv.nos. III 8444b and 8481. The latter is documented in the war The arrangement of scenes over the corner of walls is rare loss catalogue of the former Indian Art Museum of Berlin at Kucha, but the mural paintings of Kizil Cave 76 (Pfau- (DREYER/SANDER/WEIS 2002: 149). According to LE COQ’s de- enhöhle) and Kumtura Cave GK 20, both classified as be- scription (1926: 13, Taf. 13b), this fragment was removed from longing to the First Indo-Iranian style, exhibit the same a “destroyed temple in the Second Complex [= present Houshan 6) district] of Kizil”. WALDSCHMIDT (1933: 26, fn. 4), however, type of pictorial arrangement. Until the present day, only corrected this provenance information, identifying the fragment as the one removed from Kizil Cave 83 or 84. — The case with 5) They are, for example, Kizil Cave 8 (16 Schwertträgerhöhle; III 8444b is more tricky. Before the World War II, the inv.no. Kizil Grottoes 1: pls. 21-22), 38 (Musikerchorhöhle; Kizil Grot- III 8444a originally referred to three separate fragments (cf. LE toes 1: pl. 99), 189 (Kizil Grottoes 3: pls. 64, 66) etc. COQ/WALDSCHMIDT 1933: 70). In the post-war period, how- 6) For the study on the arrangement of the scenes in the main ever, the fragment III 8444b was missing, and the three frag- chamber of Kizil Cave 76, see GRÜNWEDEL 1912: 89-91; GRÜN- ments which had been registered under the inv.no. III 8444a WEDEL 1920, II: 10-11; NAKAGAWARA 1997a. For the arrange- were renamed as III 8444a, b and c. In this process, the original ment of the Buddha’s sermon scenes in Kumtura GK 20, see fragment of III 8444b had been forgotten. In fact, this fragment QIUCI SHIKU YANJIUSUO 2008: 54-61. is now stored in St. Petersburg, . 30 S. HIYAMA

Fig. 3 Layout of the Cave Group 82-85 at Kizil. After VIGNATO 2013: fig. 24

The most detailed record of Kizil Cave 84 was pub lished in GRÜNWEDEL’s Alt-Kutscha (1920, II: 89-97, Taf. XXXII-XXXIX), which included colour plates and pre- cise drawings of the mural paintings that were removed Fig. 4 Exhibition hall IV of the former Museum für Völker- from this cave and transported to Berlin; these illustra- kunde, Berlin (view from hall II to hall XI, ca. 1929). © Staat- tions correspond to the presently designated fragments III liche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Archive 8444a1-3. Nevertheless, the scene represented on the top- unknown to scholars and thus could never have been a most part of the fragment III 8444a2 (removed from the subject of study before today. right side wall; Fig. 2) had not been illustrated in such colour plates or drawings, although two scenes directly Even though half of the entire scene has been lost, this below had been published (ibid.: Taf. XXXVIII-XXXIX). scene is easily identifiable. On the preserved part of the GRÜNWEDEL noted that the topmost section of the wall representation (Fig. 2), the following iconographical ele- paintings on the right side wall had been lost (ibid.: fig. ments can be recognized: 73 & caption). Yet, in the exhibition of the former Mu- 1. The Buddha, whose right arm and legs are still visible, seum für Völkerkunde of Berlin, which was opened in sits on a splendidly decorated pedestal in the middle 1926, the mural fragments from Kizil Cave 84 were exhi- of the composition. He has a multiple-coloured man- bited and included this topmost part (Fig. 4).8) It seems dorla, as is common in the Kuchean paintings. that this topmost portion was restored to the fragment III 2. Three Brahmins are present on the Buddha’s right 8444a2 at some point after GRÜNWEDEL finished his ma- side. Their social status as Brahmins can be ascer- nuscript for Alt-Kutscha (published in 1920), but before tained by the antelope skins they wear. The Brahmin the opening of the exhibition in 1926.9) As it was not with a reddish-brown skin tone is crouching in front published in Alt-Kutscha and has not since been published of the Buddha and holding up a pot-like object. An on any other occasion, this topmost scene has remained aged, bearded Brahmin is standing behind him, hold- ing the legs of the third Brahmin, who is standing on his shoulders. The head of the third Brahmin is heavi- 8) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Ines ly damaged, but one can still recognize that he is hold- Konczak (Berlin), who kindly drew my attention to the pre- sence of this fragment as exhibited in the former Museum für ing a large round-shaped object in his arms. Völkerkunde of Berlin, and generously provided me this pre- 3. Between the Buddha’s mandorla and the three Brah- cious photographic material. mins, an architectural element is represented in white 9) At this point I wish to express my indebtedness to Dr. Caren and green hues. Although the upper portion of this ele- Dreyer, Dr. Ines Konczak and Ms. Ines Buschmann of the ment is highly damaged, meaning that the arrangement Asian Art Museum, Berlin, for their generous assistance with the archival documentation relating to the fragment III 8444a of its architecture cannot be fully reconstructed, the kept in the Asian Art Museum. Dr. Dreyer and Dr. Konczak re- represented structure seems to have been oval-shaped cently found that the colour plates of Alt-Kutscha were already with a decorative pillar and a green-coloured floor. The prepared in 1913, which was determined through GRÜNWE- Buddha’s pedestal is installed within this structure. DEL’s correspondence with publishers concerning the estima- tion of printing costs. Thus it can also be presumed that the ad- 4. A white ladder stands to the left of the Buddha’s ditional restoration of this fragment was undertaken at some pedestal. time between 1913 to 1926. Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin 31

5. A further male figure is depicted in front of the ladder. miraculous power.12) The Buddha sojourned at the village His upper body has been lost, but judging from his of Urubilvå, where Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa and his disciples lower body which faces the viewer with bent legs, and trained in the ascetic praxis. To convert this influential his right hand which grips the ladder, he seems to be religious leader, the Buddha displayed a series of miracu- in the process of descent. A white cloth covers his lous powers (¡ddhi) in front of him, which steadily de- front, which is tied only at his waist. This garment monstrated his superiority to Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa.13) The most likely indicates that he too is an ascetic. most spectacular event in this conversion process is the 6. A blue-coloured bowl lies beside the Buddha’s feet, Buddha’s taming of a harmful snake in the fire shrine; ac- from which emerges a long curvy object in a white hue. cording to the request from the Buddha himself, Uru- These six elements enable the sure identification of the bilvå-Kå¸yapa offered him a fire shrine (agnyågåra/agni- scene’s narrative content: it is the episode concerning the ¸ara½a) as place for his accommodation, although he conversion of Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa by the Buddha. warned that a harmful snake dwells in it. At night, the fu- Since this episode played a significant role in the rious snake indeed attacked the Buddha by spewing fire Buddha’s biography, and especially for the establishment and smoke. Then the Buddha practiced the meditation of of the Buddhist sa¼gha, a wide range of Buddhist texts glowing (tejodhåtusamådhi) and emitted light, smoke and give accounts of this event.10) Although details of the flame from his body, too. When Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa ob- story differ slightly within each text, the basic narrative served that the shrine was engulfed in flames, he tried to plot is as follows: rescue the Buddha’s life, only to find that the snake was Shortly after his first sermon in Sarnath, the Buddha already tamed by the Buddha and captured in his food made a strategic decision to convert the most influential bowl. After having been shown several miraculous occur- religious leader at that time, because it was the fastest, al- rences by the Buddha, Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa conceded that though not the easiest, way to spread his teaching of the he had not attained the arhatship yet, and wished to be dharma.11) His target was set on Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa, who ordained by the Buddha as his disciple. was a renowned ascetic with matted hair (ja¶ila) and Exactly as intended, the conversion of Urubilvå-Kå¸- greatly revered by residents of Magadha Country for his yapa induced the rapid growing of the Buddha’s sa¼gha. Knowing that Kå¸yapa was converted by the Buddha, his two younger brothers and each of their disciples (in total 10) For an overview of different versions of this episode see MORI/ 500 ascetics) were immediately ordained as Buddhist MOTOZAWA/IWAI 2000: no. 41-01; SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 381- 395; ZIN 2006: 137-138. They are the Vinayas of the Theravå- monks and became members of the sa¼gha, too. Further- dins (Mahåvagga I.15.1-20, ed. pp. 24-34; transl. pp. 118-134), more, the self-declaration of Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa as being the (T 1428: 793b16-797b8), the Mahåsa¼ghi- the Buddha’s disciple had such a great impact that King kas (T 1425: 412c20-28), the Mahï¸åsakas (T 1421: 108a7- Bimbisåra and all the residents of the Magadha country 109c7), the M÷lasarvåstivådins (Sa¼ghabhedavastu, T 1450: 131a11-134b25), and the Lokottaravådins (Mahåvastu, ed. vol. immediately became the Buddha’s lay followers. 3, pp. 424-432) as well as the Theragåthå (375-380, ed. p. 42; Through this event, the Buddhist sa¼gha obtained its first transl. p. 42; ZIN [2006: 137] considered these brief verses as royal patronage. the probable origin of the whole story), Catu¹pari¹ats÷tra (a part of the Dïrghågama of the (M÷la)Sarvåstivådins, Skt.: Vor- The scene represented in the mural fragment under dis- gänge 24-25; transl. pp. 50-72; Chin.: T 191: 958a6-962b4), the Ekottarikågama (T 125: 619b25-622c8), some Påli commenta- cussion can be interpreted as illustrating the Buddha’s ries (Nidånakathå, ed. p. 82; transl. p. 111; Paramatthadïpanï taming of the poisonous snake in the fire shrine. The Theragåth嶶akathå VI.1, ed. vol. 2, pp. 159-162; transl. vol. 1, Buddha is sitting in a white architectural structure which pp. 206-207; Dhammapada¶¶akathå I.8, ed. vol. 1, pp. 87-88, 100-104; transl. vol. 1, pp. 197, 206-210) and the Buddha’s bio- graphies in Chinese (T 185: 480c20-483a12; T 186 = earlier 12) In Buddhist literature, Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa was counted as one translation of the Lalitavistara: 530c21-532b6; T 187 = later of the most difficult opponents of the Buddha to tame (durda- translation of the Lalitavistara: 611b18-612c2; T 188: 620b27- mana), along with Sundarananda, A¼gulimåla and Mahåråja 620c2; T 189: 646a13-650a29; T 190: 840c8-851a13; T 192 = Kapphi½a. About the durdamanas in Buddhist literature, see Buddhacarita: 31b10-32a13; T 193: 80b12-26; T 195: 147a6-8; SKILLING 1997: 297, fn. 111; ZIN 2006: 5. T 196: 149c17-152a15). 13) As principle, the Buddha converted his opponents by showing 11) Cf. Catu¹pari¹ats÷tra Vorgang 24a-1 (ed. p. 236; transl. p. 50); his overwhelming capability in the field of his opponent’s ex- M÷lasarvåstivåda-Sa¼ghabhedavastu (T 1450: 131a12-19) etc. pertise. See ZIN 2006: 137. 32 S. HIYAMA

Fig. 6 Taming of the poisonous snake in the fire shrine. ; Museum of the Cranbrook Academy of Art, Bloom- field Hills, Michigan. After INGHOLT/LYONS 1957: pl. XXIII.3

Fig. 5 Taming of the poisonous snake in the fire shrine. East gate of Sanci St÷pa I. Photograph by Gudrun Melzer may depict the fire shrine, and the tamed snake appears in the food bowl of the Buddha. The Brahmins in Urubilvå are attempting to extinguish the fire and rescue the Bud- dha by pouring water onto the shrine. Although the content and sequence of the Buddha’s miraculous performances displayed for the conversion of Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa vary according to textual sources, the taming of the poisonous snake in the fire shrine is narrated as the first event in the whole process in most versions.14) Fig. 7 Ajanta Cave IX, rear wall (drawing). After The antiquity of this episode is evident from representa- SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: No. 67, 2-3 tions in Indian art of the aniconic period (Fig. 5).15) It is remarkable, however, that the Brahmins’ attempt to extinguish the fire and so rescue the Buddha is neither (T 185, T 186, T 187, T 189, T 190) explicitly report that described in the oldest textual sources, nor represented in Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa ordered his disciples to extinguish the the art of Sanci or Amaravati.16) The Ekottarikågama (T flames surrounding the fire shrine by pouring water on the 125), the M÷lasarvåstivåda-Sa¼ghabhedavastu, the Mahå- blaze.17) In other versions, no such rescue attempt is men- vastu, and five Chinese texts of the Buddha’s biography tioned; Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa and his disciples simply saw the shrine in flames, and sorrowed by thinking that the 14) With the exception of the Mahåvastu, in which this event occurs good Gautama might have been already harmed by the at the very end of this whole process. Cf. Mahåvastu ed. vol. 3: evil snake. 429, transl. vol. III: 430; see also ZIN 2006: 138, fns. 15 & 16. 15) They are found in the East Gate of Sanci I and in some reliefs from Amaravati. For detailed studies of the iconography of 17) Ekottarikågama = T 125: 619c12-21; M÷lasarvåstivåda-Sa¼gha- these representations and further bibliographical references, see bhedavastu = T 1450: 131b5-9; Mahåvastu, ed. vol. 3, 429, SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 385-390, II: 74; ZIN 2006: 145-148. transl. vol. III, 430; T 185: 481a10-12; T 186: 531a11-14; T 187: 16) Cf. SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 387; ZIN 2006: 148. 611c1-5; T 189: 646b3-7; T 190: 841c16-842b9. Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin 33

Fig. 8 Front wall of Kizil Cave 205 / Fig. 9 Right side of the vault ceiling of Kizil Fig. 10 Simsim Cave 44. After Mural Måyåhöhle 2. Anlage. After Cave 186 / Mittlere Höhle. After Kizil paintings in Xinjiang of 2009, 5: GRÜNWEDEL 1912: fig. 372 Grottoes 3: pl. 52 pl. 104

The Brahmins’ rescue attempt is illustrated in many ladders by the Brahmins. Especially the latter source vi- reliefs from Gandhara (Fig. 6)18) and in the wall paintings vidly describes the great upset of Kå¸yapa’s disciples and of Ajanta Cave IX (Fig. 7)19). In these representations, the their desperate rescue attempts by use of a ladder, climb- Brahmins are bringing water vessels and pouring water ing onto the shrine and pouring water from vessels; this onto the shrine in which the Buddha is sitting, often by is exactly the scene portrayed in artistic representations. using one or two ladders. This type of representations cer- This particular account may have been influenced by pre- tainly served as the iconographical prototype for the re- ceding visual representations, which had existed before presentation on III 8444a2 (Fig. 2). Interestingly, only the the text. Ekottarikågama (T 125)20) and T 19021) refer to the use of Representations of the Buddha’s taming of the poi- sonous snake and the Brahmins’ rescue attempts can often be found in the Second Indo-Iranian Style paintings in 18) Cf. FOUCHER 1905: 443-453; SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 385-387; II: 75-78; ZIN 2006: 148-152. Kucha. Some feature ladders (Fig. 8) and some do not 22) 19) Cf. SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 385-390; ZIN 2006: 152-153. (Figs. 9-10). These mural paintings also developed a 20) T 125: 619c17-20 “At that time, Kå¸yapa said to his five hun- dred disciples: bring water vessel(s) and ladder(s) to rescue him 22) Cf. GRÜNWEDEL 1912: fig. 180; DING/MA 1985: 183-184, 201; from the fire, to allow ˜rama½a to escape from this calamity. SCHLINGLOFF 2000, I: 385-387, II: 78; ZIN 2006: 153-154. Un- At that time, the five hundred disciples of Kå¸yapa went to the mistakable representations of this episode can be found in Kizil stone shrine to rescue him from the fire, some sprinkled water, Cave 110 (Treppenhöhle; NAKAGAWARA 1997b: fig. 37; Mural some used ladder(s); nevertheless, they could not extinguish paintings in Xinjiang of China 2009, 2: pl. 5), 186 (Mittlere Höh- the flame.” (translation by the author). le; Kizil Grottoes 3: pl. 52), 192 (Kizil Grottoes 3: pl. 85) and 21) T 190: 842a1-26 “At that time, these Må½avas heard this sound, 205 (Måyåhöhle 2. Anlage; GRÜNWEDEL 1912: 162, fig. 372). and then brought water vessel(s) or ladder(s) and came running In addition, as DING/MA and ZIN pointed out, there are some in a great rush. As soon as they arrived, they installed the lad- lozenge-shaped scenes in the vault ceiling of Kizil Caves, in der(s) and climbed up onto the fire shrine, sprinkling water from which this episode is illustrated in a highly simplified manner the top to extinguish the fire. Nevertheless, through the power (there are mostly only representations of the Buddha bound by of the Tathågatha, the fire blazed even more. At that time, all a snake and an aged Brahmin showing the bodily gesture of as- of the Må½avas descended (from the ladder), stood at the fire tonishment). They are found in Kizil Cave 8 (16 Schwertträger- shrine and said to each other: this great ˜rama½a was an excel- höhle; Kizil Grottoes 1: pl. 36), 34 (Kizil Grottoes 1: pl. 78), 63 lent man, but now he is harmed by the poisonous snake.” (Then (Kå¸yapahöhle; GRÜNWEDEL 1912: fig. 180), 80 (Höhle mit dem they uttered some verses praising the Buddha and sorrowed that Höllentopf; Kizil Grottoes 2: figs. 53, 59), and 196 (Kizil Grot- he may have been harmed by the snake.) (translation by the toes 3: pl. 95), etc. In these scenes, the background setting of author). a shrine in flames is omitted. A scene in the vault ceiling of 34 S. HIYAMA new iconographical feature, that is, depicting the Buddha being bound by the long body of a snake (Figs. 8-10). Perhaps in consequence of this new feature, the traditional representation of a snake in the Buddha’s bowl is absent in the Second Style paintings. Of the numerous textual sources referring to the conversion of Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa, only T 196 (Zhong-Benqi-Jing) states that the harmful snake in the fire shrine did not only spew smoke but also encircled the Buddha with its body. This account cor- responds well with such representations in Kucha.23) Since the close relationship between T 196 and the textual tradi- tion of the (M÷la)Sarvåstivådins has been pointed out,24) this iconographical feature may reflect the narrative tra- dition of the (M÷la)Sarvåstivåda school. Fig. 11 Fragmentary mural painting In this regard, the representation in Kizil Cave 84 is of found in the “St÷patempel special importance, because it is the only such portrayal mit der Inschrift-Tafel” of known so far from the Kucha area25) that follows the older Chotscho (inv.no. IB 6836, type of iconography of this story by depicting the snake war loss object). After LE COQ 1913: 9, drawing by in the Buddha’s food bowl. Due to the damage of the mu- W. von den Steinen ral’s surface, it is unfortunately no longer possible to de- termine whether the Buddha’s body was depicted as binding the Buddha’s body and sitting in his food bowl bound by the snake in the painting from Kizil Cave 84. It simultaneously. Interestingly, this older iconographical is, however, unlikely that the snake would be depicted feature seems also to have been transmitted to the mural paintings from Chotscho in Turfan (Fig. 11)26); although Simsim Cave 44 (Fig. 10) can be added to this type of repre- the majority of the scene has been lost, a snake sitting in sentation (Mural paintings in Xinjiang of China 2009, 5: pl. 104); a round bowl can be still recognized. this scene includes the representation of a simplified structure surrounded by flames, in which the Buddha is sitting. Kå¸yapa A unique iconographical element in the representation is often represented as supporting his body with a stick; it may from Kizil Cave 84 is the Brahmin standing on the shoul- be a legacy from the iconographical tradition in Gandhara. ders of another Brahmin. To the best of the author’s know- 23) T 196: 150b10-12 “The Buddha quickly sat (on the seat). Then ledge, no similar kind of representation has been found the snake come up from its burrow, spewing the poison and elsewhere. This peculiar detail might be explained in two coiling around the Buddha. The Tathågatha altered all the poi- son to flowers.” (translation by the author). possible ways. First, this representation may have been a 24) Cf. OKUMURA 2012. The Zhong-Benqi-Jing is one of the texts creative attempt by its painters to emphasize the dramatic narrating the Buddha’s life story in Chinese. This text has been quality of the scene; in their extreme distress, the Brahmins regarded as being translated in the Han Period according to the spare the time to even prepare another ladder, standing on account of Chu-Sanzang-Ji-Ji (T 2145: 6c7-9). The study of each others shoulders to complete their urgent rescue ope- ENOMOTO (1994), however, demonstrates that at least some parts of this text can be dated to the Jin period (265-420 CE). ration. The second possibility is that Urubilvå-Kå¸yapa’s Through the comparative analysis of the individual episodes in- gesture of astonishment in raising one or both of his arms, corporated in this text, OKUMURA concludes that T 196 was often represented in Gandharan art (Fig. 6), was misun- composed on the basis of a narrative tradition, to which the (M÷la)Sarvåstivådins also referred. derstood by the painters of Kizil Cave 84 and interpreted as supporting the legs of another ascetic fellow. 25) The representation of this episode in Kizil Cave 110 (Treppen- höhle) is unfortunately highly damaged. The surely recognizable In any case, the painters of Cave 84 succeeding in elements are the Buddha sitting in a blue structure, from which dramatically illustrating two contrasting dynamics co- the tongues of flame are emerging, and two Brahmins pouring existing in this scene: the lively spectacle of the upset water from their vessels onto the blue structure. As the lower part of this mural is heavily damaged, it cannot be ascertained Brahmins, and the calm image of the Buddha sitting in- whether the Buddha was represented with the snake binding his side the shrine with the snake he has already tamed. body, or with the snake in his bowl. Cf. NAKAGAWARA 1997b: fig. 37; Mural paintings in Xinjiang of China 2009, 2: pl. 5. 26) LE COQ 1913: 9; DREYER/SANDER/WEIS 2002: 115. Identification of a Mural Fragment from Kizil Cave 84 (Schatzhöhle B) in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin 35

Acknowledgements Secondary literature

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Lauren DING, Mingyi & Shichang MA (1985) Kizil Sekkutsu no Butsu- Morris (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München) den Hekiga [The Buddha’s life scenes in Kizil grottoes]. for reviewing my English writing. Kizil Grottoes, vol. 3: 170-227. DREYER, Caren, Lore SANDER & Friederike WEIS (2002) Staat- BIBLIOGRAPHY liche Museen zu Berlin, Dokumentation der Verluste, Band III: SMB Museum für Indische Kunst. Berlin. Primary sources ENOMOTO, Fumio (1994) Hokku Hiyukyo no Seiritsu ni tsuite Catu¹pari¹ats÷tra, ed. Ernst WALDSCHMIDT, Das Catu¹pari- — Chu Hongikyo no Seiritsu ni karande (Study on the ¹ats÷tra. Eine kanonische Lehrschrift über die Begründung formation of the Faju-Piyu-Jing, in relation to the formation der buddhistischen Gemeinde. Text in und Tibetisch. of the Zhong-Benqi-Jing). Agama (Tokyo) 130: 284-286 Verglichen mit dem Påli nebst einer Übersetzung der chi- (in Japanese). nesischen Entsprechungen im Vinaya der M÷lasarvåstivå- FOUCHER, Alfred (1905) L’art gréco-bouddhique du Gandhâra. dins. Auf Grund von Turfan-Handschriften herausgegeben Vol. I. Paris. und bearbeitet. Berlin, 1952, 1956, 1960 (Abhandlungen der GRÜNWEDEL, Albert (1912) Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chi- Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1952.2, 1957.1, nesisch-. Berlin. 1962.1); transl. Ria KLOPPENBORG, The S÷tra on the Foun- — (1920) Alt-Kutscha. Archäologische und religionsgeschicht- dation of the Buddhist Order (Catu¹pari¹ats÷tra). Leiden, liche Forschungen an Tempera-Gemälden aus Buddhisti- 1973 (Religious Texts Translation Series, Nisaba, 1). schen Höhlen der ersten acht Jahrhunderte nach Christi Ge- Dhammapada¶¶hakathå, ed. H.C. NORMAN, The Commentary on burt. Berlin. the Dhammapada, vols. 1-4. London: Pali Text Society, 1906- INGHOLT, Harald & Islay LYONS (1957) Gandhåran Art in Pa- 12; transl. E.W. BURLINGAME, Buddhist Legends, vols. 1-3. kistan. New York. Cambridge, Mass., 1921 (Harvard Oriental Series 28-30). Kizil Grottoes = Shinkyo Uighur Jichiku Bunbutsu Inkai / Hai- Mahåvagga, ed. H. OLDENBERG, The Vinaya Pi¶akaº: One of kiken Kizil Senbutsudo Bunbutsu Hokanjo (eds.), Chugoku the Principal Buddhist Holy Scriptures in the Påli Language, Sekkutsu Kizil Sekkutsu [The Grotto Art of China: The Kizil vol. 1, London: Pali Text Society, 1879; trans. T.W. RHYS Grottoes], vols. 1-3. Tokyo, 1983-85.

DAVIDS & H. OLDENBERG, Vinaya Texts, vols. 1-5. Oxford, LE COQ, Albert von (1913) Chotscho: Facsimile-Wiedergaben 1881-82 (Sacred Books of the East 13, 17). der wichtigsten Funde der 1. Kgl. Preuss. Expedition nach

Mahåvastu, ed. É. SENART, vols. 1-3. Paris: Société Asiatique, Turfan in Ostturkistan. Berlin (Repr. Graz 1979). 1882-97; transl. J.J. JONES, Mahåvastu. London, 1949-56 — (1924) Die buddhistische Spätantike in Mittelasien = Er- (Sacred Books of the Buddhists 16, 18, 19). gebnisse der Kgl.-Preussischen Turfan-Expeditionen. IV. Atlas zu den Wandmalereien. Berlin (repr. Graz 1974). Nidånakathå, ed. Michael V. FAUSBØLL, Jåtaka, vol. 1. London, — (1926) Die buddhistische Spätantike in Mittelasien = Er- 1877: 2-94; transl. T.W. RHYS DAVIDS & C.A. RHYS DA- gebnisse der Kgl. Preussischen Turfan Expeditionen. V. VIDS. Buddhist Birth-Stories; . The Commenta- Neue Bildwerke 1. Berlin. rial Introduction Entitled Nidånakathå; the Story of the Line- LE COQ, Albert von & Ernst WALDSCHMIDT (1933) Die bud- age, vol, 1. London, 1880: 1-133. dhistische Spätantike in Mittelasien = Ergebnisse der Kgl. Paramatthadïpanï, Theragåth嶶akathå, ed. F.L. WOODWARD, Preussischen Turfan Expeditionen, VII. Neue Bildwerke 3. vols. 1-2. London: Pali Text Society, 1940-53; transl. C.A.F. Berlin. RHYS DAVIDS, Psalms of the Early Buddhists, II - Psalms of MORI, Shoji, Tsunao MOTOZAWA & Shogo IWAI (2000) Butsu- the Brethren. London: Pali Text Society, 1913. den Syokyoten oyobi Butsuden Kankei Syoshiryo no Episode T = Taishð Shinsh÷ Daizðkyð, eds. J. TAKAKUSU, K. WATANABE betsu Syutten Yoran [A study of the biography of Sakya- & B. ONO. Tokyo, 1924ff. muni based on the early Buddhist scriptual sources]. Tokyo (in Japanese). Theragåthå, ed. H. OLDENBURG & R. PISCHEL, Thera- and Therï-Gåthå. London: Pali Text Society, 1883; transl. K.R. Mural Paintings in Xinjiang of China / Zhongguo Xinjiang NORMAN, The Elders’ Verses I. London: PTS, 1969. Bihua Yishu (2009), ed. by ZHONGGUO XINJIANG BIHUA YISHU BIANJI YIYUANHUI, vols. 1-6. Urumqi (in Chinese). 36 S. HIYAMA

NAKAGAWARA, Ikuko (1997a) Kizil dai 76 kutshu (Kujaku- SKILLING, Peter (1997) Mahås÷tras: great discourses of the kustu) no Fukugenteki Kosatsu [A restorative study on the Buddha, vol. 2: General introduction & Individual intro- Kizil Cave 76 (Pfauenhöhle)]. Bigaku bijutsushigaku Kenk- ductions. Oxford. yu Ronshu (Nagoya) 15: 71-94 (in Japanese). VIGNATO, Giuseppe (2006) Archaeological Survey of Kizil, — (1997b) Kizil dai 110 kutsu (Kaidankutsu) no Butsuden Its Groups of Caves, Districts, Chronology and Buddhist Shiryo ni tsuite [On the murals about the life of Buddha at Schools. East and West (Rome) 56/4: 359-416. Cave 110 (Treppenhöhle) in Kizil]. Nagoya Daigaku Furu- — (WEI, Zhengzhong) (2013) Qudan yu Zuhe: Qiuci Shiku Si- kawa Sogo Kenkyu Shiryokan Hokoku (Nagoya) 13: 91-103 yuan Weizhi de Kaoguxue Tansuo [Districts and Groups: (in Japanese). An archaeological investigation of the rock monasteries of OKUMURA, Hiroki (2012) Chu Hongi Kyo ni tsuite [On the Kucha]. Shanghai (in Chinese).

Zhongbenqi jing]. Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies WALDSCHMIDT, Ernst (1933) Über den Stil der Wandgemälde. (Tokyo) 60/2: 912-907 (in Japanese). In LE COQ/WALDSCHMIDT 1933: 24-31. ANTORO S , Arcangela (1995/96) The so-called Puppharatta Jå- XINJIANG QIUCI SHIKU YANJIUSUO, ed. (2008) Kumutula Shiku taka - Kizil, Schatzhöhle B -. Art and Archaeo- Neirong Zonglu [Archaeological report on Kumtura Grot- logy (Kamakura) 4: 217-232. toes]. Beijing (in Chinese). CHLINGLOFF S , Dieter (2000) Ajanta - Handbuch der Malereien ZIN, Monika (2006) Mitleid und Wunderkraft. Schwierige Be- / Handbook of the Paintings 1: Erzählende Wandmalereien. kehrungen und ihre Ikonographie im indischen Buddhis- Vols. I-II. Wiesbaden. mus. Wiesbaden.

Deutsche Zusammenfassung

Dieser Aufsatz handelt von der Identifizierung einer bisher unveröffentlichten Szene auf einer Wandmalerei im Museum für Asiatische Kunst, aus der Schatzhöhle B in Kizil (Höhle 84, Fig. 2). Da dieser kleine Teil des großen Wandmalerei-Fragments nicht in GRÜNWEDELs monumentale Monographie von 1920 aufgenommen wurde, blieb diese Szene den Fachwissenschaftlern bisher unbekannt. Bei der dargestellten Geschichte handelt es sich um des Buddhas Zähmung der giftigen Schlange im Feuertempel in Urubilvå. Die Ikonographie der Malerei steht in enger Beziehung zur altindischen Bildtradition (Fig. 4-7) und illustriert die vergeblichen Versuche der brahmanischen Schüler zur Rettung des Buddha im brennenden Tempel; Darstellungen der Brahmanen mit einer Leiter und Wassergefäßen sowie des Buddha, der in einem ovalförmigen Gebäude sitzt, mit einer Almosen- schale, aus der eine Schlange hervorschaut, sichern diese Identifizierung. Dabei kann interessanterweise festgestellt werden, dass andere Darstellungen derselben Ge- schichte im Kucha-Gebiet (Fig. 8-10) neue ikonographische Merkmale zeigen, nämlich dass der Buddha von einer Schlange umwickelt dargestellt ist; eine entsprechende Beschreibung findet sich in T 196, einem chinesischen Text (Zhong-Benqi-Jing), der die Lebensgeschichte des Buddha er- zählt und in enger Beziehung zur Texttradition der (M÷la)Sarvåstivådins steht. Die Ikonographie der Wandmalereien in der Schatzhöhle B weist dagegen noch altertümliche Merkmale der altindi- schen Bildtradition auf. AUTOREN / CONTRIBUTORS 2015

Robert ARLT, B.A., geboren 1986 in Dresden, hat 2014 sein Karls-Universität Prag; 2006-14 Lehraufträge an der FU Berlin; Studium der Kunstgeschichte Südasiens und der Sozial- und seit 2015 Angkor-Forschung: Hinduismus - Pantheon und Iko- Kulturanthropologie an der Freien Universität Berlin abge- nographie. schlossen und studiert seitdem Religion und Philosophie Asi- ens an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in München. Seine Kosuke GOTO, M.A., born in Chiba, Japan; studied history of Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen sowohl im Bereich der frühen art and architecture at the Hokkaido University, Sapporo, and buddhistischen Kunst Südasiens als auch Zentralasiens (insbe- Byzantine art at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Mün- sondere des ehemaligen Königreichs Kucha) des fünften bis chen; studies at the Eberhard-Karls-Universität, Tübingen; re- siebten Jahrhunderts unserer Zeit. searching textiles from the Silk Routes and early Medieval European church treasuries. Dr. Christine BRUCKBAUER, born 1969 in Steyr, Austria; studied Art History at the Karl-Franzens-Universität in Graz. Dr. des. Satomi HIYAMA, born 1985 in Ibaraki, Japan; studied Her PhD (2007), supervised by Prof. Ebba Koch, focuses on the Art History, Archaeology, Indology and Comparative Cultural new movement of contemporary miniature painting, which ori- Studies in Tokyo, Munich, Peking and Berlin; 2010-14 Re- ginated at the National College of Arts in Lahore. After change search Fellow in Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin; 2014 of location from Pakistan to the UK in 2006, she had the oppor- PhD at the Freie Universität Berlin; 2015 Postdoc at the Lud- tunity to lecture on her research results at the SOAS in London. wig-Maximilians-Universität in Munich; currently Postdoc re- Her recent stay in Tunisia (2009-14) broadened her expertise searcher of Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz; specializing in contemporary art practices from South Asia to those in North on Buddhist wall paintings in . Africa. She curated the exhibition „rosige Zukunft“ for ifa, Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. She currently lives and works in Vienna. Peter Rößler, geboren 1934 in Dresden; Studium der Kunst- erziehung an der Akademie der Bildenden Künste München Dr. Norbert A. DEUCHERT, promovierter Historiker (Tübingen und Kunstgeschichte an den Universitäten München und Er- 1983). Volontariat SWR (Rundfunk) und freie Mitarbeit; inten- langen mit Staatsexamina für das höhere Lehramt. Er arbeitete sive Befassung mit asiatischer Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte; als Kunsterzieher an Gymnasien in Bayern und Griechenland 1988-2007 Aufbau und Leitung des Museums Villa Rot bei und als Museumspädagoge in der Direktion der Bayerischen Ulm mit Schwerpunkten Asien, Afrika und Moderne; Dialog- Staatsgemäldesammlungen, wo er das Museumspädagogische Ausstellungen: Wolfgang Laib und Indien (2004), Georg Base- Zentrum gründete. litz und Afrika (2005). Publikationen: Vom Hambacher Fest zur badischen Revolution. Anfänge deutscher Demokratie 1832- Johannes SCHRÖDER, M.A., geb. 1983 in Potsdam, studierte 1848/49 (1984); Begegnung der Kulturen – Museum Villa Rot Kunstgeschichte, Kunstgeschichte Südasiens und Religionswis- (2002); Beiträge u.a.: Kunst und Kultur Ostasiens, Die Samm- senschaften an der Freien Universität Berlin; seit Herbst 2015 lung Museum DKM, Duisburg (2008); Die Göttin Tårå und Doktorand in Südasienwissenschaften an der Humboldt-Univer- Milarepa, MFK München und Museum Iphofen (2010). sität zu Berlin. Prof. Dr. Monika ZIN, born in Krakow; studied art history, Univ.-Prof. i.R. Dr. Adalbert J. GAIL, geboren 1941; 1968 Indology and dramatics in Krakow and Munich; PhD disserta- Promotion an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München; tion on the Trivandrum Plays (1990) and habilitation on the 1972-73 Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Museum für Indi- Ajanta murals (2000); since 1994 teaching Indian Art History sche Kunst Berlin; 1978 Habilitation für Indische Philologie in Munich, Leipzig and Berlin (2010-14, Freie Universität); und Indische Kunstgeschichte an der Freien Universität Berlin; penned several monographs and articles regarding South Asian 1974-2006 Professor für Indische Kunstgeschichte an der FU and history, Buddhist narrative literature, and Berlin; seit 1995 Professor an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Indian drama. Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für indo-asiatische Kunst 19 . 2015

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