The Changing Human Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in

Phin Keong VOON*

rural production system. I. Introduction In his attempt at "strategic adaptation" to the environment and to match available resources to Few economic activities reveal as strong a sym- his needs, the smallholder's use of the land varies biotic bond with the biophysical environment as in response to evolving socioeconomic and politi- agriculture. In the process of crop production cal conditions prevailing at both the local and rural communities attempt to achieve mutual rela- national levels. Consequently, over the years, tionships with the environment in their quest for changes in the human ecology of smallholding the efficient use of available resources. These agriculture in Malaysia have largely originated relationships are built up through the initiatives from decisions impinging on the mode of develop- and actions of members of these communities. ment and production during the colonial period Decisions are made by individuals acting within vis-a-vis the post-independence decades. The the context of their cultural background and insti- nature and manner of these changes constitute the tutions to arriv e at a strategic adaptation to the theme of investigation in this paper and the dis- environment (Sack 1990). The functional rela- cussion is centered on two distinctive models of tions between the agricultural community and the land colonisation associated with spontaneous land constitute the basis of the human ecology of pioneering during the colonial era and planned agricultural systems. Inherent in these systems settlement in the post-independence period. are such components as the type and manner of resource use, the nature of settlement, and techn- II. Spontaneous Pioneering ological levels. In Malaysia a major agricultural typology is In Malaysia, as in other parts of , that associated with smallholding agriculture and one of the lasting effects of colonial rule was the peasant farming. Smallholding agriculture is diff- transplantation of crops especially of rubber erentiated from peasant farming by its production (Hevea brasiliensrs) which exerted a major impact for the export market. Despite their contrasting on the human ecology of production. Begun in orientations, they are often spatially and ec- the 1890s, rubber cultivation spread rapidly to all ologically associated to form specialised niches on parts of the country to emerg€, until recently, &s the landscape. They yield a mosaic of land-use the largest agricultural industry in the country. patterns which imbue the smallholding system Indeed the growth of this industry represented with a specific set of socio-economic and ecologi- one of the most successful instances of agricultur- cal characteristics. al dispersal in the humid tropics. Commercial production in the period before the British colonial policies in economic develop- Second World War took place either in planta- ment in pre-war Malaya were based on the princi- tions or smallholdings. Both were bound by a ple of laissez faire. Agricultural production was common mode of development through spontane- actively encouraged but with a definite bias to- ous pioneering within the framework of colonial wards the largely British-dominated plantation policies. With independence in 1957, changing sector. Operating on a large scale and supervised circumstances focused the objective of land-use by experienced managers, the plantation emerged policies to alleviate the pressure of rural poverty as a distinctive and innovative model in commer- and a deficient agrarian structure, and in the cial crop production and reached its apogee of process altered substantially the human ecology of development in colonial Malaya and the Dutch smallholding agriculture, and indeed the entire East Indies (see Voon 1976a). t< Department of Geography, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

3 Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon)

Following the success of the plantations, con- farmers. The purchase of kampung land by com- siderable numbers of Malay and Chinese settlers mercial interests was disapproved as this would took up rubber planting. For many decades jeopardise the emergence of a settled peasantry in rubber was one of the most viable and profitable the countryside. crops in the country. Ecologically the plant ad- The introduction of rubber was an intrusion apted well to the humid tropical environment. It into the ecology of the kampung settlement which was hardy and thrived on most upland soils that thus acquired new features and functions (Azh- were not normally suitable for more exacting arah 1970). Hence even in paddy growing areas, crops such as coffee, tea or oil palm. It required the kampung often possessed a crop-combination little maintenance and investment and, despite a pattern characterised by paddy, mixed horticul- gestation period lasting six to seven years, it boa- ture and rubber. The growth of the traditional sted a productive life-span of more than 30 years kampung was conditioned by the rate of land to virtually guarantee the smallholder a perma- colonisation and the interplay of economic, social nent form of livelihood throughout his working or political conditions in different periods of time. life. Again, rubber was economically resilient and The traditional kampung embraced houses scat- capable of withstanding adverse price decline. tered over a loosely-defined area featuring open Significantly too, unlike most crops, its produc- compounds and easy mobility under the canopy of tion was not seasonal but provided a source of various root crops and fruit trees. Much as the income almost on a daily basis. kampur?g was an integral part of the human ecol- Agriculture among smallholders was also en- ogy of smallholding agriculture, it was also a couraged by the colonial government as a means social space composed of a network of kin rela- to promote settlement and the creation of a per- tions. In more densely-settled areas, the kampu- manent source of wealth. Small plots of land were ngs merged imperceptibly into one another. The alienated to individual settlers to plant crops such kampung represented the rich cultural heritage of as paddy rubber, cocounts or to establish Kam- the Malays in its diversity of architectural styles pung (homestead). of dwelling units which were built almost entirely Smallholding agriculture was the result of spon- with local materials such as wood, bamboo and taneous pioneering during a period when land was thatch. Houses were raised on stilts of varying abundant. Almost anyone could apply for land heights both to mirror social status and to adapt from the decentralised district land offices. The to micro-topographical and climatic variations land was selected by the applicant himself who (Voon et al. 1978). was thus able to determine the location of the Social stability in the kampung was tied to holding and thus reflected attempts to optimise social and religious institutions. Community cohe- resource use and adjustment to ecological condi- rence was fostered by a formal social hierarachy, tions. The paddy field was sited near sources of with the penghulu (mukim or subdistrict head- water supply, whereas for rubber the absence of man) or sometimes a'ketua kampung (village waterlogging was more crucial. As most rubber headman) at the apex. Holders of these positions smallholdings appeared after the plantations, they besides playing a relevant role in the decision and were generally located farther away from roads execution of official policies, also form the grass- and railways or on rather steep slopes. The size of root level of contemporary official interaction. the land parcel was by necessity limited to about The kampung varied in size and was normally two hectares to match the labour resources at the strung along rivers, parit (canal), roads, or break- disposal of the smallholder and his family. of-slope. The up-stream direction of agricultural The development of smallholdings gave rise to colonisation followed the river valleys which pro- two major types of settlements, namely, the tradi- vided access to the interior and often reflected in tional kampung and the dispersed homestead, geographical place names (see Khoo et al. l97I; both of which possessed distinctive ecological cha- Zaharah and Khoo 1980). racteristics. Localities where agriculture was based on The kampung was associated with mixed horti- rubber gave rise to different ecological features. culture and the cultivation of padi and/or rubber With the rubber 'boom' of 1910, an increasing by Malay settlers. Padi farming featured as a key number of Malay and Chinese settlers realised the element in the colonial strategy of development economic potential of rubber as a profitable crop and the kampung was looked upon by the admin- in the 1910s and 1920s. Many settlers had gained istrators as the permanent abode of the Malay experience working in adjacent plantations, in

-4- Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) jungle clearing or planting. Others were already fied the ecologically damaging practice by the engaged in other economic activities or possesed adoption of leguminous cover-crops. some savings to finance their planting enterprise. Another aspect of smallholding agriculture that In some cases, rubber was planted illegally on was ecologically sound was the association of land held under mining lease, temporary occupan- several crops to take full advantage of topograph- cy licence or state land. Many Malay settlers also ic and hydrological variations by specific crops. converted their kampung or even paddy lots into Padi occupied the valley floor and its areal extent rubber holdings. was controlled by the break-of-slope along which The advent of rubber smallholdings saw the the kampung was sited. Locationally the kam- emergence of a settlement type consisting of clus- pung was placed above normal flood levels yet ters of houses located at or near the holdings to adjacent to the padi fields. The kampung itself produce a dispersed settlement pattern generally was a miniature garden of , fruits, root served by a network of footpaths. Scattered thr- crops and edible leaves. The higher slopes were oughout the holdings were processing sheds where devoted to rubber to sustain a dual-cropping peas- the rubber latex was coagulated into thin sheets to antry (Zaharah 1989). As a robust plant that reduce its high water content for ease of transport thrived on a range of well-drained soils, rubber to the nearest rubber dealer. Among the more was often planted below the 225 -contour beyond progressive smallholders these sheets were sent for which the terrain would mitigate against efficient drying in an air-tight chamber or smokehouse operation. The decline in temperature with hei- (Khoo and Voon 1978). ghts above 300 m was believed to prolong the Spontaneous pioneering by farmers and small- maturity period (Wycherley 1963; Nieuwolt et al. holders helped to push forward the frontier zone n.d.). At higher elevations, the natural vegetation and contributed significantly to land colonisation. was often left intact to serve as catchment areas. This form of development was well suited to This land-use pattern in smallholding areas gen- conditions prevailing during the colonial period. erally formed a functional concatenation. The Economically, it allowed the full play of individu- kampung mixed horticulture not only supplemen- al initiatives in economic decision-making and, ted the farmers' income but also provided shade politically, it absolved the colonical government to alleviate the tropical heat. Padi farming and its from the responsibility of providing the necessary associated rituals promoted social stability thr- financial support. The rate of smallholding ex- ough community activities especially during the pansion was determined by the availability of planting and harvesting seasons (Kato 1988/9) suitable land and economic factors such as the while rubber provided a reliable source of income. price level, or in padi areas, by the provision of During the colonial period, the bond between irrigation facilities. The location and direction of the smallholder and his land was based not only spatial diffusion of smallholding areas were deter- on ecological but also economic relationships. mined by the smallholders' perception and assess- The conversion of jungle land into a rubber hold- ment of such variables as soils, slope, or accessibil- ing rendered the land into an instant transferrable ity. Many smallholders achieved success and later property and the smallholder's most valuable pos- branched out to related activities. Socially, spon- session. Among those who lacked the financial taneous pioneering was a sorting-out process by means to develop their land, funds were borrowed which settlers of similar ethnic or dialect origins from external sources especially the Indian mon- tended to congregate in the same area. ey-lenders or Chettiyars who normally charged Ecological, spontaneous pioneering was suited high interest rates. Hence the incidence of rural to the biophysical conditions of the tropics. The indebtedness and consequently poverty was di- ecological disruption attendant on the clearing rectly related to the colonial policy which was and planting of land was well within tolerable eager to promote agricultural settlement but mi- limits as the area opened up each year was rela- serly in providing financial backing to all except tively small. Rubber smallholders, unlike the the favoured few (Voon 1987). plantations, did not practise 'clean weeding' but As land was the only practical form of invest- allowed some vegetation among the rubber trees. ment among smallholders, the desire to acquire This approach based on the perception of the existing holdings was strong and transactions interconnectivity of the components of the envi- were frequent. A consequence of ownership cha- ronment helped to reduce erosion and preserved nges which was felt as early as the 1900s was the soil fertility. The plantations subsequently recti- dispossession of Malay settlers and the adverse

二 5- Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) chain effects of this phenomenon led directly to tee owners. At the same time, landlessness and the creation of Malay Reservations in many parts the incidence of tenancy became increasingly of Malaya (Voon 1976b; Kratoska 1985). common. Ownership changes were accompanied Over the years, the equitable distribution of by the tendency to subdivide the holdings and an landownership associated with land application increase in the incidence of fragmentation and was distorted by frequent sales resulting in the joint landownership. In the post-independence concentration of ownership in the hands of a period, joint ownership worked against the repla- more privileged, often urban-based class of absen- nting of first-generation rubber holdings with

Figure 1. Land Use in Mukim Batu Hampar, Negeri Sembilan, 1993

6 Ecology of SIIlallholding Agriculture in Malaysia(Voon) high-yielding clones as it hampered unanimous invariably absent and the main sources of water decision among all the owners. were the well or river. With low levels of sanita- Spontaneous pioneering based on the alienation tion and exposure to endemic diseases such as of small parcels of land posed some fundamental malaria or chol era, the general quality of life of problems in production and social relations, and the settlers was low. these in turn impinged upon the quality of life in In the immediate post-war period, the ecologi- smallholding areas. While holdings averaging two cal basis of smallholding agriculture was signific- hectares in size could provide a sufficient income antly altered by a political decision to relocate the to the smallholder in the colonial period, this size dispersed smallholders into resettlement villages is now uneconomic (Amriah 1991). This is in for the immediate political needs of combating an fact a basic problem in rural areas and represents armed struggle launched by the communists in the one of the reasons for the high incidence of pover- late 1940s. This decision turned out to be a ty of 68 per cent in the agricultural sector in 1970 massive social programme undertaken in great ( 1976). haste. Affected were half a million predominantly The nature of the smallholding economy was Chinese scattered in their own holdings or "squat- such that the opportunities for employment were ting" on land belonging to others. In the process limited. With population increase and limited more than 500 compact settlements called New scope for obtaining land through application, the Villages were created between 1949 and 1952 (see man-land ratio deteriorated. In areas where the Dobby 1952153; Markandan 1954; Hamzah 1962; population and land resources were in disequilib- Sandhu l964a,b; Nyce 1973; Voon and Khoo rium, illegal occupation of private land or plant- 1986). Resettlement thus transformed the rural ing of state land or forest reserves took place, population distribution and settlement pattern particularly where they adjoined rubber small- pennanently, and effectively separated the small- holdings. The absence of economic prospects, holders from their land and altered the ecological together with the enhanced expectations of the function of the holding as part of the human rural inhabitants, stimulated growing outflows of habitat and farming unit into one purely for pro- population to urban areas. The resultant shortage duction purposes. of labour and the declining prospects of agricul- tural pursuits led to the abandonment and under- III. Planned Development and Settlement utilisation of agricultural holdings in many rural areas. An estimated 71,879 ha or 18 per cent of The Second World War was a turning point in paddy fields and a substantial proportion of other the history of the country in many ways. In the land in were abandoned in post-war period, but especially after independence 1981 and in the late 1980s an estimated 400,000 ha in 1957 , the new government placed great empha- of agricultural land were idle (Amriah 1991; Kato sis on issues of development. Planning for eco- 1994). In Batu Hampar mukim in Negeri Sembi- nomic development was introduced in the 1950s lan, padi cultivation has been practically dis- and is now institutionalised as a highly elaborate continued and rubber production is sustained thr- exercise. ough the use of contract labour (Figure 1). Like A major target of the planning efforts was many economically marginalised rural areas, the aimed at improving the socio-economic status of mukim has a high percentage of old folks and rural areas. However, the manner of development pensioners living on remittances from their mi- especially of smallholding agriculture, differed sig- grant children. This national phenomenon of nificantly from that of the colonical period. abandonment in the context of an increasing pop- Spontaneous pioneering was conditional upon ulation is a paradox in modern development. the alienation of land. However land administra- The kampung and smallholding settlements tion, under the responsibility of individual states that grew out of spontaneous pioneering were often burdened by inadequate staff and profes- loosely integrated with the urban economy. The sional training, was unable to cope with the number and variety of services avilable were lim- demand for land. A 1968 study indicated that an ited. Besides the ubiquitous coffee shop which application for state land required an average of also doubled as a place of social interaction, there 564 days to be approved (Esman 1972). Conse- would be one or more shops selling daily provi- quently the backlog of land applications ac- sions, repairing bicycles or purchasing rubber. cumulated in the land offices. Efforts to limit Services such as piped water or electricity were individual application for land since 1962 have

一- 7 -― Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) reduced the opportunities for private agricultural phases to be planted, the layout of the central operation. In Pahang, for example, where the settlement, roads and other facilities (see Shamsul number of unprocessed applications in 1966 was Bahrin and Lee 1988). The schemes vary in size more than 150,000, ro state land had been alien- but average 1,500ha for rubber and almost 2,000 ated to non-Malays since 1962 (Esman 1972). ha for oil palm schemes, each with a settlement Illegal occupation of state land for farming or comprising about 2OO families. Locationally, other purposes became common and this act was these schemes are dispersed individually or gro- perpetrated by smallholders and private uped in designated areas under the charge of 'syndicates' which planted tracts of state land regional development authorities (Figure 2). By with cash crops such as tapioca, bananas, ginger 1992 FELDA has established 478 schemes (in- and even rubber. cluding 59 in Sabah and 6 in Sarawak) covering The shortcomings of development through spon- 897 ,l43ha (675,847 ha under oil palm, 176,723 ha taneous pioneering were too glarittg to meet the rubber, 5,546ha cocoa, 4,656ha sugarcane, and more systematic approach to rural development in 33,660 ha under the central settlements) and a the post-independence period. The process of total of I 17 ,491 families (FELDA 1992). spontaneous pioneering was haphazard and the Besides FELDA there are several agencies that rate of failure of individual efforts was also high. are actively involved in smallholding agricultural Although some achieved success, many had to eke development. These are the Federal Land Con- out a living from the land and the incidence of solidation and Rehabilitation Authority indebtedness and poverty was unacceptably high. (FELCRA), the Rubber Industry Smallholding Additionally it was difficult to safeguard the inter- Development Authority (RISDA) and agencies ests of farmers and smallholders from the vagaries at the state level. Together their activities have of the landlord-moneylender system (Wharton determined changes in the smallholding industry. 1962; Sundaram 1986). Planned land development has almost com- With rising expectations following the attain- pletely re-defined the human ecology of small- ment of independence and the complex situations holding agriculture in the country. It is an ingen- of a plural society marked by rather distinct eth- ious attempt to overcome the weakness of small- no-territorial concentrations and ethnoeconomic scale agriculture and yet to take advantage of the divisions, land became an increasingly sensitive inherent benefits of plantation-type organisation and politicised issue. Land afforded an avenue by where the decision-making function is the prerog- which official objectives were to be realised thr- ative of the development agency and its manager- ough a rural development programme that could ial staff and the settlers themselves serve primarily not be divorced from the realities of politics. to provide the labour under technical supervision. While the rural population was economically This imposed mode of development effectively weak and deficient in resources, as reflected by the differentiated the functions of the management incidence of landlessness, uneconomic holdings and the settlers. By this arrangement FELDA is and unemployment, notably in densely settled able to provide professional services which are areas, it formed the majority of voters and was a seldom accessible to smallholders. Specialisation powerful political force. demands that these services embrace all aspects of Mounting population pressure and increasing physical development, production, processi.g, landlessness prompted emphatic policies on large- marketirg, transportation and overall managerial scale resettlement and land development involving supervision and decision-making. the transfer of people from overcrowded areas to A land scheme is a specialised ecological unit of selected frontier zones. Land settlement was to be production based on the monocultivation of a an instrument of social engineering by which the single crop, primarily oil palm which covered 78 standard and quality of life of the rural popula- per cent of the total planted area in L992 and tion could be uplifted through an efficient mode of another 20 per cent devoted to rubber (FELDA production and provision of basic infrastructure 1992) and, other than within the confines of the and social amenities. individual houses in the central village, is devoid The Federal Land Development Authority of other crops. Padi in particular does not feature (FELDA) was set up in 1955 as a national agency in the planned ecosystem. The central settlement, to launch a model of development in sharp con- strategically located in the scheme, establishes a trast to that of spontaneous pioneering. It entails new set of ecological relationships between the meticulous planning in the selection of site, the settler and his 'holding'. Settlers are allocated a

-8- Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon)

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Figure 2. ReJonal De▼ elopment Authority Areas and Dis"ibution of FELDA Land Schemes and other Facilittes 1992。 Source:FELDA 1994

demarcated holding in rubber schemes but partic- ught into the schemes as the last component in the ipate in a share system in oil palm schemes and planning process. Absent too are elements of work according to assigned tasks. illegal occupancy and improper use of land. Land The very nature of planned settlement requires settlement is therefore more a transmigration pro- the specification of all land-use components such cess through purposeful selection of settlers based as the cropped area, village, roads, and basic on the place of origin, ethnicity, economic stand- facilities. The architectural style of the houses is ing and agricultural background, rather than one functional and bears little relation to the cultural of spontaneous movement motivated by economic background of the settlers who are norrnally bro- circumstances. Hence the socio-cultural basis of

-9- Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon)

FELDA schemes is loose and lacks the strand of raised to a level superior to that in the source continuity as in old-established kampung and areas. Most schemes feature a school, clinic, smallholding areas. The mixture of settlers shops, recreational facilities and religious build- coming from diverse areas have to forge new ings and a regular bus service. The concentration workable social ties and to establish a relevant of houses in central villages facilitates the supply tradition. of electricity and piped water more easily than to Planned agricultural settlement is created based dispersed houses in kampungs and smallholder on several tenets. Among these is the provision of settlements. Opportunities to diversify the house- land and house to those who were economically hold activities through handicrafts and small- under-privileged. Homogeneity is the hallmark of scale enterprises are more readily realised with FELDA schemes where each settler is apport- proper organisation. In regional development ioned a 3-4ha rubber holding or an equivalent areas, a hierarchy of settlements is planned to share in oil palm schemes, and a small wooden effect an orderly transformation of the entire fron- house of standard design on a 0.1 ha plot of land. tier zone (Fig. 3). Land schemes especially in the A significant attribute of the holding is that it regional development areas of Jengka Triangle, cannot be subdivided or sold. This forestalls a Johor Tenggara, Pahang Tenggara, Terengganu repeat of the phenomena of landownership con- Tengah and South Kelantan are planned to com- centration, .fragmentation, landlessness or other plement the national settlement system. Agro- undesirable effects. towns and regional centres with proper facilities This socio-economic objective in itself is a sig- are emerging to allow the inhabitants to enjoy nificant achievement because the majority of the modern and technologically advanced facilities. settlers, if left to their own resources, would fail to Non-farm employment is generated by processing uplift themselves from the incubus of poverty. In factories and urban-based activities. 1992, settlers earned an average gross income of Land development fits into the official philoso- RM805 per month in oil palm and RM699 in phy of rural developoment and while it is now the rubber schemes (FELDA 1992). Equally impor- accepted model of agricultural development, its tant, ownership of agricultural land and a house performance must be viewed in proper perspec- infuses a sense of pride among settlers and at the tive. same time contributes to solving the housing pro- Large-scale and rapid removal of forests with blem in the source areas. The society which modern techniques averaging almost 30,000 ha a emerges enjoys equality in status and opportuni- year in FELDA schemes alone, compared with ties and, in theory, social and economic stratific- the more moderate rate of clearance under spon- ation is absent. taneous pioneerirg, have resulted in disruption to Another tenet is that land schemes provide an the delicate ecological balance giving expressions avenue by which innovations in agricultural pro- to silting of rivers, increasing frequency of serious duction may be introduced to a large number of floods and other environmental problems (Daniel farmers. The adoption of superior planting mate- and Kulasingam 1974; Pushparajah 1985; Teh rials and agronomic practice becomes a matter of and Shamsul Bahrin 1992). In the relatively organisation by the management. If it is realised undeveloped states of Pah&trg, Terengganu and how difficult it is to modernize farming among Kelantan where extensive regional development smallholders, the role of land schemes in this areas are located, the forested areas have declined respect is readily appreciated. FELDA, for exam- from 67 per cent of land areain 1974 to 59, 52 and ple has a staff of 7,284 in 1992 to supervise and 60 per cent respectively in 1992. In Johore where improve agricultural efficiency in its land schemes the eastern districts have been opened up for land (FELDA 1992). Without large-scale develop- settlement, the forested area has slipped from 38 ment, few smallholders are able to plant oil palm to 25 per cent in the same period (Wong 1974; and to enjoy the higher income levels derived Department of Statistics 1994). Rubber is already from this crop. Similarly, rubber cannot be pro- planted beyond the 600 m-contour, and as its yield cessed scientifically without capital-intensive in- does not vary significantly with height, more ele- stallations and marketing network built up by vated land may be exploited in the future (Yew ef FELDA. al. 1987). A third tenet is that, arising from the provision In contrast to spontaneous development, plan- of the variety of services and facilities in each ned land settlement by government agencies has scheme, the quality of life in land schemes may be been costly. Under each of the five-year develop-

l0 Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon)

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Figure 3. Set0ement Hierarchy in Pahang Tensgrrr (Southeast Pahang) Regional Development Authority Area. Source: Lembaga Kemajuan Pahang Tenc$ra 1990

ment plans from 1966 to 1995, allocations for land 10,000 in 1987. However, the inclusion of the and regional development have ranged from RM massive infrastructure layout and a host of other 376 million during the First Malaysia Plan (1966 costs translates into a total average cost of RM -70) to a maximum of RM3,618 million during 55,000 for settling a family in 1990 compared with the Fourth (1981-95). Cumulatively a massive RM26,500 in 1976 (Shamsul Bahrin and Lee sum of RM13,900 million has been spent on land 1988; Government of Malaysia 1991a). and regional development, of which a substantial FELDA-type development denies settlers an portion was reserved for development by FELDA appropriate role in decision-making, only serving (Government of Malaysia 1965, 1973, 1979,1984, to provide the labour inputs in the production 1989, l99la). The average cost of developing one process. In the initial stage of a scheme, the hectare of rubber or oil palm in FELDA schemes manner and extent of work are decided by the has escalated from RM6,000 in 1976 to RM management. There is little allowance for self-

―H― Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon)

reliance and display of initiative among the set- ment of the economy. tlers. The passive role of settlers may encourage a The effect of the encroachment of industrial negative attitude of dependence on official hand- and infrastructure projects in the form of express out. In the earlier phase of the life of some highways, industrial estates and parks, new hous- settlements, the landscape, which was devoid of ing and urban centres, power and transportation the cultural atmosphere and ecological richness of projects, and recreational facilities among others traditional rural life, painted a picture of 'a world is forcing changes in the human ecology of agri- which is neither charmingly and decidedly rural culture. These projects have realigned the zones or competitively and functionally urban' (Wikkr- of accessibility and hence the relative location of amatileke 197 5). The settlers no longer rely on agricultural areas giving rise to new growth cen- the wealth of natural materials from the sur- tres and development corridors and inducing new roundings for their dwellings. Culturally, a great- land-use configurations. The valued attributes of er degree of local flavour to the rural setting will land are less of ecological considerations rather render individual settlements as more distinctive than those of location and site. Land-use changes social entities. A possible way to achieve this is to hastened by leapfrogging urban-industrial imposi- exploit the settlers' resourcefulness in building tions into rural areas and the appreciation of the houses according to their preference and design. commercial value of adjoining agricultural land at Where change is imposed by a central authority almost exponential rates further diminish the sig- but does not take cognizance of the cultural back- nificance of ecological attributes. Smallholdings ground of the target community and its bond with are thrust into juxtaposition with land uses which the land, the results will probably be counter- offer high economic returns such as industrial effective or ecologically damaging (see Butzer estates, housing schemes, new towns, golf courses, 1990). Inadequate appraisal of the cultural attri- hotels, or coastal beach resorts. Adjoining small- butes of land has led to the development in areas holders are then held in speculative dormancy where settlers are unwilling to move in from else- awaiting sale to the highest bidder who makes where. In Sabah some land schemes established purchases of suitably located land to build up a away from the ancestral domains of traditional "land bank" for future development. Among farming communities such as the Kadazans are owners who live away from their smallholdings, devoid of settlers. Planning for development re- the sale of land is readily transacted as it causes quires sensitivity to the perceptions of the people minimal disruption to family life or social ties and for which such development is intended. Even where the supreme consideration is that of profits. where development is implemented within the ter- The urban bias in spatial economic organisa- ritorial domain of a target group, it must be tion, including increased attention towards verti- appropriate to its cultural ecology especially in cal diversification through linkages with agro- attempts to sedentarise nomadic groups (Khoo based industries, will accelerate rural outmigra- and Cho 1973; Voon et al. 1979; Khoo and Voon tion and contribute to the trend of "de- 1986). Land has also been developed in which the agriculturalisation" of the rural economy. Indeed objective of physical development has become an the need to allow the conversion of certain land aim worthy of pursuit in itself. Of the 863,000 ha schemes for industrial and other uses is increas- planted by FELDA, only 60 per cent is found in ingly recognised. Emphasis on this trend of devel- schemes with settlers and the remainder is man- opment will add to environmental woes where as aged as plantations worked by hired immigrant tree crops such as rubber are an inherently "en- labour (FELDA 1992). vironment-friendly" form of land use (White 1989; Wan Abdul Rahaman 1994). fV. Epilogue The undercurrent of changing social and eco- nomic circumstances, perceptions and preferences The contemporary period in Malaysian devel- generated by rapid industrialisation and rising opment is marked by high economic growth pow- afruence, reinforced by the diminishing bond to ered by an export-oriented industrialisation strate- and dependence on the land for a living, will gy and accompanied by the emergence of an in- continue to undermine the role of agriculture as a creasingly dense network of infrastructure. Rapid viable form of human pursuit. In the attempts to and significant changes in land use are taking rationalise land use and production, possible place concurrently in several arcas of the country modes to resuscitate agriculture will have be sub- and whose effects have perrneated into every seg- stantially different from what is familiar and these

l2 Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) will continue to modify the human ecology of with his holdings. Principally, his direct dealing agriculture. with the land has been reduced and the ecosystem In the context of accelerating industrialisation, that emerges does not reflect the true imprint of urbanisation and technological innovations in his direct influence on the landscape as was the human production systems, coupled with rapid case in the colonical period. Indications are that landownership transfers in favour of business cor- the perceived role of smallholding agriculture in porations, various possible changes will continue the future will accelerate the trend towards the to impinge on smallholdin g agnculture. The area economies of scale for optimal operation and devoted to agriculture will continue to contract. management. With technological innovations in Land under rubber smallholdings has been declin- production, the role of the smallholder as genuine ing since 1985 from 1,526,629ha to 1,478,215ha farmers may eventually be superceded by those in 1992 (Department of statistics 1994). The who perform specialist managment and produc- viability of smallholding agriculture will become tion functions. an issue which hinges more upon economic rather Decreasing too is the "utility" value of land for than ecological considerations. Questions of com- agricultural production as it is instead increasing- petitiveness in the face of rising labour cost and ly looked upon as a "commodity" for the numer- the encroachment of alternative uses will loom ous non-agricultural designs of man. Overall, the large and this will impel the smallholder to redis- direct ecological relationship between man and pose his activities in the use of land to meet the land is diminishing and, urged upon by a changing circumstances. desire for monetary gain, the loosening bond with The government is indeed searching for means the land is inducing an accelerating trend of urb- to revitalise the agricultural sector. One ap- an-industrial land use, many strands of which proach, both to combat labour shortage and aban- often fail to keep in harmony with the interests of donment of holdings, is to encourage largescale the environment. While changes are inevitable, operation. Smallholdings or idle land may be the need to maintain healthy symbiotic human- amalgamated through acceptable tenancy ar- nature relationships is more urgent now than ever rangements to enable production under the more before. In this respect, the historical concern of dynamic and flexible management style of the the state centered on the legal aspects of owner- private sector. Mechanised operations and novel ship and use of the land will have to be supported methods of work may facilitate the re- by a complementary emphasis on these man- organisation of smallholdings into profitable man- nature relationships attendant on responsible lan- agement units. Optimal utilisation of smallhold- d-ownership and its use. ings may demand the adoption of high value- added crops for export such as fruits, vegetables References or flowers, the conversion of idle agricultural land into forests of fast-maturing trees, or the integra- Abu Bakar bin Haji Ahmad 1985. Teknologi tion of livestock and crop production to achieve a Getah Asli ( Technology). viable combination (Abu Bakar 1985; RRIM Kuala Lumpur: Rubber Research Institute of 1990; Government of Malaysia 1991b; Nik Fuad Malaysia. ree4). Amriah Buang 1991. Behind the uneconomic size of the Malay's idle agricultural land. Malay- V. Conclusion sian Journal of Tropical Geography 22 (2): 103 -112. The human ecology of smallholding agriculture Butzer, Karl W. 1990. The realm of cultural- in Malaysia as defined by the interplay between human ecology: adaptation and change in his- human perception of and reaction to the biophys- torical perspective. In Turner, B. L., Clark, ical environment for agriculture and settlement William C., Kates, Robert W., Richards, John has been modified in the last several decades as a F., Mathews, Jessica T. and Meyer, William B. result of changes in the mode of development of (eds), The Earth as Transformed by Human smallholding agriculture, its scale of operation, Action: Global and Regional Changes in the the extent of official involvement, and the dynam- Biosphere over the past 3A0 Years. Cambridge: ics of contemporary economic development. Cambridge University Press: 685-701. New approaches to the establishment of small- Daniel, J. G. and Kulasingotr, A. 1974. Problems holdings have re-shaped the ties of the producer arising from large-scale jungle clearing for ag-

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ricultural usrthe Malaysian experience. Kratoska, Paul H. 1985. The peripatetic peasant Department of Statistics 1994. Rubber Statistics and land tenure in . Journal of Handbook 1992. Kuala Lumpur. Southeast Asian Studies 16(1): 16-45. 1994. StatelDistrict Data Bank. Kuala Lemaga Kemajuan Pahang Tenggara (Southeast Lumpur. Pahang Development Authority) 1990. Lap- Dobby, E. H. G. 1952153. Resettlement trans- oran Tahunan 1990 (Annual Report 1990). forms Malaya: a case history of relocating the Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Rural Develop- population of an Asian plural society. Eco- ment. nomic Development and Cultural Change 1: Markandan, Paul 1954. The Problem of the New t63-t79. Villages in Malaya. Singapore. Esman, Nilton J. 1972. Administration and Devel- Nieuwolt. S., Zaki Ghazalli, M. and Gopinathan, opment in Malaysia: Institution Building and B. not dated. Agro-ecological Regions in Penin- Reform in a Plural Society. Ithaca and sular Malaysia. Serdang: Malaysian Agricul- London: Cornell University Press. tural Research and Development Institute. Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) Nik Fuad bin Nik Mohd Kamil 1994. Malaysian 1992. Annual Report 1992. Kuala Lumpur. smallholder agriculture: strategic issues and Government of Malaysia 1965. First Malaysia prospects. Paper presented at the L994 Na- Plan 1966-1970. Kuala Lumpur. tional Outlook Conference. Kuala Lumput, 6 1973. Mid-Term Review of the Second Ma- -7 December. laysia Plan 1971-1975. Kuala Lumpur. Nyce, R. 1973. Chinese New Villages in Malaysia: 1979. Mid-Term Review of the Third Ma- A Community Study. Singapore: Malaysian laysia Plan 1976-1980. Kuala Lumpur. Sociological Research. 1984. Mid-Term Review of the Fourth Ma- Pushparajah, E. 1985. Development induced soil laysia Plan 1981-1985. Kuala Lumpur. erosion and flash floods in Malaysia. The 1989. Mid-Term Review of the Ftfth Malay- Ecologist 15 (UZ): 19-20. sia Plan 1986-1990. Kuala Lumpur. Rubber Research Institute of Malaysia. 1990. 1976. Third Malaysia Plan 1976-1980. Annual Report. Kuala Lumpur. Kuala Lurnpur. Sack, Robert D. 1990. The realm of meaning: the l99la. Sixth Malaysia Plan 1991-1995. inadequacy of human-nature theory and the Kuala Lumpur. view of mass consumption. In Turner, B. L., l99lb. The Second Outline Perspective Plan Clark, William C., Kates, Robert W., Rich- 1991-2000. Kuala Lumpur. ards, John F., Mathews, Jessica T. and Meyer, Hamzah Sendut 1962. The resettlement villages William B. (eds), The Earth as Transformed by in Malaya. Geography 47: 4l-46. Human Action: Global and Regional Changes Kato, Tsuyoshi 1994. The emergence of aban- in the Biosphere over the Past 300 Years. Cam- doned paddy fields in Negeri Sembilan, Malay- bridge: Cambridge University Press: 659-67l. sia. Southeast Asian Studies 32(2): 145-172. Sandhu, Kernial Singh 1964a. Emergency resettl- Khoo Soo Hock and Cho, George 1973. The ement in Malaya. Journal of Tropical Geogra- Nabawan Valley scheme: an attempt to change phy 18: 157-183. a people. Ekistics 36(213): 89-93. 19&b. The saga of the Malayan squatter. Khoo Soo Hock, Chan Kok Eng and Cho, George Journal of Southeast Asian History. 5(l): 143- 1971. Place names in the Siatiawan area, 177. Perak. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 2 Shamsul Bahrin, Tunku and Lee Boon Thong (2), 185-194. 1988. FELDA: 3 Decades of Evolution. Kuala Khoo Soo Hock and Voon Phin Keong 1978. Lumpur. Origins and characteristics of agricultural set- Sundaran, Jomo Kwame 1986. A Question of tlements in Peninsular Malaysia. In Eidt, R., Class: Capital, the State, and Uneven Develop- Kashi N. Singh and Rana P. B. Singh (eds), ment in Malaya. Singapore: Oxford University Man, Culture and Settlements. New Delhi: Press. Kalani: 52-68. Tet Tiong Sa and Shamsul Bahrin, Tunku 1992. 1986. Resettlement: an aspect of the Orang Environmental impacts of land development in Asli settlement in Peninsular Malaysia. Geog- Jengka Triangle, Pahang, Peninsular Malay- raphy Bulletin (Geographey Teachers' Associ- sia. In Vooh Phin Keong and Shamsul Bahrin, ation of New South Wales) l8(3): 266-278. Tunku (eds), The View From Within: Geo-

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