Agriculture in Malaysia
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The Changing Human Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia Phin Keong VOON* rural production system. I. Introduction In his attempt at "strategic adaptation" to the environment and to match available resources to Few economic activities reveal as strong a sym- his needs, the smallholder's use of the land varies biotic bond with the biophysical environment as in response to evolving socioeconomic and politi- agriculture. In the process of crop production cal conditions prevailing at both the local and rural communities attempt to achieve mutual rela- national levels. Consequently, over the years, tionships with the environment in their quest for changes in the human ecology of smallholding the efficient use of available resources. These agriculture in Malaysia have largely originated relationships are built up through the initiatives from decisions impinging on the mode of develop- and actions of members of these communities. ment and production during the colonial period Decisions are made by individuals acting within vis-a-vis the post-independence decades. The the context of their cultural background and insti- nature and manner of these changes constitute the tutions to arriv e at a strategic adaptation to the theme of investigation in this paper and the dis- environment (Sack 1990). The functional rela- cussion is centered on two distinctive models of tions between the agricultural community and the land colonisation associated with spontaneous land constitute the basis of the human ecology of pioneering during the colonial era and planned agricultural systems. Inherent in these systems settlement in the post-independence period. are such components as the type and manner of resource use, the nature of settlement, and techn- II. Spontaneous Pioneering ological levels. In Malaysia a major agricultural typology is In Malaysia, as in other parts of Southeast Asia, that associated with smallholding agriculture and one of the lasting effects of colonial rule was the peasant farming. Smallholding agriculture is diff- transplantation of crops especially of rubber erentiated from peasant farming by its production (Hevea brasiliensrs) which exerted a major impact for the export market. Despite their contrasting on the human ecology of production. Begun in orientations, they are often spatially and ec- the 1890s, rubber cultivation spread rapidly to all ologically associated to form specialised niches on parts of the country to emerg€, until recently, &s the landscape. They yield a mosaic of land-use the largest agricultural industry in the country. patterns which imbue the smallholding system Indeed the growth of this industry represented with a specific set of socio-economic and ecologi- one of the most successful instances of agricultur- cal characteristics. al dispersal in the humid tropics. Commercial production in the period before the British colonial policies in economic develop- Second World War took place either in planta- ment in pre-war Malaya were based on the princi- tions or smallholdings. Both were bound by a ple of laissez faire. Agricultural production was common mode of development through spontane- actively encouraged but with a definite bias to- ous pioneering within the framework of colonial wards the largely British-dominated plantation policies. With independence in 1957, changing sector. Operating on a large scale and supervised circumstances focused the objective of land-use by experienced managers, the plantation emerged policies to alleviate the pressure of rural poverty as a distinctive and innovative model in commer- and a deficient agrarian structure, and in the cial crop production and reached its apogee of process altered substantially the human ecology of development in colonial Malaya and the Dutch smallholding agriculture, and indeed the entire East Indies (see Voon 1976a). t< Department of Geography, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 3 Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) Following the success of the plantations, con- farmers. The purchase of kampung land by com- siderable numbers of Malay and Chinese settlers mercial interests was disapproved as this would took up rubber planting. For many decades jeopardise the emergence of a settled peasantry in rubber was one of the most viable and profitable the countryside. crops in the country. Ecologically the plant ad- The introduction of rubber was an intrusion apted well to the humid tropical environment. It into the ecology of the kampung settlement which was hardy and thrived on most upland soils that thus acquired new features and functions (Azh- were not normally suitable for more exacting arah 1970). Hence even in paddy growing areas, crops such as coffee, tea or oil palm. It required the kampung often possessed a crop-combination little maintenance and investment and, despite a pattern characterised by paddy, mixed horticul- gestation period lasting six to seven years, it boa- ture and rubber. The growth of the traditional sted a productive life-span of more than 30 years kampung was conditioned by the rate of land to virtually guarantee the smallholder a perma- colonisation and the interplay of economic, social nent form of livelihood throughout his working or political conditions in different periods of time. life. Again, rubber was economically resilient and The traditional kampung embraced houses scat- capable of withstanding adverse price decline. tered over a loosely-defined area featuring open Significantly too, unlike most crops, its produc- compounds and easy mobility under the canopy of tion was not seasonal but provided a source of various root crops and fruit trees. Much as the income almost on a daily basis. kampur?g was an integral part of the human ecol- Agriculture among smallholders was also en- ogy of smallholding agriculture, it was also a couraged by the colonial government as a means social space composed of a network of kin rela- to promote settlement and the creation of a per- tions. In more densely-settled areas, the kampu- manent source of wealth. Small plots of land were ngs merged imperceptibly into one another. The alienated to individual settlers to plant crops such kampung represented the rich cultural heritage of as paddy rubber, cocounts or to establish Kam- the Malays in its diversity of architectural styles pung (homestead). of dwelling units which were built almost entirely Smallholding agriculture was the result of spon- with local materials such as wood, bamboo and taneous pioneering during a period when land was thatch. Houses were raised on stilts of varying abundant. Almost anyone could apply for land heights both to mirror social status and to adapt from the decentralised district land offices. The to micro-topographical and climatic variations land was selected by the applicant himself who (Voon et al. 1978). was thus able to determine the location of the Social stability in the kampung was tied to holding and thus reflected attempts to optimise social and religious institutions. Community cohe- resource use and adjustment to ecological condi- rence was fostered by a formal social hierarachy, tions. The paddy field was sited near sources of with the penghulu (mukim or subdistrict head- water supply, whereas for rubber the absence of man) or sometimes a'ketua kampung (village waterlogging was more crucial. As most rubber headman) at the apex. Holders of these positions smallholdings appeared after the plantations, they besides playing a relevant role in the decision and were generally located farther away from roads execution of official policies, also form the grass- and railways or on rather steep slopes. The size of root level of contemporary official interaction. the land parcel was by necessity limited to about The kampung varied in size and was normally two hectares to match the labour resources at the strung along rivers, parit (canal), roads, or break- disposal of the smallholder and his family. of-slope. The up-stream direction of agricultural The development of smallholdings gave rise to colonisation followed the river valleys which pro- two major types of settlements, namely, the tradi- vided access to the interior and often reflected in tional kampung and the dispersed homestead, geographical place names (see Khoo et al. l97I; both of which possessed distinctive ecological cha- Zaharah and Khoo 1980). racteristics. Localities where agriculture was based on The kampung was associated with mixed horti- rubber gave rise to different ecological features. culture and the cultivation of padi and/or rubber With the rubber 'boom' of 1910, an increasing by Malay settlers. Padi farming featured as a key number of Malay and Chinese settlers realised the element in the colonial strategy of development economic potential of rubber as a profitable crop and the kampung was looked upon by the admin- in the 1910s and 1920s. Many settlers had gained istrators as the permanent abode of the Malay experience working in adjacent plantations, in -4- Ecology of Smallholding Agriculture in Malaysia (Voon) jungle clearing or planting. Others were already fied the ecologically damaging practice by the engaged in other economic activities or possesed adoption of leguminous cover-crops. some savings to finance their planting enterprise. Another aspect of smallholding agriculture that In some cases, rubber was planted illegally on was ecologically sound was the association of land held under mining lease, temporary occupan- several crops to take full advantage of topograph- cy licence or state land. Many Malay settlers also ic and hydrological variations by specific crops. converted their kampung or even paddy lots into Padi occupied the valley floor and its areal extent rubber holdings. was controlled by the break-of-slope along which The advent of rubber smallholdings saw the the kampung was sited. Locationally the kam- emergence of a settlement type consisting of clus- pung was placed above normal flood levels yet ters of houses located at or near the holdings to adjacent to the padi fields. The kampung itself produce a dispersed settlement pattern generally was a miniature garden of coconuts, fruits, root served by a network of footpaths.