Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 DOI: 10.15340/2148172511881

Research Article Classical Houses of : Architecture as Cultural Artifact

Donia Zhang York University, Canada

Abstract: Vernacular architecture has a long and entrenched root in culture, and culture has been regarded as the fourth pillar of sustainable development that is increasingly brought into contemporary architectural discourse. This paper considers architecture as cultural artifact and examines the form, space, materials, and construction of classical courtyard houses of Beijing (siheyuan), which is an outstanding type of vernacular , because the author’s fieldwork in shows that current Chinese housing designers and builders often lack basic knowledge about their architectural history, and that Chinese-Americans interested in building Chinese-style courtyard houses in America are keen to learn about their architectural heritage. The study endeavors to provide a reading for all fond of the topic. At the end of the paper, the author proposes a model of new courtyard garden houses that honors Chinese architectural culture while incorporating modern facilities to meet today’s living requirements. The scheme combining privacy with community may contribute to a discussion on sustainable architecture.

Keywords: Courtyard house, Beijing siheyuan, vernacular architecture, architectural culture, China

Donia Zhang, Neoland School of Chinese Culture, 11211 Yonge St., Richmond Hill, ON, Canada L4S 0E9 Email: [email protected]

1. Introduction Viewing architecture as cultural artifact, this study examines classical courtyard houses of Beijing through the cultural lenses, and maintains that contemporary Chinese housing design should evolve along this architectural legacy. In doing so, the paper first offers some background information on the imperial city planning of Beijing, and how siheyuan (courtyard houses) fit into this urban structure. It then elaborates on four aspects of siheyuan with regards to their exterior form, interior space, building materials, and construction technologies, within which eight features, such as exterior walls, gate and access, windows, and gardens, roofs, floor levels, furniture styles and materials, and facility provision, are discussed in detail. Beijing (literally means “Northern Capital”) is chosen for the study because the city has a rich history of 3000 years and as China’s capital for 800 years; its famous siheyuan embedded in its urban structure with strict axial, bilateral, symmetrical, and hierarchical planning are representative of traditional Chinese urban culture. Geographically, Beijing (latitude 39°55”N, longitude 116°25”E) is situated in the northeast of China with a “continental monsoon” climate of four distinct seasons, its prevailing winds come from the southeast in the summer and the northwest in the winter. The imperial city planning of Beijing followed the principles in the Record of Trades in Rituals of Zhou (Zhou Li Kao Gong Ji), with a stone laid marking the center of the city. During the Liao time (907-1125), Beijing was divided into nine wards (fang or lifang). When the Jin Empire (1115- 1234) expanded their capital, the streets and lanes cut through wards to loosen the four-sided enclosures that had defined the ward system, and a more informally arranged array of streets and roads formed 62 neighborhoods (fang xiang). A north-south thoroughfare divided the capital into Eastern and Western districts, with the wealthy living in the Eastern district and the noble in the Western district, although the situation had changed in late Qing (Guo, 2002; Wu, 1999). Urban form determined the shape and size of siheyuan. Beijing during the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) had 50 neighborhoods (fang) and three types of roads. The width of thoroughfares

Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 47 measured about 37 m, streets around 19 m, and hutong1 (lanes) 6 m – 9 m. Streets ran mostly north-south and east-west. The wealthy land buyers were each allocated 8 mu (5333 sqm), and the plots dictated the typically square- or rectangular-shaped siheyuan. The distance between two hutong was 77 m, which allowed a house to have either two courtyards with a garden, or three courtyards. A hutong of 440 m long could accommodate 7 siheyuan, but many aristocrats built their mansions across two hutong (Bai, 2007, p. 9; Wang, 1999, p. 23; Wu, 1999, p. 77). During the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911) dynasties, Beijing siheyuan exhibited clear variations. The land designated to each household was reduced from 8 mu (5333 sqm) to 1 mu – 5 mu (667 sqm – 3333 sqm), which could be attributed to the influx of the Măn ethic minority who took power and led to an increase in population and change in house forms (Bai, 2007, pp. 4, 9-10; Ma, 1999).

2. Exterior Form When designing a courtyard house, the Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Internal Medicine (《黄帝内 经》) advises that fivexu (“deficiency”) 2 will make its occupants poor and fiveshi (“fullness”) will make them rich. The fivexu include: a big house with fewer people; a small house with a big gate; incomplete enclosing walls; the well and stove in wrong places; and a big plot with large courtyards but fewer rooms. The fiveshi include: a small house with many people; a large house with a small gate; complete enclosing walls; a small house with many livestock; and ditch water flowing to the southeast (Kou, 2005, pp. 59, 89-90; Ma, 1999, p. 38). Thus, it is important to match the size of a house and the size of a household. Feng Shui (“Wind and Water”) theory advocates an enclosed space because it can “hide winds and gather qi” (藏风聚气). The symmetrical and complete form of classical courtyard houses psychologically fulfilled human desire for perfection (Ma, 1999; FengXu, 1998). Shui theory considers a house’s exterior as the “tree trunk” and its interior as the “branches,” and this order should not be reversed, because the Ten Books on Houses for the Living (《阳宅十书》) states: “If the overall form of a house is inauspicious, no matter how properly arranged the interior spaces, it is generally inauspicious. Thus the exterior form of a building should be of primary concern”3 (Ma, 1999, p. 31; my translation). If a house complex is longer in the south-north direction with a high and wide northern hall, it will obviously benefit from more sunlight and natural ventilation. Adjacency to water (or roads) brings convenience to life, such as through irrigation, transportation, and aquatics. A gently sloped site avoids flooding and makes drainage easier. The luxuriant vegetation on a mountain conserves water and soil, modifying the microclimate, and providing fuel and resources. This relatively enclosed natural environment may positively contribute to forming an ecologically good life conducive to the health and wellbeing of its occupants (Ma, 1999, p. 28). Originally designed to house one extended family, a fully developed siheyuan had four basic characteristics: introverted form, central axis, bilateral symmetry, and hierarchical structure (Knapp, 2000, 2005a; Liang, 1998). The front of the courtyard house compound measured between 15 m – 25 m and the depth 25 m – 50 m (Alexander et al., 2003; Bai, 2007, pp. 4, 9-10; Knapp, 2000, 2005a, 2005b; Ma, 1999). There were five basic types of siheyuan in Beijing: One-courtyard house (sometimes “three-sided enclosure” called sanheyuan without north- facing hall); 1. Two-courtyard house (small-size); 2. Three-courtyard house (typical, standard, or medium-size); 3. Four-courtyard house (large-size); 4. Five-courtyard house with a garden (large-size). Other less common types included: one primary and one secondary courtyard (kuayuan) compounds built side by side, and two- or multi-group courtyard compounds built side by side. In feudal China, some large families had two brothers living in the same household. Thus they constructed two compounds side by side of the same or similar size and layout, independent yet connected (Ma, 1999).

1 A hutong is a narrow lane with houses along each side. The term is believed to be Mongolian “hottog” in origin, since it first appears in Beijing’s Yuan dynasty records; there are several theories about the original meaning of the word, the most popular being that it means “water well” (Wang, 1999, p. 23; Wu, 1999, p. 69). 2 Xu (虚) and shi (实) is Chinese aesthetic concept that can be interpreted in numerous ways. Xu may denote “void, virtual, potential, unreal, intangible, formless, or deficient” andshi may mean “solid, actual, real, tangible, formed, or full.” 3 若大形不善，总内形得法, 终不全吉，故论宅外形第一。

48 Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 Beijing during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) prohibited commoners from building a house of more than three courtyards unless they were an official. This regulation was somewhat loosened during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) (Chan and Xiong, 2007). Some medium-sized courtyard houses also had a carriage (or sedan chair) room in the front adjacent to the hutong (Bai, 2007; Ma, 1993, 1999).

Figure 1. Plan of the typical/standard three-courtyard house of Beijing. Drawing by Donia Zhang after Ma, 1999, p. 17

Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 49 Figure 2. Model of the typical/standard three-courtyard house of Beijing. Computer model by Donia Zhang 2014

2.1. Exterior Walls Beijing siheyuan had grey exterior walls for commoners and red walls for officials, red beams and columns, and green window and door sashes (Ma, 1999). The high enclosing walls of classical Chinese courtyard houses often had assorted/lattice windows pierced in a variety of organic or geometric patterns (e.g., circular, square, rectangular, fan, flower) for sunlight and air to pass through and so that one could have a glimpse of the sceneries inside the walls. The assorted windows were artistically designed and carved, making the house compound feel as if cut off from the street yet not (Yu, 2007).

2.2. Gate and Access The location of a house gate is important in Feng Shui theory since a gate is the “mouth of qi” through which qi (“cosmic energy”) enters or exits. Its orientation and size of opening have direct links to communication between the inside and outside. If there is a waterway or road encircling the gate, it will gain qi and exchange information with the cosmos, which will contribute to the occupants’ health. If a gate is in a wrong place, it will weakenqi and destroy the intimate atmosphere of the house. A Beijing siheyuan situated on the northern side of an east-west running hutong normally has the front gate in the southeast corner to greet the morning sun, and to echo a Daoist motto “purple qi comes from the east” (紫气东来); sometimes it also has a rear gate at the northwest corner. A siheyuan situated on the southern side of a hutong often has the main gate in the northwest corner (Kou, 2005, p. 91; Ma, 1999, p. 30). In imperial China, the design and decoration of house gate was an important sign of the rank or wealth of the owner. Although there was a difference in setback distances and grandeur, the gate should always be double-leaf (1.8 m – 2 m wide and 1.9 m high) (Bai, 2007; Ma, 1999). Upon entering a siheyuan, one would observe a screen/spirit wall facing the gate to protect the privacy of the household and eschew “evil.” For wealthier families, a second “festooned gate” (2.5 m – 3 m wide and 2.8 m − 3.6 m deep) was often built between the outer and inner courtyards. Some owners occasionally used the festooned gate as a temporary stage for artistic performances (e.g., Peking opera, a form of traditional Chinese theater which combines music, vocal performance, mime, dance, and acrobatics). The festooned gate thus delineated the semi-private and private zones of the house; it also marked the demarcation for female family members when greeting or sending their visitors. A common restriction for maidens was “not to step out of the second

50 Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 4 festooned gate” (Bai, 2007; Ho, 2003; Ma, 1999). Covered verandas between 1.3 m − 1.6 m wide and 2.2 m − 2.4 m high were often built around courtyards as circulation and transitional spaces between indoors and outdoors (Ma, 1999).

Figure 3. The most common type (如意 “as you wish”) Gate of Beijing siheyuan, with an elaborate artwork on the beam, Peking/Beijing University. Photo: Donia Zhang 2014

Figure 4. Suiqiang (随墙门 “following the wall”) Gate of Beijing siheyuan, Peking/Beijing University. Photo: Donia Zhang 2014

4 大门不出，二门不迈。

Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 51 Figure 5. Guangliang (广亮大门 “wide and bright”) Gate of Beijing siheyuan, Peking/Beijing University. Photo: Donia Zhang 2014

Figure 6. The “festooned gate” of Prince Gong’s Manor viewed from the front courtyard, Beijing. Photo: Junmin Zhang 2010

52 Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 Figure 7. The “festooned gate” of Prince Gong’s Manor connected with covered verandas as circulation and transitional spaces between indoors and outdoors, and as shelter for different weathers, Beijing. Photo: Junmin Zhang 2010

2.3. Windows In a Beijing siheyuan, the Central Halls (Zhengfang, or Middle Halls, Ancestral Halls, Main Halls) were always “sitting north and facing south” along the central axis for receiving sunlight. The rest of the rooms were orientated towards east and west. Efforts were often made to block cold winter winds by eliminating windows and doors on the back and side walls (Ma, 1999), but there were exceptions. Although classical courtyard houses of Beijing created pleasurable living environments, their fundamental disadvantage was that all the major facades faced the courtyard, displaying only walls with small openings to the public realm of lanes (hutong), and thus a less active street frontage. The following illustrations feature a well-preserved Princess’ Mansion in northeast Beijing, which is a representative of a typicalsiheyuan .

Figure 8. Elevation drawing of the south/front hall with its two ear rooms, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Pencil drawing by Donia Zhang 1991 for the “Building Evaluation and Measurement” Project, School of Architecture, Oxford Brookes University

Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 53 Figure 9. Façade of the south/front hall showing the windows, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 1991

Figure 10. Façade of the Central Hall facing the south/central courtyard with large windows for sunlight, air, and views, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 1991

Figure 11. Rear windows (rarely built) for the Central Hall facing the north/back courtyard, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 1991

54 Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 2.4. Courtyards and Gardens In northern China, the courtyards were enlarged in the south-north direction for receiving more sunlight in winter. This layout mainly originated in the middle reaches of the Yellow River (Knapp, 2005a). Beijing siheyuan occupied about 40 percent of the total ground area with the courtyard dimension ranging from 7 m – 20 m (Alexander et al., 2003; Knapp, 2000, 2005a, 2005b; Ma, 1999), and the proportion of building height: width: length was 1:3:4 or 1:3:5 (Zhang, 1994, 2006, 2011). If the exterior space enclosed by walls is moderate and the courtyard size proportional to the height of surrounding buildings, the occupants would feel comfortable. If it is out of proportion, the inhabitants may feel distant or constrained, and the microclimate will need adjustment by building higher or lower enclosing walls to improve air circulation in the courtyard (Ma, 1999, p. 30). Moreover, more than one tree in the courtyard was advocated and a single tree should be avoided because a wood (木) inside a square (口) resembles the Chinese character 困 (meaning “being held”) (Kou, 2005, pp. 49, 81). The courtyard as an “outdoor parlor” was often paved with bricks for domestic activities. Although the courtyard was a pleasant outdoor space, the occupants had to walk across it to reach each room even in severe weather conditions, an inconvenience especially for the elderly. In summer or during a wedding ceremony, a canopy was often erected in the courtyard as an extension of the Central Hall to accommodate more guests (Wang, 1999, p. 118).

Figure 12. The south/central courtyard, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 1991

Space and Communication 2015; 1(1): 47-68 55 Figure 13. The north/back courtyard, a Princess’ Mansion, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 1991

Figure 14. A courtyard in the Shichahai Lake District, Beijing. Photo: Donia Zhang 2007

In China, traditionally, gardens were an integral part of a scholar’s house to the extent that the Chinese concept of a home was explicitly expressed in the term yuanzhai, meaning “garden- house” (Knapp, 2005a). A house/home, or jia, was also referred to as jiating “house-court,” or jiayuan “house-garden,” to reflect the intimate relationships between a house, its courtyard, and its gardens (Wang, 2005, p. 75). Although some garden-houses were large estates, most mimic nature in miniature to exhibit aesthetically pleasing aspects of complementary elements (rocks, water, plantations, etc.) in relatively small outdoor spaces (Knapp, 2005a). Starting in the pre-Qing and especially during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), there was a trend among the wealthy merchants and officials in Beijing to integrate their courtyard houses with gardens. Efforts were made to create the most interesting views in tight urban spaces so that the gardens could be enjoyed daily and directly. Some Beijing mansions were further developed into garden houses by incorporating exquisite southern-style Chinese gardens to create a contrast and combination of the geometric form of a courtyard house with the organic shape of a Chinese garden to reflect the Yin Yang concept (Bai, 2007; Ma, 1993, 1999; Sun, 2002).

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