30 THE JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY Portola's 1769 Expedition and Coastal Native Villages of County

RICHARD L. CARRICO

N July 14, 1769, a Spanish exploring Diego until January 24, 1770. Oparty led by Don Caspar de Portola In an early entry of his narrative, Miguel left San Diego for a trip northward to Monterey. Costanso noted that six soldiers and a corporal Although the men and animals were tired from had been sent ahead of the party to scout the an earlier trek to San Diego, Portola realized easiest access and find campsites with water the necessity to push on toward Monterey as and pasture (Costanso 1911, II: 167). Follow­ part of an over-all plan to chart the coastal ing the scouts were Native Americans "with regions of New CaUfornia and discover suit­ spades, pick-axes, crowbars, axes and other able locations for the nascent mission and implements ... to cut brush and to open a system (Van Hement and Teggart passage wherever necessary" (Van Hement and 1910, L127). Teggart 1910, 1:129-130). Accompanying Portola on his trip north As in the case with most early European was Father Juan Crespi, a Franciscan who explorers, Portola was preceded by knowl­ greatly aided Father Junipero Serra in estab- edgeable natives who followed known trails Ushing the mission chain in New California, and landforms. What may have appeared as an and Miguel Costanso, a cartograpUer who was awesome uncharted wilderness to Europeans later instrumental in drawing up the plans for was to the Indians a friendly and familiar land the Monterey presidio. It was Crespi and crisscrossed with an elaborate trail network of Costanso who took copious and informative great antiquity (Davis 1961). notes allowing us to recount that eventful July Leaving the base camp near the Indian trip. Second in command was Lt. village of Cosoy, at the foot of Presidio HiU, the who, like Crespi and Costanso, kept a diary party followed ancient and well-worn Indian and was generally an accurate observer. trails which wound their way northward along In July, 1769, it would stiU be 13 years Mission Bay (False Bay). Just north of Mission before a permanent adobe chapel would be Bay and adjacent to Rose Canyon (Fig. 1) the completed on Presidio Hill above what later explorers encountered a large Indian village became Old Town, San Diego. Prior to their which they named Rinconada (Spanish for departure the 63 men of Portold's exploration 'corner'). The gave the Indians party received a High Mass in a rude brush presents and, in general, enjoyed a peaceful shack which served as a temporary chapel and amiable exchange (Palou 1926, 11:110- (Palou 1926,11:11). The men prayed for salva­ 111). tion and safe-keeping as they prepared to leave As they had approached Rinconada, Cres­ on a trip which would not return them to San pi noted large quantities of rosemary, live oaks 32 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

r^—^LOS CHRISTIANOS

/ ^

JULY22-i^V ^Sjj, LAS PULGAS I

J^SANTA MARGARITA JULY 21 -^'"^^ \ J^

JULY 20-'^'''^ \ KEISH -® IKALMALy

JULY 18-

SBUENA VISTA y-f^ JULY 17- AGUA HEDIONDA r

^ fBATEOUITOS / / ^ . LOS ENCINOS

JULY 16 SAN ELIJOy

^y SAN DIEGUITO'

JULY 15 PORTOLA'S TREK JULY 1769 YSTAGUA

t, , RINCONADA

JULY 14 ^^PRESIDIO de SAN Ur CO COSOY r/c

Fig. 1. Indian villages of coastal San Diego County as seen by Portoli in July, 1769. COASTAL VILLAGES OF SAN DIEGO COUNTY 33

(Quercus agrifolia), rabbits, and hares. In MuriUo raped an Indian woman from Rincon noting these plants and animals, Crespi was village" (Jayme 1970:43) and that soldiers had documenting major food sources for proto- "turned their animals into their [the natives'] historic of San Diego County. field and they ate up their crops" (1970:39). Although the acorn from the black oak {Quer­ The 1772 rape, the skirmish with Fages, cus kelloggii) was favored by Indians, the live and repeated contact with Spaniards could oak was used as a supplement. Hares and have left Rinconada villagers malcontented or rabbits were also of prime importance to native vengeful. However, Captain Fernando Rivera inhabitants of San Diego County as witnessed y Moncada later reported in an informe to the by accounts from both the eighteenth and Spanish that Rinconada was not one of nineteenth centuries. the Kumeyaay rancherias which took part in In later years of the mission period, circa sacking Mission San Diego de Alcala on 1769-1832, Rinconada appeared frequently in November 5, 1775 (Rivera y Moncada 1967,11: mission records and other Spanish documents. 455). In a 1775 report to the Spanish viceroy, Pedro In mission records, Rinconada is Usted Fages noted that to pass from Monterey to San under the Spanish name of Rincon, Rincona­ Diego one had to travel through, or very close da, and by the Kumeyaay names Jamio, to, at least twenty Indian villages (Fages Japmo, and Jamo. Records for 1769 to 1772 1972:46-47). One of the twenty villages was are incomplete as a result of the 1775 burning Rinconada where Fages was subjected to a of the Mission, although at least fifteen con­ less-than-warm welcome in 1772. verts from Rinconada were recorded prior to Fages related that as he passed near Rin­ 1773 (Englehardt 1920: 47). Between 1773 and conada he was showered with stones and darts. 1806 a total of 41 persons from Rinconada He took alarm at the seriousness of the attack were given baptismal rites. The year of greatest and assumed a defensive position "to punish activity was 1778 when seven persons were the boldness of the insolent fellows, killing one baptized (Merriam 1968:160-161). or more of tUem but losing none of our men" After their brief visit at Rinconada, the (Fages 1972:47). traveled northeast through Although Lt. Fages and his military men a sheltered valley along a route similar to that experienced unpleasant relations with natives followed by tracks of tUe Santa Fe railroad. from Rinconada, the Franciscan priests fared This route traversed Rose Canyon and jutted better. On his various trips through Rincon­ inland from the coast. After a march of almost ada, Father Francisco Palou found the natives three hours the party camped for the night to be friendly and courteous. On one trek within the protected waUs of Rose Canyon Palou noted that the Indians treated him with near the present site of the Solar warehouse reverence and salutes which "brought tears to (Palou 1926, 11:111). the eyes of the traveUng reUgious" (Englehardt Although it was nightfall by the time the 1920:49). Spaniards arrived, this did not deter nearby The animosity between soldiers and na­ Kumeyaay villagers from walking into camp tives was increased by soldiers who grazed with offerings of sardines. Portola's party cattle on native foodstuffs and by their re­ accepted the sardines and reciprocated by peated unsavory sexual conduct and violation giving the natives trade beads and clothing of aboriginal women. In 1772, Father Luis (Palou 1926, ILllO). Jayme bemoaned the lack of discipUne among The following morning the Spaniards con­ soldiers at the presidio and noted "Jose Rafael tinued north through Rose Canyon, across Hernandez and Jose MarceUno and Julian Miramar Mesa and into Soledad or Sorrento 34 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Valley. Ever mindful of their royal sponsors, times although he wrote that at least some the Spanish explorers named the place Valle de prehistoric peoples did make pottery (Spark- Santa Ysabel after the Queen of Portugal man 1908:201). (Costanso 1911, 11:466). Following the valley As in the case with Rinconada, the village to its northern end they crossed a wide meadow at Sorrento had repeated contact with behind Del Mar and entered San Dieguito Spaniards in the ensuing years. The Kumeyaay Valley which Crespi named San Jacome de la name for this village was Hispanisized as Marca and which his men christened La Poza Ystagua or Estagua. Following a tradition of de Ozuna. In total, the day's journey had taken naming geographic areas and villages after the explorers ten miles from their previous religious figures, native words were often re­ night's camp. placed witU Spanish derived placenames. For As the party approached Sorrento Valley, Ystagua the name Rancheria de la Nuestra Crespi noted that the valley looked "to us to be Seiiora de la Soledad was frequently used in nothing less than a cultivated cornfield or mission records (Merriam 1968:155). farm, on account of its mass of verdure" (Palou Between 1774 and 1800, Spanish mission­ 1926,11:111).' Adjacent to the valley on a smaU aries succeeded in baptizing at least 142 knoll the men saw a Kumeyaay village with six persons from this village or from areas associ­ brush houses. After ascertaining that the ated with it. An unusual feature of these natives were not only friendly but joyous at baptismals is that 105 were performed on their arrival, Portola and his party descended children (Merriam 1968:155). This high per­ into the valley where they found that the rich centage of children is an anomaly when com­ verdure consisted of wild large-leafed cala­ pared with records for most other Indian bashes and thickets of wild roses. villages where the ratio was usually equal While the men and animals were resting, between adults and children. Portola made a gesture of good faith toward In 1775, Ystagua did not take up arms the Indians by distributing "some beads among against the Spaniards as many other rancher­ the heathen of this village" (Palou 1926, II: ias did. Commandante Rivera y Moncada's 111). In return for his generosity the natives report indicated that most coastal villages did offered a guide to the explorers. As the group not side with their inland and mountain left the valley with an Indian guide leading the brethren in the abortive attempt to drive way, Crespi reported he saw two well-made Spanish colonists out of southern California clay canteens sitting in nearby pools of water. (Rivera y Moncada 1967, 11:455). Although perhaps not the first reference to Arriving at San Dieguito Valley, or San clay pots among Indians of San Diego County, Jacome de la Marca as Crespi dubbed it, this early notation is proof that Indians of this Portola made camp near a large pool of fresh area did manufacture pottery prior to Spanish water west of present day El Camino Real. The contact, a point which had been debated in explorers noticed a substantial Indian village early years of California anthropology. Part of south of their camp near a large concentration this conjecture was spawned by historian of pools. Crespi reported "there is a large Hubert H. Bancroft in his Native Races. In village of heathen and many well built houses that work, Bancroft stated that prior to the with grass roofs . . . eighteen heathen came to arrival of Spanish explorers Indians manu­ visit us, with their women and children, all very factured baskets and stone bowls but no affable" (Palou 1926, 11:112). Pedro Fages pottery (Bancroft 1883, 1:407-408). An early found these villagers to be attentive, friendly, Luiseno ethnographer also cast some doubt and overly gratified at the presents given them about their use of ceramics in pre-Spanish by the Spanish explorers. Their amity and COASTAL VILLAGES OF SAN DIEGO COUNTY 35 desire to be with the Spaniards was such that After a refreshing night's sleep at San Fages noted "they [the Indians] were unwilUng Dieguito, Portola's party left on July 16, 1769 to leave our camp until we departed on the and headed up a gradually curving canyon following day" (Fages 1972:8). which today is traversed by Camino Viejo. Miguel Costanso echoed Fages' dismay at This route took the explorers across Rancho the overt gregariousness of the villagers and Santa Fe and north on El Camino Real to added "upon being presented strings of beads Escondido Creek and then through a valley they quieted down and became so familiar with Uned with oaks which they named Los Encinos us that they occasioned annoyance" (Costanso (Palou 1926, n:114). 1911, 11:167). The friendliness of the large Arriving at Escondido Creek, the Span­ native population, the sheltered valley, and the iards were met by yet another group of nearness of fresh water led Crespi to consider Kumeyaay from a nearby village. The natives this area a perfect site for a mission, an ideal were amiable and made motions for the ex­ which was never realized. plorers to stay and rest at their village. De­ In mission records, no listing is given for ferring to the wishes of the advance scouts, the either San Jacome de la Marca nor for La Poza party instead moved on to Los Encinos. In this de Ozuna, although there is a listing for the oak-covered valley, the men found a steady unrelated rancheria of Jamacha which was stream of water and a large thicket of black­ near Spring Valley, California, and also called berry bushes containing another rancheria. San Jacome de la Marca (Merriam 1968:161). Crespi reported that the village contained only Baptisms are recorded from the village of six Indian women who had carefully con­ San Dieguito but it is difficult to determine structed pots and vessels of clay (Palou 1926, exactly which village is documented. Over the 11:114). Crespi and Portola probably en­ years various Spanish officials confused native countered this village at a time when a majority villages at Batiquitos Lagoon, San Dieguito of the people were out hunting and gathering Valley, and San Elijo Lagoon. The problem in seasonal food stuffs so necessary to the sub­ assigning a specific village name for the sistence pattern of foraging peoples. rancheria at San Dieguito is that Batiquitos, After leaving Los Encinos, the explorers San Elijo, and San Dieguito all contained traveled north across good pasture land and rancherias and all were visited by Spaniards in well-drained valleys. Arriving at a rich green the early colonial period. To further com­ valley floor with a plentiful supply of water, pound the confusion, Crespi called what later they decided to make camp. Crespi called this became Batiquitos, San Alejo, a name which is place San Alejo (San Elijo) although later it now applied to San Elijo Lagoon near Solana became known as Batiquitos, a name it retains Beach. The name San Dieguito, unfortunately, today (Palou 1926, 11:114; Costanso 1911, occurs in mission records as an alias for San 11:169). Elijo, Batequitos [sic], and San Benito Paler­ Crespi noted an Indian village in an ad­ mo, another unspecified village. jacent vaUey which contained "eight men, three Between 1774 and 1808, these villages women, and four children" (Palou 1926, II: logged a total of 211 baptisms, including 41 in 114). Arriving at the Spanish camp, the chief 1777. Whether these figures represent one and his foUowers made introductory remarks major viUage, a series of villages, or dispersed which Crespi referred to as a "harangue." camps, which became confused in mission Unafraid of the Spaniards, the Indians sat documents, is unclear, although it seems down with ease and comfort "as though they probable that settlements at these locations had always known us" (Palou 1926, 11:114). were grouped together by Spaniards. With his usual keenness for detail Crespi noted 36 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

that at least one Indian was smoking a well- Dieguito River and the mouth of Agua formed black clay pipe. Hedionda, such divisions are not clear. It is After an amiable evening, the explorers certain that as the Spaniards continued their broke camp on July 17,1769 and crossed Agua trek on July 18, 1769, marching north from Hedionda Creek, also called San Simon Buena Vista Creek, they were in Luiseiio Lipnica by Crespi. Agua Hedionda was a name territory. attached to the lagoon and creek by Portola's Arriving at what is now the San Luis Rey men meaning 'stinking water,' a name still River Valley, Crespi gave the valley the name applicable to the stagnant pools of water. As San Juan Capistrano, a name later applied to the party crossed the creek Crespi saw a the present site of Mission San Juan de seemingly abandoned rancheria among a stand Capistrano. As the party marched into the of alders. Again, it would seem that the valley Crespi reported that they descended into Spaniards encountered a village which was a large, lush valley containing an ample water temporarily vacated as its inhabitants traveled supply and two large Indian villages (Palou in search of food. 1926, n:116). Traversing knolls and mesa tops, the ex­ Costanso found the Indians to be confident plorers gradually descended into the valley and forewarned of the Spaniards' coming. He formed by Buena Vista Creek, which they noted that they were so much at ease that they called Santa Sinforosa. Camping on the brought their women on the first visit, an western slope of the valley, the men were near uncommon occurrence. The following day, good grazing grass for the animals and a July 19th, he reported: potable water source. The natives came ... in greater numbers Crespi noted "we saw from the camp a than on the preceding day—there must village of heathen on the summit of a hill" have been more than two hundred souls of (Palou 1926, 11:115-116). Miguel Costanso both sexes. They mingled with us with as stated that the inhabitants of the village had much familarity as they could have done been told of the Spaniards' trek and had with their own countrymen and friends. anticipated their arrival. Although the Indians We greeted them and made them presents were told to go away and pay a visit on the [Costanso 1911, 11:171]. foUowing day, they flowed into the Spanish Crespi ventured farther up the valley and camp en masse. Costanso wrote: again was struck with its lushness and beauty, . . . there must have been as many as forty ". . . all green with good grass . . . ,many wild men, well built and good looking. The grapes, and one sees spots that resemble vine­ leader or chief soon afterwards began his yards" (Palou 1926, II:116).2 Crespi observed harangue with loud cries and grimaces, that the Indians were sympathetic toward his but without giving him time to finish, we attempts to show them the teachings of Christ made presents to him and his people of but, nonetheless, they were adamant in their some glass beads and sent them away refusal to kiss Christian images, much to [Costans6 1911, 11:169]. Crespi's dismay. If ethnographic studies by PhiUp S. Spark- Crespi found that Luiseiio men went naked man are correct, this village at Buena Vista, and that they made no effort to cover them­ and possibly the one at Agua Hedionda, may selves in the presence of the white visitors. To Crespi's relief, he noted that women wore a have been Luiseno rather than Diegueiio or woven apron for frontal covering and a type of Kumeyaay. Although recent works have de­ deerskin rear garment. The breast area was lineated the boundaries between the Yuman- covered with small capes of woven hair and speaking Kumeyaay, or Diegueiio, and the rabbit skins (Palou 1926, 11:116-117). Shoshonean-speaking Luiseiios as the San COASTAL VILLAGES OF SAN DIEGO COUNTY 37

The use of rabbit skins as a blanket or cape and sent them away" (Costanso 1911,11:173). is well documented by other contemporary Although this initial contact may have been sources. Writing in 1792, Jose Longinos short and relatively uneventful, the rancheria Martinez noted of the northern Baja CaU- at Santa Margarita was to have a long and fornians: "They also wear over their shoulders varied history throughout the Spanish, Mexi­ a blanket or shawl made of twisted strips of can, and American periods. rabbit, otter, or fox skin" (Martinez 1961:34). After camping overnight at Santa Margar­ A Kumeyaay messenger from near Jacumba ita, the party traveled about two leagues the was later noted to carry his overland messages following day and made a new camp along a "enclosed in a small cloak of rabbit skin" flea-infested creek, which they appropriately (Ellison and Price 1953:100). dubbed Las Pulgas. Three Indian men, eleven The villages at San Luis Rey later became women, and numerous children from a nearby an integral part of Mission San Luis Rey as a village visited the camp almost immediately. source of both converts and labor. Data com­ The Indians were friendly and seemed gratified piled by Alfred L. Kroeber and others indicates at receiving glass beads from the Spanish that these villages were known as Keish and party. Ikalmal (Kroeber 1925:Plate 57). In the Mexi­ On July 22, 1769, Portola's company made can and American period, this complex of their way northwest and descended into villages was often simply referred to as the Christianitos Canyon, their last stop in village at, or of, San Luis Rey. present-day San Diego County. Along the way After a much deserved rest for men and Crespi noted the ever-present Castilian roses, animals, Portola's party pushed northward alders, and live oaks. As the explorers were over rolling hills and mesa tops toward the making camp near Los Christianitos Canyon, Santa Margarita River Valley. Along the way a group of Indians approached them and gave Crespi noted that they saw prickly pear cactus, evidence of being amiable. Crespi recorded alders, rosemary, and grasslands which had that there were 14 men, 14 women, and a group been burnt by Luisenos as a method of of boys and girls in the Indian party. flushing out hares and rabbits.^ The later Informed that two Indian children from explorer, Jose Longinos Martinez,'' offered a the nearby rancheria were sick and dying, more detailed analysis of native grass burning Crespi made his way to the Indian village procedures. Martinez explained that the hoping to render whatever aid he could. Crespi Indians burnt grass and brush for two reasons: found the mother frightened and unyielding of . .. one for catching rabbits (brush-burning her dying children. Realizing that there was being a form of hunting); two, so that with little hope for the youths, Crespi administered the first light rain or dew the shoots will the last rites and left the mother and her come up which they call pelillo [little hair] daughters in peace (Palou 1926, 11:122). and upon which they feed hke cattle when Because of these baptisms, which were the first the weather prevents their seeking other in northern San Diego County, the name Los food [Martinez 1961:59]. Bautimos, Los Christianos, and Los Christian­ While camped at Santa Margarita, near itos became place names for the major canyon the present site of the Marine system nearby. Headquarters at Camp Pendleton, about Portola and his men continued their trek seventy Indians from a nearby rancheria up the coast of California and left additional visited the Spanish camp. Costanso reported records about Native Californians they en­ that the contact was amiable but short-Uved countered along the way. Although equally because "we gave the women some glass beads interesting and informative, the narratives 38 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

beyond San Diego County are outside the Rinconada and Ystagua were situated such scope of this analysis. that they could control and exploit more than The observations of Portola, Fages, one environmental zone, thus affording a Constanso, and Crespi reveal many interesting wider subsistence base or catchment than was facets about the life and culture of the native available at other locations. occupants of protohistoric coastal San Diego Native villages witnessed by the early County. From these early documents, it ap­ Spanish explorers consisted of brush thatched pears that villages were located either in shel­ huts with resident populations varying from tered valleys or on gently sloping knolls near six women to over 100 Indians. At least one fresh and plentiful bodies of water somewhat village was apparently abandoned. Many of removed from the coast. Had Portola and his the villages were situated near ample food men traversed farther inland as later explorers supplies and construction resources such as did they would have encountered other highly live oak, willow, alders, a type of rosemary, populated villages. Even a cursory examina­ prickly pears, berries, and Rosa californica, tion of early Spanish documents reveals that wUich the Spaniards called Castilian rose. San Diego County was heavily populated, Cultural traits both material and social probably more so than many scholars have were noted by Crespi and the others. If one so far indicated. word could describe the initial attitudes of the Location of late prehistoric villages away Indians toward the Spaniards it would have from the coast has been explained by Claude been amiable. In no instance does Crespi note Warren as the end result of an adaptive that Indians were offensive or warlike, or eastward movement which had begun over two threatening in any way. thousand years before Portola's arrival (War­ Pedro Fages found all of the Indians ren 1964:191-196). Warren postulates that a encountered by his party to be friendly and drastic decrease in the quantity of shellfish, helpful. Fages reported the party was often which was a major food source, caused the supplied witU "fish ... nuts, pine nuts, acorns, predecessors of the Kumeyaay to gradually and other seeds prepared after their fashion" move away from direct coastal sites and re­ (Fages 1972:8). Native assistance as guides was locate along the eastern ends of bays and also noted by Fages. Fages remarked that the estuaries. The slow movement away from the Indians had indicated the correct roads, coast was accompanied by an increase in the pointed out watering places, and generally importance of hunting and foraging for nuts, aided the less knowledgeable foreigners in their seeds, and berries. trek northward. Obvious exceptions to relocation of Coastal San Diego County Indians were villages inland were Rinconada at Mission Bay noted to possess houses, clay pipes, pottery, and Ystagua at Sorrento Valley. Records at the clothing for the women, body painting, and San Diego Museum of Man indicate that well-established villages. A high degree of occupation at the site of Rinconada went back organization is implied from Spanish reference thousands of years, implying an early prefer­ to grass burning. This type of hunting or land ence for this area which continued into historic management involves burning, thrashing, spot times. Recent field work at the village of fire control, and systematic hunting, or Ystagua has documented that this site also was harvesting. 5 the scene of prolonged and often intensive In total, the Spanish narrative for July, shellfish exploitation in combination with an 1769 leaves us with informative accounts of a extensive grinding technology extending back group of Native Californians who were soon to at least 2000 years (Carrico 1974). Both be forced into acculturation and deeply af- COASTAL VILLAGES OF SAN DIEGO COUNTY 39 fected by contact with Europeans. After stand as silent testimony to a way of life which Portola's trek the mission system in southern began its end in July, 1769, as another way of CaUfornia truly began, and with its start the life commenced. seeds of destruction were sown for thousands San Diego, California of Native Californians. Increased contact with Europeans led to death by rampant diseases, rape by lustful soldiers, and cultural depri­ NOTES vation by a Spanish priesthood which sought 1. Bean and Lawton (1973) in a review of proto- to impose a European way of life on a proud agricultural practices and environmental manipu­ people whom the Spaniards called heathen. lation by California Indians suggested that the The serenity of the native land would soon description of the valley is of an effect most likely fade, and, in many cases, the amity which had produced by burning the native vegetation. Such been shown Portola and his men would turn burning would have encouraged growth of annual grasses at the expense of perennial plants and given into hatred and fear. Six years after the Portola an appearance of cultivation. Burning the wood­ expedition at least 14 Kumeyaay villages lands grassbelt, particularly in areas near viUages, banded together and attacked the Mission San might have concentrated game in specific locations Diego de Alcala. Although they had been for ready accessibility in hunting, since browse in subjected to rapes, saw their hunting and burned-over areas would have been richer. In gathering territories diminish, and had no addition. Bean and Lawton (1973:xxxni) point out doubt witnessed their numbers decreased by that Palou noted that Indians in the vicinity of strange diseases, the coastal villagers did not Mission San Diego sheaved their grasses, a practice take part in the attack. that had previously been considered an innovation Fages' initial favorable impression of introduced by the missions. They present a detailed discussion of the effects of both burning and southern California Indians soon dimmed and sheaving on native grasses, hypothesizing that these changed from one of tolerance and respect to grasses may have been "semi-domesticated" or on one of ignorance and bigotry. In 1775, Fages the way to becoming semi-domesticated at the time wrote the Spanish viceroy: of Spanish contact. They have urged that more The Indians of the entire region between intensive scrutiny be given to grass seeds in archae­ San Diego and San Francisco Solano are ological sites in California, since literature from a of Ught brown color with homely features number of Spanish sources indicates that the sizes and ungainly figures; they are dirty, very of wild grains were impressive even to Europeans slovenly, and withal evil-looking, sus­ (Bean and Lawton 1973:xxxi). Florence Shipek picious, treacherous, and have scant (personal communication) has also provided data friendship for the Spaniards [Fages 1972: indicating that at least some native villages appear to have adapted a proto-agricultural subsistence 11]. pattern involving a complex system of land What has happened to the village sites management that included planned burning as visited by Portola and his men? Like so many noted by Spanish explorers. historical and archaeological sites, they have either been forgotten, destroyed by thoughtless 2. Bean and Lawton (1973:xxvu) call attention relic collectors, or covered by urban sprawl. to this passage and suggest some tendance may After years of farming, grazing, erosion, relic have been carried out with the wild grape by collecting, and construction activities, little is California Indians. left of the coastal villages of these people, 3. See Bean and Lawton (1973) for a fuller although one, Ystagua, is currently under discussion not only of the use of burning in hunting, study for possible preservation. Scattered pot but its broader implications as a form of ecological sherds, broken trade beads, and sheU mounds land management. See also Aschmann (1959). 40 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

4. Bean and Lawton (I973:xx) also cite Mar­ Davis, James T. tinez' explanation of native grass burning practices, 1961 Trade Routes and Economic Exchange providing further data on burning in Baja Cal­ Among the Indians of California. Uni­ ifornia, where Father Serra in June, 1796 observed versity of California Archaeological a valley "so green that if I did not know in Survey Reports 54. what country I was, I would have taken it, without any hesitation, for land under cultivation." Signs of Ellison, William H., and Francis Price, eds. Indian habitation were noted in that valley by 1953 The Life and Adventures in California of Serra, although the natives had fled from the Don Agustin Janssens 1834-1856. San Spanish. For the most recent bibliography covering Marino: Huntington Library. most of the literature on aboriginal agriculture in California and sources on proto-agriculture and Englehardt, Zephyrin environmental manipulation see Lawton et al. 1920 San Diego Mission. San Francisco: (1976:46-50). James H. Barry Co. 5. See Bean and Lawton (1973) for a synthesis Fages, Pedro of material relating to environmental manipulation 1972 A Historical, PoUtical, and Natural De­ along the entire route of the Portola expedition. scription of California. Ramona: Ballena Press. REFERENCES Jayme, Luis 1970 Letters of Luis Jayme, O.F.M., San Aschmann, Homer Diego, October 17, 1772. Maynard 1959 The Evolution of a Wild Landscape and Geiger, trans, and ed. : its Persistence in Southern California. Dawson's Book Shop. Annals, Association of American Geo­ graphers 49(3):34-56. Kroeber, Alfred L. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Bancroft, Hubert H. Washington: Bureau of American Eth­ 1883 The Native Races of the Pacific States: nology Bulletin 78. The Works of H.H. Bancroft (5 vols.). San Francisco: The History Company. Lawton, Harry W., Philip J. Wilke, Mary DeDecker, and WilUam M. Mason Bean, LoweU John, and Harry W. Lawton 1976 Agriculture Among the Paiute of Owens 1973 Some Explanations for the Rise of Valley. Journal of California Anthro­ Cultural Complexity in Native California pology 3(1): 13-50. with Comments on Proto-Agriculture and Agriculture. In Henry T. Lewis, Martinez, Jose Longinos Patterns of Indian Burning in California: 1961 Journal of Jose Longinos Martinez. Ecology and Ethnohistory. Ramona: Lesley Byrd Simpson, ed. San Francisco: Ballena Press, pp. v-xlvii. John Howell Books. Carrico, Richard L. Merriam, C. Hart 1974 Archaeological Investigation of the 1968 Village Names in Twelve California Rimbach-Sorrento Site. Environmental Mission Records. Robert F. Heizer, ed. Report on file at WESTEC Services, University of California Archaeological Inc., San Diego. Survey Reports 74:160-161.

Costanso, Miguel Palou, Fray Francisco 1911 Diary of Miguel Costanso. Frederick J. 1926 Historical Memoirs of New California Teggart, ed. Publicationsof the Academy (4 vols.). Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed. of Pacific Coast History 2:167-173, 466. Berkeley: University of California Press. COASTAL VILLAGES OF SAN DIEGO COUNTY 41

Rivera y Moncada, Fernando Van Hement, Adolph, and Frederick J. Teggart 1967 Diario del Capitan Commandante Fer­ 1910 The Narrative of the Portola Expedition nando de Rivera y Moncada (2 vols.). of 1769-1770. Publications of the Ernest J. Burrus, ed. Madrid: Jose Academy of Pacific Coast History 1: Porrua Turanzas. 127-130. Sparkman, Philip Stedman Warren, Claude 1908 The CuUure of the Luiseiio Indians. Uni­ 1964 Cultural Change and Continuity on the versity of California Publications in San Diego Coast. Ph.D. dissertation American Archaeology and Ethnology 8: University of California, Los Angeles. 187-234.