China-India Border Tensions at Doka La
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Pierce – the American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021
Pierce – The American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021 Committee: Security Council Issue: The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Student Officer: Alexandros Ballis Position: President PERSONAL INTRODUCTION Dear Delegates, My name is Alexandros Ballis and I am a 11th grader at the German School of Thessaloniki and I’ll be serving as the President in this year’s Security Council. First of all, I would like to congratulate all of you on both your decision to get involved in the challenging, but at the same time, exciting world of Model United Na- tions, as well as for choosing to participate in such a great conference. I can assure you that MUN is an incredible experience, since you get the chance to involve your- selves in current affairs and issues that will define our generation, improve your pub- lic speaking and negotiating skills, ameliorate your use of the English language and last, but certainly not least, make new friends! The topics of this year’s agenda are of utmost importance. However, this study guide will focus on the third topic of the agenda, namely “The Sino-Indian Bor- der Dispute”. The dispute between China and India concerning their borders and the territorial status of several areas between those two countries is an ongoing dispute that has caused instability in the area. Seeing that there is a risk of escalation be- tween the world’s two most populous countries, also having established themselves as nuclear powers, the possibility of a war is not far away. Therefore, efficient measures that will solve the crisis as soon as possible are needed. -
China's Tawang Conundrum
China’s Tawang Conundrum The Statesman 12 April 2017 Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh has caused a flutter in the Beijing roost. Wary of the fall-out from Dalai Lama’s visit to the picturesque 17th-Century Twang Monastery, which to Tibetans is next in importance after the Potala Palace in Lhasa, the erstwhile abode of the Dalai Lama, China has severely warned India that Dalai Lama’s visit “to the contested area will inflict severe damage on the China-India relationship”. In a reversal of its earlier timidity and nervousness while dealing with China, India has of late also become more assertive, sensing correctly that in order to make its big neighbor more sensitive towards its own concerns like United Nations Security Council, NSG or Masood Azhar, it has to aggressively confront China on issues like Tibet and One-China Policy, which for China are non-negotiable. In fact, the Dalai Lama’s visit may just provide some extra ammunitions to India, which it may leverage to its advantage both at the political and diplomatic levels. Since the 1962 war, not a single shot has been fired along the nearly 3500 km. long disputed border with China, but the Chinese positions on the border has remained unyielding. China claims the entire Arunachal Pradesh as its own territory, being ‘Southern Tibet’. But the Dalai Lama's visit to Tawang undermines Chinese claims and instead strengthens Indian position by imparting legitimacy, which riles China. The origin of the dispute goes back to early 20th century. The 885 km long northern boundary of Arunachal Pradesh today known as the McMahon Line – a bone of contention between India and China, takes its name from Sir Arthur Henry McMahon, Secretary to the Government of India (1911 – 1914). -
Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: a Systems Level Approach
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies Josef Korbel School of International Studies Summer 2009 Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A Systems Level Approach Aldo D. Abitol University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/advancedintlstudies Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Aldo D. Abitbol, “Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A systems Level Approach,” Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies 1 (Summer 2009): 74-88. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],dig- [email protected]. Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A Systems Level Approach This article is available at Digital Commons @ DU: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/advancedintlstudies/23 Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War A SYSTEMS LEVEL APPRAOCH ALDO D. ABITBOL University of Denver M.A. Candidate, International Security ______________________________________________________________________________ The emergence of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) nations as regional powers and future challengers to U.S. hegemony has been predicted by many, and is a topic of much debate among the IR community today. Interestingly, three of these nations have warred against each other in the past and, coincidentally or not, it was the nations that shared borders: India and China and China and Russia. -
Final Report on Study for Modal Shift of Cargo Passing Through Siliguri
Study for modal shift of cargo passing through Siliguri Corridor destined for North-East and neighboring countries to IWT Final Report August, 2017 Submitted to Inland Waterways Authority of India (IWAI) April 2008 A Newsletter from Ernst & Young Study for modal shift of cargo passing through Siliguri Corridor destined for North-east and neighboring countries to IWT Contents Executive Summary .......................... 9 Introduction................................... 14 1. Appraisal of the Siliguri (Chicken’s Neck) Corridor 16 1.1 Geographical reach of the Corridor ....................................................................................... 16 2 Project Influence Area (PIA) ..... 18 2.1 PIA of Proposed Project ....................................................................................................... 18 2.1.1 Bongaigaon Cluster ...................................................................................................... 20 2.1.2 Guwahati Cluster.......................................................................................................... 20 2.1.3 Dibrugarh Cluster......................................................................................................... 21 2.1.4 Shillong Cluster ........................................................................................................... 22 2.1.5 Tripura Cluster ............................................................................................................ 22 2.1.6 Arunachal Pradesh Cluster ........................................................................................... -
Use of Theses
Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. INDIA-BANGLADESH POLITICAL RELATIONS DURING THE AWAMI LEAGUE GOVERNMENT, 1972-75 by Shaukat Hassan A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Australian National University April 1987 Deelarat ion Except where otherwise indicated this thesis is my own work. Utx*.s Shaukat Hassan April 1987 Acknowledgements I wish to thank Professors George Codding of the Un.iversity of Colorado, Thomas Hovet and M. George Zaninovich of the University of Oregon, Talukdar Maniruzzaman of the University of Dhaka, Mr. Neville Maxwell of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Oxford University, and Brigadier Abdul Momen, former Director General of the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies, Dhaka, for making it possible for me to undertake this study. I am equally grateful to the Department of International Relations at the Australian National University for generously providing me the necessary funds to carry out research overseas. I must express my sincere gratitude to all those in the United States, the United Kingdom, India, Bangladesh, the People's Repub lic of China, and Australia who granted me interviews, many of whom must remain anonymous. My special thanks and appreciation are due to Mr. -
SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES R R I T O R I a L D I S Analysis
Analysis No. 181, June 2013 SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li Sino‐Indian relations have been marred by their territorial disputes in the past decades. Tensions and disputes in the border region are likely to continue to occur from time to time in the foreseeable future, but the two countries have demonstrated strong political will and incentives not to allow the disputes to hijack their bilateral ties. Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li are senior research analyst and associate professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University respectively ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo Introduction In April 2013, tensions erupted between India and China over their Himalayan border. India accused Chinese troops of having crossed the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by setting up camp in Indian-claimed territory. In response, Indian forces set up their own camp 300 meters opposite the Chinese facility. Initially, China attempted to play down the tensions by denying the allegations. Beijing claimed that Chinese troops had observed the agreement between the two countries since they did not cross the LAC. Facing strong pressure from the opposition political parties and media, India’s ruling government insisted on settling the incident peacefully through diplomatic means. Eventually, the dispute was peacefully resolved when both sides withdrew their troops. The incident once again highlighted the volatility of Sino-Indian relations. Understanding its volatile nature requires an exploration of the interplay of various factors: geopolitical realities in Asia, the historical legacies in bilateral ties, trade and other economic interests, domestic politics in both countries, the pursuit of common global concerns, and of course, the border disputes. -
NIDS Commentary No. 49 India-China Boundary Question
NIDS Commentary No. 49 India-China Boundary Question:Old Issues and New Development Marie Izuyama, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department No. 49, August 12, 2015 Introduction on some of the issues” and “There is a need for the After its inauguration in May 2015, the Modi-led BJP clarification of LAC.” Modi made these comments at (Bharatiya Janata Party) government has been dealing the joint press conference with Chinese President Xi with the boundary question with China in a determined Jinping when he visited China in May 2015. manner compared to its predecessor. It is clearly stated What is the core of mutually exclusive positions on in the Election Manifesto that one of the security issues the boundary questions? In this commentary we will is “the intrusion inside the LAC (Line of Actual first examine what “LAC” is, and then how it is Control)”. Furthermore, the “massive infrastructure perceived by China and India. Next, we will examine development, especially along the Line of Actual the increasing China’s assertiveness over the State of Control in Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim”, that belongs Arunachal Pradesh. Our conclusion is that India’s to the north east region of India, and shares the borders catching up with China in terms of military and with the Tibetan Autonomous Region is considered as infrastructure building along the borders since the mid the priority. While the leaders of India and China 2000s linked the issue of Tibet to the boundary project a friendly relationship at the summit, behind the questions, that revealed their original differences all scenes the more hostile tit-for-tat games are constantly the more difficult to compromise. -
Doklam: to Start at the Very Beginning Manoj Joshi
AUGUST 2017 Doklam: To Start at the Very Beginning Manoj Joshi Since the clashes at Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, Doklam has been relatively quiet / Source: India Travel Forum INTRODUCTION There is a geographical and geopolitical aspect to the ongoing Sino-Indian standoff in the Doklam region. Geography locates Bhutan on a sensitive part of the Himalayan belt. Its history, small size and state capacity have made it an element in the geopolitical contest between India and China. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think-tank that aims to influence formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed and productive inputs, in-depth research, and stimulating discussions. ISBN 978-81-86818-32-9 © 2017 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. DOKLAM: TO START AT THE VERY BEGINNING The Doklam issue came to the fore between June and July this year almost without preamble. Since the clashes at Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, this border had been relatively quiet as the alignment of the Sino-Indian border in Sikkim is, to a large extent, accepted by both sides. However, there has always been a problem with the China-India-Bhutan trijunction. In 2007, India rushed the deployment of forces to the region following the destruction by China of a number of Indian bunkers in the Batang La area. China also laid claim to the 2.1-sq km “Finger Area” in north Sikkim that protrudes into the Sora Funnel and dismantled some cairns marking the border in the region. -
Conflict at the China-India Frontier
INSIGHTi Conflict at the China-India Frontier June 17, 2020 Recent Developments at the China-India Frontier Deadly conflict broke out on June 15 on the China-India border following weeks of minor military confrontations along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) that separates the People’s Republic of China (PRC or China) and the Indian regions of Ladakh and Sikkim. The lethal conflict occurred in the Galwan Valley—one of the sites of tension in recent weeks—as the two sides were in the process of negotiating a mutual “disengagement” of forces (see Figure 1). PRC and Indian sources offered conflicting accounts of events, but officials on both sides confirmed casualties, including at least 20 Indian military personnel. The last time the border conflict escalated to the point of casualties was in 1975. The events leading up to the lethal clashes included fistfights between Chinese and Indian soldiers stationed near Pangong Lake in India’s Ladakh state, territorial advances by Chinese forces in Hot Springs and the Galwan Valley (also in Ladakh), and clashes between Chinese and Indian soldiers on the border near India’s Sikkim state. Authoritative information is limited, but various accounts claim PRC troops made territorial gains of 40-60 square kilometers. On May 27, President Trump tweeted that “the United States is ready, willing and able to mediate or arbitrate [China and India’s] now raging border dispute.” Tensions had seemed to abate in early June as military officers and diplomats from both sides held talks to try to manage the situation. According to India’s Army Chief, these talks led to an agreement to “disengage[e] in a phased manner.” Following the June 15 clash, both sides pledged to continue to seek to resolve the situation through dialogue and consultation; the status of these efforts is unclear. -
Sino-Indian Ties: 20Th Century Borders for Stable 21St Century Relations
NO 49 IPCS ISSUE BRIEF JULY2007 Sino-Indian Ties 20th Century Borders for Stable 21st Century Relations Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies Mohan Guruswamy, Chairman, Centre for Policy Alternatives The Chinese seem to be either testing the and when and how they evolved. The Imperial waters or ratcheting up the dispute over, India of the Mughals spanned from either the whole of Arunachal Pradesh or Afghanistan to Bengal but did not go very part of it with their recent string of much below the Godavari in the South. The pronouncements on the subject, starting with Imperial India of the British incorporated all of the statement of the Chinese Ambassador to today’s India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, but India, Sun Yuxi. The Chinese have never been had no Afghanistan, not for want of trying. It quite explicit on how much of Arunachal was the British who for the first time brought they seek. In a travel agent’s office in Lhasa, Assam into India in 1826 when they defeated for example, I saw an official map displayed Burma and formalized the annexation with the that showed only the Tawang tract as treaty of Yandabo. It was only in 1886 that the Chinese territory. In other maps, however, British first forayed out of the Brahmaputra they have their border running along the valley when they sent out a punitive expedition foothills, thus including all of Arunachal. into the Lohit valley in pursuit of marauding tribesmen who had begun raiding the new tea gardens. Apparently, the area was neither The Chinese have based their specific claim under Chinese or Tibetan control for there were on the territory on the premise that Tawang no protests either from the Dalai Lama or the was administered from Lhasa, and the Chinese Amban in Lhasa. -
China's Strategic Interests and Its Impacts on Bangladesh
Spotlight South Asia Paper Nr. 11/2014 China’s Strategic Interests and its impacts on Bangladesh Author: Siegfried O. Wolf (Heidelberg) 31. March 2014 ISSN 2195-2787 1 SSA ist eine regelmäßig erscheinende Analyse- Reihe mit einem Fokus auf aktuelle politische Ereignisse und Situationen Südasien betreffend. Die Reihe soll Einblicke schaffen, Situationen erklären und Politikempfehlungen geben. SSA is a frequently published analysis series with a focus on current political events and situations concerning South Asia. The series should present insights, explain situations and give policy recommendations. APSA (Angewandte Politikwissenschaft Südasiens) ist ein auf Forschungsförderung und wissenschaftliche Beratung ausgelegter Stiftungsfonds im Bereich der Politikwissenschaft Südasiens. APSA (Applied Political Science of South Asia) is a foundation aiming at promoting science and scientific consultancy in the realm of political science of South Asia. Die Meinungen in dieser Ausgabe sind einzig die der Autoren und werden sich nicht von APSA zu eigen gemacht. The views expressed in this paper are solely the views of the authors and are not in any way owned by APSA. Impressum: APSA Im Neuenheimer Feld 330 D-69120 Heidelberg [email protected] www.apsa.info 2 China’s Strategic Interests and its impacts on Bangladesh Since its foundation in 1949, the People’s Republic of China has made substantial moves into South Asia. Besides Pakistan, it seems that over the last years Bangladesh in particular came into the focus of Chinese strategic thinkers. There is no doubt that Beijing made far-reaching inroads into Bangladesh by taking advantage of the need for urgent development in all spheres of economic life. -
Mapping the Districts of West Bengal Using Geospatial Technology
Indian Journal of Spatial Science Spring Issue, 10 (1) 2018 pp. 112 - 121 Indian Journal of Spatial Science Peer Reviewed and UGC Approved (Sl No. 7617) EISSN: 2249 - 4316 homepage: www.indiansss.org ISSN: 2249 - 3921 Mapping the Districts of West Bengal using Geospatial Technology Dr Ashis Sarkar Professor of Geography (Retired), West Bengal Senior Education Service: Presidency College / University and Chandernagore College Partha Nandi GIS Executive, Ceinsys Tech Limited, Nagpur, Maharashtra Arpan Giri GIS Business Developer/Analyst, MMS.IND (LSI Micro-Marketing Service India Pvt. Ltd.), Mumbai Article Info Abstract _____________ ___________________________________________________________ Article History The Partition of Bengal in 1947 divided the British Indian province of Bengal based on the Radcliffe Line between India and Pakistan.The Hindu dominated West Bengal became a province of India, and Received on: theMuslim dominated East Bengal (now Bangladesh) became a province of Pakistan. The Indian state 31 July 2018 of West Bengal borders with Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and the Indian states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Accepted inRevised Form on : Odissa, Assam and Sikkim. The Himalayas lie in the north and the Bay of Bengal in the south. In 15 February, 2019 betweenflows the Ganga eastwards and its main distributary, the Bhagirathi flows south to reach the AvailableOnline on and from : Bay of Bengal. The Siliguri Corridor(or the Chicken Neck of West Bengal) that connects North-East 21 March, 2019 India withthe rest of the country lies in the North Bengal region of the state. Geographically, the state of __________________ West Bengal is divided into a variety of regions, viz. Darjeeling Himalayas, , Terai Dooars, North Key Words Bengal plains, Rarh, Western plateau and high lands, coastal plains, Sunderbans and the Ganga Delta.