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Social Foundations of Judaism

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Social Foundations of Judaism SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF JUDAISM .....,.,. "." .....) 296. 387\S 6~ X SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS of JUDAISM XVI. 288 P. "1990 SH1 1084355 000 001 111111111 1111 JSW108435503216 - EDITORS Calvin Goldscheider Brown University 'I I Jacob Neusner The Institute for Advanced Study Brown University ..._'" r r'P"~'~'''' "",:1'1'1 ","'j\;1 "'\ "') N , , i:l " N ~ 'O"~ '0 "'I'"'i ~ 'Q ':1 ~~'O'I"?:l l'I'"'I:l~iI ilt)~'"O'l'i~"\ II Prentice Hall Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey 07632 Ethnicity, ization framework. The argument is tha tudes are part of the assimilation proce: more modernized in America, they she come less religious in their behavior, vie" mold their religious observances to fit i What remains, therefore, of traditional J which do not conflict with the Americani: inate; dietary regulations are observed IE brations fit well with children and family Chapter 12 Easter; Sabbath observances and regular to sustain, since they compete with leisw argument is that Judaism declines with I Ethnicity, American Judaism, reflect acculturation and imitation of de tivities, such as participation in Jewish and Jewish Cohesion poor substitutes for traditional religiolli are often included under the rubric lie changes in religious identification and b Calvin Goldscheider of the religious sources of Jewish contim the most likely to equate the decline oj community. There is another view which unde part of the broader transformation of Je' the decline in thecentrality ofreligion ml of new forms ofJewish expression. BefOI Socioeconomic transformations, and changes in family structure, residential con­ forms with the loss of community, it is i centration, and mobility patterns, have resulted in new forms of Jewish commu­ ways to express Jewishness emerge. In nity networks and associational ties. As an ethnic group, the community has inseparable. Changes in Judaism were in changed its character. As a group sharing a religious tradition and culture, we ask: cohesion. However, in the process of e: What changes have occurred in the religion of modem American Jews? How has tions, and the integration of Jews in thl secularization affected Jewish continuity? Have new forms of Jewish expression patterns of the broader society, opportw emerged to serve as anchors for cohesion among America's Jews? We focus on two ness have developed as alternative ways themes: (1) the patterns of secularization in Jewish religious behavior and identi­ between religion and Jewishness have \I fication and (2) the emergence of alternative forms of Jewish expression. The These new forms provide a wide ri overriding concern is with the ways in which Jewish cohesion and continuity are among those at different points in the manifest in the community. central; for most, Jewishness is a combir Previous research has documented extensively the decline ofreligious behav­ ethnic forms of Jewish expression. At tl ior, ritual observances, and traditional Orthodox identification among American tional experiences; for families with c Jews. The transformation of the more religiously oriented immigrant generation usually in synagogue-related and childr to the secularized second and third generation has been one of the master themes is the combination of family, friends, < in the sociology of Jews in the United States. In tum, these changes have been reading about and visiting Israel. Many associated with broader processes of assimilation and acculturation. Some of the ness, and some have become more impc fundamental patterns are well known. There is, however, less consensus in the life cycle, in different places, and with d interpretation of the evidence and the inferred connections to assimilation. In this perspective, the examinati< The most widespread interpretation of these patterns of generational change sions must be balanced by an investiga' in the various dimensions of religiosity derives from the secularization-modern­ decline in ritual observance, synagog 194 Ethnicity, American Judaism, and Jewish Cohesion 195 ization framework. The argument is that changes in religious behavior and atti­ tudes are part of the assimilation process. As Jews become more American and more modernized in America, they shed their religious particularism. They be­ come less religious in their behavior, view religion as less central in their lives, and mold their religious observances to fit in with the dominant American culture. What remains, therefore, of traditional Judaism are forms of religious expression whichdonotconflict with theAmericanization oftheJews. Family rituals predom­ inate; dietary regulations are observed less frequently; Chanukah and Seder cele­ brations fit well with children and family-centeredness and parallel Christmas and er 12 Easter; Sabbath observances and regular synagogue attendance are more difficult to sustain, since they compete with leisure and occupational activities. In sum, one argument is that Judaism declines with modernization. The residual observances rican Judaism, reflect acculturation and imitation of dominant American forms. Alternative ac­ tivities, such as participation in Jewish communal organizations, are viewed as Cohesion poor substitutes for traditional religious institutions and behavior. Indeed, these are often included under the rubric "civil religion." In this context, therefore, changes in religious identification and behavior are interpreted as the weakening scheider of the religious sources of Jewish continuity. Religious leaders and institutions are the most likely to equate the decline of Judaism with the demise of the Jewish community. There is another view which understands the processes of secularization as part of the broader transformation of Jews in modern society. In this perspective, the decline in thecentrality ofreligion mustbeseen in the context ofthe emergence of new forms ofJewish expression. Before one can equate the decline of traditional ~ in family structure, residential con­ forms with the loss of community, it is important to examine whether alternative lIted in new forms of Jewish commu­ ways to express Jewishness emerge. In the past, religion and Jewishness were m ethnic group, the community has inseparable. Changes in Judaism were indeed threatening to Jewish continuity and -eligious tradition and culture, we ask: cohesion. However, in the process of expansion of community size and institu­ of modern American Jews? How has tions, and the integration of Jews in the social, economic, political, and cultural iave new forms of Jewish expression patterns of the broader society, opportunities for new forms of expressing Jewish­ _ong America's Jews? We focus on two ness havedevelopedas alternativeways to reinforceJewish cohesion, even as links Jewish religious behavior and identi­ between religion and Jewishness have weakened. ive forms of Jewish expression. The These new forms provide a wide range of options for expressing Jewishness :h Jewish cohesion and continuity are among those at different points in their life cycle. For some, religion remains central; for most, Jewishness is a combination of family, communal, religious, and ~nsively the decline ofreligious behav­ ethnic forms of Jewish expression. At times, Jewishness revolves around educa­ odox identification among American tional experiences; for families with children, the expression of Jewishness is :>Usly oriented immigrant generation usually in synagogue-related and children-oriented celebrations. For almost all, it :m has been one of the master themes is the combination of family, friends, community activities, organizations, and ~. In turn, these changes have been reading about and visiting Israel. Many ways have developed to express Jewish­ lation and acculturation. Some of the ness, and some have become more important than others at different points in the re is, however, less consensus in the life cycle, in different places, and with different exposures to Jewishness. ~d connections to assimilation. In this perspective, the examination of changes in one set of Jewish expres­ these patterns of generational change sions must be balanced by an investigation of other Jewish expressions. Hence, a ves from the secularization-modern- decline in ritual observance, synagogue attendance, or Jewish organizational 196 TOWARD THE TWENlY·FIRST CENlURY Ethnicit participation must be viewed in the context of the total array of Jewish-related There are three ways to docume activities and associations. It is the balance of the range of expressions which denomination: (l) comparisons of the tv' allows for the evaluation ofJewish continuity. Thus, connections between secular­ inferred from age variation in religious d ization (in thesenseofchangingforms ofreligiousexpressionand declines inritual ing denominational affiliation by genet: observances) and broader Jewish continuity (including a wide range ofJewish-re­ Each has methodological limitations; tog lated attitudes, values, and activities which are not necessarily religiously ori­ In 1965, the Boston community w ented) need to be studied directly rather than by inference. Orthodox and Conservative Jews and E Two methodological considerations emerge from this view. First, since the filiated Jews than in 1975. During this c ways in which Jews express their Jewishness vary over the life cycle, we cannot from 14 percent to 5 percent, while the I use life cycle variation as the major indicator of generational decline. Variation in percent to 25 percent. The age data in : Jewishness overthelife cycle may imply the different ways young singles,
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