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Remaking 30 Years of the Ministry of Women's Affairs

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Remaking 30 Years of the Ministry of Women's Affairs Rachel Simon-Kumar Between Survival and Relevance remaking 30 years of the Ministry conform to the standards of new public management on the other (Sawer and of Women’s Unies, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004, 2005). Its ensuing struggles for legitimacy are as much about identity and ideology as they are about institutional structures Affairs and policy processes. Not surprisingly, the ministry has critics both within and outside the public sector. Since its establishment in 1984 the Ministry of Women’s As part of marking the 30th Affairs has had a controversial profile.1 What began as anniversary of the ministry, this article traces its institutional development and a feminist policy agency in the public sector discernibly the contested idea of its ‘effectiveness’. It reviews diverse narratives about the transitioned, in the course of a decade, into a mainstream ministry and re-examines the notion of policy agency whose function is to focus on issues of ‘relevance’ in an era of conservative fiscal and political ideologies. In so doing, the relevance to women (Curtin and Teghtsoonian, 2010). The article appraises the implications for the ministry’s representation of women’s ministry’s distinctive location at the crossroads of policy and diverse interests within the constraints gender places it in a maelstrom of contradictory expectations; of the current policy environment. There is substantial critical scholarship like other women’s policy agencies elsewhere in the world, about the Ministry of Women’s Affairs the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has historically been caught over this period that is a useful resource for reconstructing significant change between expectations from community to be its advocate, on periods (Sawyer and Unies, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004; Curtin, 2008; the one hand, and requirements from the public sector to Curtin and Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). Additionally, this analysis draws Rachel Simon-Kumar is a senior lecturer in the School of Population Health, University of Auckland on a body of secondary policy data: Page 32 – Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 government reports, policy documents Affairs under both Labour and National and policy output/outcome measures and parliamentary debates, among governments. framed definitions of effectiveness for the others. Finally, this article is informed Despite the array of work it undertakes ministry and replaced its non-hierarchical by interviews I conducted between 2008 to draw attention to the issues faced by community focus (Sawer and Unies, and 2012 with past ministry officials women, the ministry has no regulatory, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004; Curtin and and representatives of community enforcement or monitoring roles to Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). organisations working in the area of ensure adoption of gender-aware policies Yet, despite a decade of ‘realignment’ women’s issues.2 or approaches in other public agencies. the ministry’s capability to be a strong policy ministry was found wanting, A brief profile Policy actor or policy advocate? Shifting as its feminist roots were judged to be The Ministry of Women’s Affairs is a small identities compromising its effectiveness. In a population-based agency within the New Over its 30-year lifespan the Ministry of 2003 review led by the State Services Zealand public sector focused specifically Women’s Affairs has been under continuous Commission, the ministry was castigated on issues that are of relevance to women pressure to reconstitute its institutional for an ‘internal culture [that] has been and that have a gender focus. It has, since identity and practices. Its early years were driven more by ideology/advocacy than its establishment, retained its status as a marked by explicit community-oriented being evidence-based’ and for lacking ‘a stand-alone ministry. Currently there are and feminist-collectivist approaches to its clearly identified and articulated focus 27 full-time staff positions and a total work defined, by its first chief executive, (it exhibits a mix of advocacy and policy annual operating budget of $4.79 million (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2014). Its primary roles include advising the minister The election of a National-led of women’s affairs on the implications of government policies; monitoring and government in 2008 heralded a period initiating legislation and regulations in order to promote equality of opportunity of instability and loss of ground for and for women; and operating a nominations within the ministry. service for the appointment of women to statutory and quasi-government bodies. In addition, the ministry is also required to report periodically back to the United Mary O’Regan, who saw the ministry as focus)’ (Mallard, 2003, p.3, italics added). Nations on New Zealand’s international an ‘insider’ for women in communities. The review recommended new leadership commitments on gender status (Mallard, In her words, the ministry was a ‘bridge’ (or what it called ‘internal enhancement’) 2003; www.mwa.govt.nz). within the public sector: that would focus on changing internal Although not the sole agency working culture, with a focus on ‘public sector in the sphere of women’s issues, the [I told women’s groups] [w]e have values’, improved management systems ministry has spearheaded gender policy got a symbiotic relationship. You and policy capability. work in the public sector, including have your networks. You have access There was a turnaround within strategic work on gender analysis/gender to the community and we have access government in the perception of the mainstreaming across the public sector to cabinet. We need each other. We ministry’s contribution as a public sector in the 1990s; women in leadership [the ministry] are the bridge. So if agency in the years following that review. programmes, particularly the ‘Women on we work well together, that’s a strong The ministry’s Action Plan for Women Boards’ nominations scheme; improved bridge and we can get things done. (2004), which outlined its strategic vision data on women’s lives (especially the (Mary O’Regan, interview with the for improved outcomes for women for development of the Time Use Survey author, 2011) the next five years, was received well by in 1998–99); and changes in key policy other public sector agencies as well as by areas, including child care, sexuality The feminist/community approach community stakeholders. By 2007 the New education, pornography and violence, was a stark anomaly in the public sector Zealand Institute of Economic Research including rape (Curtin, 2008; Curtin and and very quickly fell foul of government (NZIER) ranked the Ministry of Women’s Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). The professional standards for bureaucracy. Affairs as consistently providing high- ministry has also highlighted the diverse Subsequent appointments to the position quality policy advice, and, in fact, judged needs of women through its research of chief executive were career bureaucrats its policy papers as among the best briefs and policy work with Mäori, Pacific who strove to re-align the ministry that it had scored (NZIER, 2007, p.1).3 Island and, more recently, minority with prevailing public management The ministry also developed a positive ethnic women. Since the 2000s women’s principles and instituted corporate-style reputation for working in collaborative economic independence has been an governance and accountability structures. relationships with other agencies and was area of focus of the Ministry of Women’s By the 1990s, performance management an integral member of several high-level Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 – Page 33 Between Survival and Relevance: remaking 30 years of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs taskforces and committees facilitating key If the ministry seems to have faltered ed women’s groups, in the main these processes in the intra-government and in meeting the standards expected of it as a have been with groups that fall, as community collaborations, including the public policy institution, it has fared little Hyman (2010) points out, at the ‘liberal’ Taskforce for Action on Violence within better in the eyes of women’s community end of the feminist spectrum, and it Families and the Taskforce for Action on groups and gender scholars, particularly encourages policy change through Sexual Violence. following the euphoric early years. As accepted institutional practices, notably This success as a mainstream policy Hyman (2010) points out, its strategy of submissions and writing letters to the agency was short-lived. The election eschewing a feminist lineage has alienated minister, thereby clearly distancing itself of a National-led government in 2008 it from key community stakeholders from a role as an advocacy agency. heralded a period of instability and loss whose presence, as has been argued, is Feminist scholars have also pointed of ground for and within the ministry. integral to raising women’s issues on the to the shifts in the ministry’s values There was ‘lack of clarity on its main policy agenda (Weldon, 2002; Celis et al., towards neo-liberal interpretations of purpose and strategies following the 2008). Through the 1990s, as the ministry gender equality. Specifically, there was change of government’ (State Services developed its sharpened focus as a policy an unmistakable emphasis on ‘individual Commission, Treasury and Department ministry, its role in community funding rights’ and ‘choices’, particularly to of the Prime Minister and Cabinet,
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