The Apologetic Specific of Jacob’s of Serugh Theology in the Context of the Syriac Tradition Archdeac. Assist. Prof. Ioniţă APOSTOLACHE* Abstract: The Syriac theology was affirmed in the first Christian centuries especially throughout a symbolic and mystic specificity. Starting with Saint Ephrem, the thinking of the Syriac Fathers followed the biblical dimension of the Church’s tradition that had become a real “vehicle for theology”. In this context, Jacob of Serugh is one of the most prolifically Syriac hymnologists. He carries on Saint Ephrem’s stile, expressing much moderated in the problem of monophysitism. Al- though he learned at the same school as Philoxene of Maboug, Jacob didn’t have any polemical approach in his writings on dogmatic issues or more. He was main- tained on the tradition of the Syriac Fathers. In our study we had tried to underline the personality of the grate Syriac hymnologist and to put into light the apologetic specific of his work. Moreover, the teaching about our Savior Jesus Christ was also accentuated by quotes from Jacob’s writings. Keywords: Syriac theology, Jacob of Sarugh, hymnogrtaphy, christology, apologetic approach The Syriac theology knew a special development in the first Christian cen- turies. This important feature of the Christian Church was underlined through a very strong apologetic work promoted by many symbols and biblical images. In this context, it was situated apart by the influence of the philosophical ter- minology of concepts. Graphed on the old Aramaic tradition, the Syriac theol- * Archdeac. Ioniţă Apostolache, Assistant Professor at the Orthodox Faculty of Theology, University of Craiova, Romania. RT 97 (2015), nr. 4, p. 68-82 The Apologetic Specific of Jacob’s of Serugh Theology in the Context of the Syriac Tradition Articles ogy is in his all heritage1 a “veritable vehicle for the Christianity from the first centuries”.2 Moreover, the context of interaction between the Semitic specific and the Greek influences is very important in the process of understanding the manner of promoting the truth of confession and also in the genesis of Christo- logical doctrine in the Church.3 The interaction between the Greek and Syriac theology had become a certification starting from the fourth century. From this moment, the Christian apologetic in the Syrian areal has enriched with many translations, writings and also with a martyrical confession beyond the pagan oppression. This reality is also valid for the Greek apologetic. In this period the Greek translations from the work of Saint Ephrem were realized according to the original form. On the other hand, the theological work of Theodor of Mopsuestia and Diodor of Thars was entirely known in the Greek environment together with many liturgical texts from the Syriac areal.4 Moreover, the theological Schools form Antioch and Edessa were also very important in this process. These two places are the most important centers from the Syriac apologetics because here they are intellectually formed the most known theologians and confessors in the Oriental Christianity. After the Constantine peace, the Roman side of Syria is more opened to the dialogue with the Greek areal, developing a dynamic theology based on the writings of Saint Ephrem, Saint John Chrysostom and also of the Syrian doctors. Unfortunately, the Persian side of the Syrian territory still remained on the op- 1 You can see: Ioniţă Apostolache, „The Syriac Theological Heritage in the Context of the Christological Controversies from the First Christian Centuries”, în The Christian Paradigm of a United Europe. Theology and Mystique in the Work of Saint Cyril of Alexandria, Ed. Mitropolia Olteniei, Craiova, 2015, p. 212-226. 2 “Christianity used Syriac as the vehicle for its message and doctrine and monopolized this language for its exclusive use” – see: Hendrik Jan Willem Drijvers, “Syrian Christianity and Juda- ism”, in J. Lieu – J. North – T. Rajak (edd.), The Jews Among Pagans and Christians. In the Roman Empire (London – New York 1992) p. 126; cf also Lucas Van Rompay, “The East (3): Syria and Mesopotamia,” in S. Ashbrook Harvey – D. G. Hunter (edd.), The Oxford Handbook of Early Chris- tian Studies (Oxford 2008), p. 366; Bawai Soro, The Church of the East. Apostolic & Orthodox, San Jose, CA 2007, p. 100. 3 “From the fifth century onwards” – says Leslie William Barnard – “Syriac-speaking Chris- tianity became, in the main, secondary to Greek Christendom. But that it had an original existence with a theological approach of its own should not be forgotten in the study of the origins of the Church” (The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa during the First Two Centuries A.D., in “Vigiliae Christianae”, no. 22/1968, p. 175). 4 Sebastian Brock believes that this exchange started from the time of Tatian, although the process of theological interaction is visible at the start of the fourth century – see: Sebastian p. Brock, Syriac Culture, 337-425, in “Cambridge Ancient History” (CAH) XIII, p. 717. 69 Archdeac. Assist. Prof. Ioniţă Apostolache pression of pagan persecutions,5 generating a martyrical apologetic based on a mystic and symbolic expression. From the fifth until the seventh century the two geographic parts from the Syrian Church (Roman and Persian), separated until by the political differences, were now divided by the doctrinal disagreements. So it makes, analyzing these problematic from a doctrinal point of view, specially related by the two natures and wills of our Lord Jesus Christ, the divinity and the humanity, we reach the true reason of splitting in the western Christianity.6 Start- ing from Chalcedon (451), the Christological problematic had generated the tree old Syrian Churches: the Western Church, the Orthodox Syrian Church and the Maronite Church. On this background, “the frequently lethal conflicts between the Greek Church of the Byzantine Empire and the Syriac Churches over such issues only ceased with the incorporation of most Syriac Christians into the Arab Muslim Caliphate during the 630s. As a result of these theological disagreements, opposing churches excommunicated each other, that is, they denied members of the other communions the opportunity to receive the Eucharist during the Divine Liturgy on Sundays”.7 The post-calcedonian period had generated therefore the crucial moment from the history of the Syriac Church. In this way, the Syriac Christianity from the Roman Empire was split in two: the one who accepted the teachings of Chalcedon Council (Chalcedonians) and the ones who rejected it (non-Chalcedonians). Both sides invoked the orthodox spirit: the first of them became known like “Greek 5 We must mention here the persecutions of Sapur II, that slathered all the Christian who de- nied the Zoroastrism (Robert R. Phenix jr. and Cornelia B. Horn, Syriac Speaking Churches: Their Origin and History to the Eighteen Century, in „Buletin od Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies 7, no. 2/2005, p. 12). „Dezvoltarea majoră a Bisericii Creştine în Imperiul Roman după Edictul de la Mediolanum, notează Winkler, la fel şi controversa ariană soluţionată la Nicea (325) nu au avut ecou în Biserica Siriacă din Imperiul Persan. Dimpotrivă, sub parţi atitudinea faţă de creştini a fost una de toleranţă, sub sasanizi persecuţiile izolate pe motiv de apostazie de la yoroastrism, pe când în vremea împăratului Sapur al II-lea acestea au atins apogeul” (D. W. Winkler, The Church of the East. A concise history, London – New York, 2003, p. 11; Bawai Soro, The Church of the East. Apostolic and Ortodox, Adiabene Publications, San Jose (SUA), 2007, p. 146). 6 „Unfortunately, says the Metropolitan Irineu Popa, with all the precautions taken by the council of Chalcedon it did not bring peace within the Church. If the West generally remains faith- ful to the dogmatic definition, very soon in the East there was a hostile reaction that will last until today. Therefore, those who interpreted the formula of St. Cyril in the opposite direction of the two natures, considered the dogmatic judgments of Pope Leo as a victory, which meant for them a vic- tory of Nestorianism. Consequently, this party did not recognize either the Council of Chalcedon or the local bishops, who received its definition, creating a beginning for the heterodox monophysite Churches” (IPS prof. univ. dr. Irineu Popa, Iisus Hristos este Acelaşi, ieri şi azi, şi în veac, Ed. Mitropolia Olteniei, Craiova, 2010, p. 288). 7 Robert R. Phenix jr. and Cornelia B. Horn, Syriac Speaking Churches ..., p. 12-13. 70 The Apologetic Specific of Jacob’s of Serugh Theology in the Context of the Syriac Tradition Articles Orthodox” or “Melchite”, while the latter came to be called “Syrian Orthodox”.8 We didn’t forget here neither the reconciliation attempts between these two Syriac churches. In this way, the byzantine emperors have made significant efforts to “draw the Miaphysites at the orthodox faith, obligating for many times the or- thodox people to accept some doctrinal concessions. Between these emperors the name of Zenon is well known, with his famous Honoticon, in which he declared that our Lord Jesus Christ is one, anathematizing Nestorius and also Eutihius, but broking the good relationships between West and West. 9 The generated Schism lasted from 484, until the time of the emperor Justinian, who reactivated the teach- ing from the Chalcedon Council”.10 Beyond these attempts, in the non-Chalcedonian side of the Syriac Church were highlighted two representative personalities for the miaphysitic Christology: Philoxene if Maboug, who represented the Syriac speaking side from the patri- archate of Antioch and Sever of Antioch, who was the Greek speaker leader from the Miaphysiric Church. 11 Beside of them some orientalists researchers placed the figure of Jacob of Serugh, bishop of great theological subtlety, famous hym- nologist of the Syriac Church. Although he studied with Philoxene at Edessa, this seems to be the only thing that they have in commune.