Black Males' Perceptions of and Experiences with the Police in Toronto
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Black Males' Perceptions of and Experiences with the Police in Toronto by Akwasi Owusu-Bempah A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, 2014 Black Males' Perceptions of and Experiences with the Police in Toronto Akwasi Owusu-Bempah Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies University of Toronto 2014 Abstract Canada is commonly depicted as a diverse and tolerant immigrant-receiving nation, accepting of individuals of various racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. Nevertheless, Canadian institutions have not been immune to allegations of racial bias and discrimination. For the past several decades, Toronto’s Black communities have directed allegations of racial discrimination at the police services operating within the city. Using a mixed-methods approach, this thesis examines Black males’ perceptions of and experiences with the police in the Greater Toronto Area. In order to provide a comprehensive examination of this issue, this thesis is comprised of three studies with three distinct groups of Black males. The first of these three studies utilizes data from a representative sample of Black, Chinese, and White adults from the Greater Toronto area to examine racial and gender differences in perceptions of and experiences with the police. The second study draws on data from a sample of young Black men recruited from four of Toronto’s most disadvantaged and high crime neighbourhoods to examine the views and ii experiences of those most targeted by the police. The final study involves interviews with Black male police officers in order to draw on the perspectives of those entrusted with enforcing the law. In line with a mixed-model hypothesis, the findings suggest that Black males’ tenuous relationship with the police is a product of their increased involvement in crime, as well as racism on the part of police officers and police services. Using insights drawn from Critical Race Theory, I suggest that both the increased levels of crime and the current manifestations of racism have a common origin in Canada’s colonial past. iii Acknowledgments I would first like to thank the 559 Black males whose views and experiences are captured herein; this work is for you. I want to thank my mother for teaching me to question the status quo, and my father for showing me how to do so. I would also like to thank my sisters and my friends for their ongoing support, even when this thesis kept me distant. I owe much debt and gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Scot Wortley. The guidance, support and opportunities you have provided me over the past decade have been invaluable. You are a great mentor and a true friend. I look forward to many more years of collaboration ahead. I would also like to thank the faculty, staff and my fellow graduate students at the Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies for their encouragement. In particular I would like to thank my thesis committee Dr. Rosemary Gartner, Dr. Matthew Light, Dr. Carl James, and informally, Dr. Mariana Valverde and Dr. Tony Doob. You have all helped improve this work immensely. I also want to thank John Fraser, former master of Massey College at the University of Toronto, as well as the staff, Sr. and Jr. Fellowship of the College. The College provided a wonderful space to fraternize and nurture my intellectual curiosity. I am indebted to the numerous organizations who provided the funding that enabled me to carry out this research: the Association of Black Law Enforcers; the American Society of Criminology – Division of People of Color on Crime; the Canadian Council of Christians and Jews; the Black Business and Professionals Association; Massey College; the Centre of Criminology and Sociolegal Studies John Beattie Fund; the Ontario Graduate Scholarship; and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Finally, I would like to thank my partner, Vanessa, for your love and for helping to push me through the last few months of this endeavor. This would have been much more difficult without you. iv Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iv List of Tables vi List of Appendices ix Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Theoretical Frameworks 20 Chapter 3 Race, Gender and Policing: Results from a Survey of 66 Toronto Residents Chapter 4 Young Black Men and Policing in Toronto 113 Chapter 5 Insider Perspectives on the Policing of Black 158 Communities Chapter 6 Discussion 226 Reference List 253 v List of Tables Table 3.1 Characteristics of Survey Respondents by Race 71 Table 3.2 Percent of Respondents Who Feel that the Police 73 Are Doing a “Good Job” Of Performing Various Duties, By Race Table 3.3 Mean Scores on the Police Evaluation Index, by Race 74 Table 3.4 Mean Scores on the Police Evaluation Index, by 74 Gender by Race Table 3.5 Mean Scores on the Police Evaluation Index, by Race 75 by Gender Table 3.6 Percent of Respondents Who Perceive Police Bias, 77 by Race Table 3.7 Mean Scores on the Police Bias Index, by Race 78 Table 3.8 Mean Scores on the Police Bias Index, by Gender by Race 79 Table 3.9 Mean Scores on the Police Bias Index, by Race 79 by Gender Table 3.10 Percent of respondents who believe that Racial 80 Profiling is a Problem in Canada by race. Table 3.11 Percent of respondents who believe that Racial 81 Profiling is a Problem in Canada by race by gender. Table 3.12 Percent of respondents who believe a Black person 82 is more likely to be unfairly or wrongly shot by the police than a white person by race. Table 3.13 Percent of respondents who believe a Black person 82 is more likely to be unfairly or wrongly shot by the police than a white person by gender by race. Table 3.14 Percent of respondents who believe a Chinese person 83 is more likely to be unfairly or wrongly shot by the police than a white person by race. Table 3.15 Percent of respondents who believe a Chinese person 83 is more likely to be unfairly or wrongly shot by the police than a white person, by gender by race. Table 3.16 Number of Times Stopped by the Police in the Past 85 Two Years, by Race vi Table 3.17 Percent of respondents who reported being stopped 86 by the police on multiple occasions in the past two years, by race and gender Table 3.18 Percent of respondents who reported being searched 87 by the police, by race Table 3.19 Percent of respondents who reported being searched 87 by race by gender Table 3.20 Respondents feelings about their last police encounter, 88 by race. Table 3.21 Respondents feelings about their last police encounter, 89 by race, by gender. Table 3.22 Percent of respondents who have personal or 90 vicarious experience with police racial profiling, by race. Table 3.23 Percent of respondents who have personal or vicarious 91 experience with police racial profiling, by race and gender Table 3.24 Logistic Regressions Predicting Multiple 93 Police Stops Table 3.25 Logistic Regressions Predicting Police Stops 95 for Black Males Table 3.26 Logistic Regressions Predicting Police Searches 96 Table 3.27 Logistic Regressions Predicting Police Searches 98 for Black Males Table 3.28 OLS Regression on Evaluations of Police 100 Performance Table 3.29 OLS Regression on Evaluation of Police 102 Performance for Black Males Table 3.30 OLS Regression on Perceptions of Police Bias 103 Table 3.31 OLS Regression on Perceptions of Police 105 Bias for Black Males Table 4.1 Sample Characteristics Measured During 119 Pre-test Interviews Table 4.2 Youth Perceptions of Performance/Trust 121 and Confidence in the Police Table 4.3 Youth Perceptions of Police Bias and Corruption 123 Table 4.4 Percent of Respondents Who Have Been 125 Stopped and Searched by the Police in Previous Six Months vii Table 4.5 Percent of Respondents Who Feel they were 126 Treated Fairly or Unfairly during their Last Police Stop Table 4.6 Percent of Respondents Who Feel they were 127 Treated Respectfully or Disrespectfully when Dealing during their Last Police Stop Table 4.7 Percent of Respondents Who Have Been Arrested by 128 the Police in Their Lifetime and the Last Six Months Table 4.8 Percent of Respondents Who Report Being Falsely 129 Arrested by the Police Table 4.9 Percent of Respondents who Report Having a 130 Negative Police Experience with the Police Table 4.10 Percent of Respondents who Report Having 130 a Positive Police Experience with the Police Table 4.11 Percent of Respondents Who Report Having 132 a Negative Experience with the Police by Type of Experience Table 4.12 Percent of Respondents Who Report Having 142 a Positive Experience with the Police by Type of Experience Table 4.13 OLS Regression on Police Performance, Trust 149 and Confidence Index Table 4.14 OLS Regression on Police Bias and Corruption Index 151 Table 5.1 Percent of respondents who feel the police treat 169 Black people the same as white people Table 5.2 Percent of respondents who believe the police 170 treat Black people worse than white people Table 5.3 Percent of respondents who feel the police treat 170 Black people differently, by frequency Table 5.4 Percent of respondents who believe the police 171 are more likely to use physical force on Black people than white people Table 5.5 Percent of respondents who feel that Black 173 people are more likely to be unfairly shot by the police than white people Table 5.6 Percent of respondents who feel that perceptions 175 of police bias held by Black people are justified Table 5.7 Percent of respondents who feel that Black 177 people’s claims about negative police treatment is justified.