Trump and Alt-Right “White Nationalism”1
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George Mcturnan Kahin, 1918-2000
George McTurnan Kahin, 1918-2000 The following tributes were composed by members of the Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, in honor of George Kahin. The eulogies by Stanley J. O'Connor and Thak Chaloemtiarana were delivered at the memorial service for George Kahin, February 4, 2000, Ithaca, NY. Benedict Anderson's tribute was delivered at the Celebration of the Life of George McTurnan Kahin, May 6, 2000, Ithaca, NY. George Kahin was a national figure, and his life and career are being recounted in major newspapers. Of this there will be much telling abroad as well. But our loss is local and felt deeply. He was the bedrock on which many of us based our professional lives. We have all been touched by his warmth, his kindness, and made better by his example of courage, integrity, and his patient devotion to our corporate life. His passing brings a chill blast of mortality, a keen apprehension of the fragility of life and the tenuousness of the threads that bind us to each other. I would remind you that a tree was planted in George's honor at the center of the university—out on the contained immensity of the Arts Quadrangle. Today, its wet black branches are bare, but burgeoning life will return with the spring. And, across the Quadrangle, the library, with shelves stretching in the deep structure of its orders, fills silently with Southeast Asian witness, a consequence, in part, of George's advocacy and stewardship with Program funds. Many more books will flow out of the quiet labor now underway at the Kahin Center for Advanced Research on Southeast Asia. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
White Nationalism As Immigration Policy Jayashri Srikantiah & Shirin Sinnar*
Stanford Law Review Online Volume 71 March 2019 ESSAY White Nationalism as Immigration Policy Jayashri Srikantiah & Shirin Sinnar* Introduction Two years into the Trump presidency, white nationalism may be driving the Administration’s immigration policy. We view white nationalism as “the belief that national identity should be built around white ethnicity, and that white people should therefore maintain both a demographic majority and dominance of the nation’s culture and public life.”1 We do not use the term lightly, nor view all restrictions on immigration as inherently racist. Nonetheless, our review of the Trump Administration’s rhetoric and policies affecting nonwhite immigrants suggests this motivation.2 This Essay argues that legal challenges to Trump’s restrictive immigration policies should call out white nationalism as the underlying harm, both through raising equal protection claims and in presenting the overall theory of the case. Despite longstanding barriers to equality claims in immigration law, asserting these claims can frame public and political understanding of the issues at stake, support social movements challenging racialized immigration enforcement, and offer an alternative vision for immigration law that rejects both racial * Jayashri Srikantiah is a Professor of Law and the founding Director of the Stanford Law School Immigrants’ Rights Clinic. Shirin Sinnar is an Associate Professor of Law and the John A. Wilson Distinguished Faculty Scholar at Stanford Law School. We wish to thank Jennifer Chacón, Deep Gulasekaram, Lucas Guttentag, and Jane Schacter for comments on earlier drafts; Margot Adams and Brynne O’Neal for excellent research assistance; and the editors of the Stanford Law Review Online for their thoughtful editing. -
Benedict Richard O'gorman Anderson
BENEDICT RICHARD O’GORMAN ANDERSON COURTESY OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY 26 august 1936 . 13 december 2015 PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY VOL. 161, NO. 1, MARCH 2017 Anderson.indd 107 4/7/2017 3:51:53 PM biographical memoirs NE OF THE WORLD’S GREAT EXPERTS on Southeast Asia, and a leading theorist of nationalism whose Imagined Commu- O nities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism became required reading for students in a wide range of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences, Benedict Anderson was born in Kunming, China, to an Irish father who worked for the Chinese Customs Service and an English mother. The family left China for Ireland ahead of the massive Japanese invasion of northern China in 1941, but submarine warfare in the Atlantic led them to stay in California until after the war. Anderson won scholarships to Eton and then to Cambridge, where he took a first in Classics, read widely, discovered Japanese cinema, and was radicalized in demonstrations by students from former colonies against the Anglo-French invasion of Suez. Later, he came to especially value this traditional education and the learning of languages, noting that he took his old-fashioned educa- tion for granted, having no idea that he was a member of almost the last generation to benefit from it. He attributed his success to this education and his cosmopolitan experience of marginality, as an English boy in California, an Anglo-Protestant in Catholic Ireland, and a scholarship boy among the privileged at Eton. Others were more inclined to credit his amazing ability to learn languages and immerse himself in foreign cultures and his insatiable curiosity about a wide range of topics that enabled him to see his objects of investigation in a different light. -
4 Imagined Communities
BENEDICTANDERSON 4 nationality as a socio-cultural concept - in the modern world everyone can, should, will 'have' a nationality, as he or she 'has' a gender - vs. the irremediable particularity of its concrete manifestations, such that, by definition, 'Greek' nationality is sui generis. (3) The 'political' power of nationalisms vs. their philosophical poverty and even incoherence. In other words, unlike most other isms, nationalism has never produced its own grand thinkers: no Hobbeses, Tocquevilles, Marxes, or Webers. This 'emptiness' easily gives rise, among cosmopolitan and polylingual intellectuals, to a certain condescension. Like Gertrude Stein in the face of Oakland, one can rather quickly conclude that ~. there is 'no there there'. It is characteristic that even so sympathetic a student of nationalism as Tom Nairn can nonetheless write that: '''Nationalism'' is the IMAGINED COMMUNITIES pathology of modern developmental history, as inescapable as "neurosis" in the individual, with much the same essential ambiguity attaching to it, a similar built-in capacity for descent into dementia, rooted in the dilemmas of help- Benedict Anderson lessness thrust upon most of the world (the equivalent of infantilism for societies) and largely incurable.'2 Part of the difficulty is that one tends unconsciously to hypostasize the existence of Nationalism-with-a-big-N (rather as one might Age-with-a-capi- tal-A) and then to classify 'it' as an ideology. (Note that if everyone has an age, Age is merely an analytical expression.) It would, I think, make things easier if INTRODUCTION one treated it as if it belonged with 'kinship' and 'religion', rather than with My point of departure is that nationality, or, as one might prefer to put it in view 'liberalism' or 'fascism'. -
RACE and ETHNICITY Not Do
distribute or post, copy, not CHAPTER Do RACE AND ETHNICITY5 Copyright ©2021 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. 146 iStockphoto.com/monkeybusinessimages CHAPTER OUTLINE LEARNING OBJECTIVES Race and Ethnicity 5.1 Compare the concepts of race and ethnicity • Using Your Sociological Imagination: and how they are socially constructed. Defining and Calculating Racial Groups • Reading: “Optional Ethnicities: For 5.2 Critically examine the real consequences Whites Only?,” by Mary C. Waters of race and ethnicity in society. The Consequences of Social Constructions 5.3 Compare the various theories for how • Methods in Depth: Racial Stereotypes and Voting and why prejudice develops in society and the ways that it can be reduced. Where Does Prejudice Come From? 5.4 Explain the different routes through which Immigration immigrants come to the United States and assess • Reading: From Imagined Communities: how well the United States incorporates newcomers. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, by Benedict Anderson • Using Your Sociological Imagination: American Civics Test for Citizenship Summary Key Terms distribute For Further Reading or achel Dolezal was the president of the Spokane, Washington, chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) from February 2014 until June 2015. post,The NAACP is one of the largest and Rmost well-known groups working for civil rights for African Americans in the United States. It was founded in 1909 by a group that included W. E. B. Du Bois (a well-known sociologist you will hear about later in this chapter). -
State and Revolution in the Making of the Indonesian Republic
Jurnal Sejarah. Vol. 2(1), 2018: 64 – 76 © Pengurus Pusat Masyarakat Sejarawan Indonesia https://doi.org/10.26639/js.v%vi%i.117 State and Revolution in the Making of the Indonesian Republic Norman Joshua Northwestern University Abstract While much ink has been spilled in the effort of explaining the Indonesian National Revolution, major questions remain unanswered. What was the true character of the Indonesian revolution, and when did it end? This article builds a case for viewing Indonesia’s revolution from a new perspective. Based on a revisionist reading of classic texts on the Revolution, I argue that the idea of a singular, elite-driven and Java-centric "revolution" dismisses the central meaning of the revolution itself, as it was simultaneously national and regional in scope, political and social in character, and it spanned more than the five years as it was previously examined. Keywords: Revolution, regionalism, elite-driven, Java-centric Introduction In his speech to Indonesian Marhaenist youth leaders in front of the Istana Negara on December 20, 1966, President Soekarno claimed that “[The Indonesian] revolution is not over!”1 Soekarno’s proposition calls attention to at least two different perspectives on revolution. On the one hand, the Indonesian discourse of a continuous revolution resonates with other permanent leftist revolutions elsewhere, such as the Cultural Revolution in Maoist China, Cuban Revolution in Castroist Cuba, or the Bolivarian 1 Soekarno, Revolusi belum selesai: kumpulan pidato Presiden Soekarno, 30 September 1965, pelengkap Nawaksara, ed. Budi Setiyono and Bonnie Triyana, Cetakan I (Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu Semesta, 2014), 759. Jurnal Sejarah – Vol. -
S Authoritarian Anti-Statism
Rising Above the Herd: Keith Preston's Authoritarian Anti- Statism "Perhaps what I champion is not so much the anarchist as much as the 'anarch,' the superior individual who, out of sheer strength of will, rises above the herd in defiance and contempt of both the sheep and their masters." — Keith Preston, "The Thoughts That Guide Me: A Personal Reflection" (2005)[1] Introduction Freedom from government tyranny has always been a central theme of right-wing politics in the United States. From the original Ku Klux Klan that denounced "northern military despotism" to the Tea Partiers who vilify Barack Obama as a combination of Hitler and Stalin, U.S. rightists have invoked the evil of big government to both attract popular support and justify their own oppressive policies. Witness the rise of so- called National-Anarchism (NA), an offshoot of British neonazism that has recently gained a small but fast-growing foothold in the United States. National-Anarchists advocate a decentralized system of "tribal" enclaves based on "the right of all races, ethnicities and cultural groups to organize and live separately." National-Anarchists criticize statism of both the left and the right, including classical fascism, but they participate in neonazi networks such as Stormfront.org and promote anti-Jewish conspiracy theories worthy of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Anti-statism is a key part of National-Anarchism's appeal and helps it to deflect the charge of fascism.[2] Keith Preston, who calls himself a "fellow traveler" of National-Anarchism, is in some ways even more dangerous. Preston is a former left-wing anarchist who advocates a revolutionary alliance of leftist and rightist libertarians against U.S. -
And Benedict Anderson
DEBATS · Annual Review, 1 · 2016 — 11 / 16 ISSN 0212-0585 (print) ISSN 2530-3074 (electronic) The Importance of Imagined Communities – and Benedict Anderson Craig Calhoun LSE — LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITicaL SCIENCE [email protected] Received: 24/04/2016 Accepted: 12/06/2016 ABSTRACT Benedict Anderson’s remarkable book Imagined Communities reshaped the study of nations and nationalism. Strikingly original, it broke with previous over-emphasis on the European continent and falsely polarized arguments as to whether nations were always already in existence or mere epiphenomena of modern states. Imagined Communities stimulated attention to the dynamics of socially and culturally organized imagination as processes at the heart of political culture, self-understanding and solidarity. This has an influence beyond the study of nationalism as a major innovation in understanding ‘social imaginaries’. Anderson’s approach, however, maintained strong emphases on material conditions that shape culture, and on institutions that facilitate its reproduction — from newspapers and novels to censuses, maps, and museums. Keywords: nation, nationalism, Anderson, social imaginaries Corresponding author: Craig Calhoun. Professor Craig Calhoun. Director of LSE. 1st floor, Columbia House. LSE, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE. Suggested citation: Calhoun, C. (2016). The Importance of Imagined Communities – and Benedict Anderson. Debats. Journal on Culture, Power and Society, 1, 11–16 Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities was published the dichotomies themselves, asking why newly made in 1983, giving a breath of fresh air to a discussion of traditions should feel primordial, how modern state- nationalism that hadn’t seen really major new ideas in at making was able to produce a world in which cultural least a generation. -
Anderson and the Imagined Nation*
DEBATS · Annual Review, 1 · 2016 — 65 / 69 ISSN 2530-898X (print) ISSN 2530-8262 (electronic) Anderson and the Imagined Nation* Marc Sanjaume i Calvet INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS DE L’AUTOGOVERN UNIVERSITAT OBERTA DE CATALUNYA [email protected] ORCID: ORCID: 0000-0001-8723-1618 Received: 14/04/2016 Accepted: 30/05/2016 ABSTRACT This article is a synthesis of the Theory of Nationalism in Anderson’s work and argues its applicability to ‘Stateless Nations’. The author’s point of departure is the interpretations that have been made of Anderson’s definition of nations as ‘imagined communities’. Anderson’s definition is presented as universal, realistic and capable of embracing diverse facets of nationalism — oppressive or liberating as the case may be. The paper ends with a short reflection on the complexity of The Catalan Lands from an Andersonian point of view. Keywords: nation, nationalism, Anderson, imagined, realism, community. Corresponding author: Marc Sanjaume i Calvet. Institut d’Estudis de l’Autogovern. Generalitat de Catalunya. Departament de la Presidència. C/ Baixada de Sant Miquel, 8 08001 Barcelona. Suggested citations: Sanjaume, M. (2016). Anderson and the Imagined Nation. Debats. Journal on Culture, Power and Society, 1. 65–69 Benedict Anderson was not a researcher with just one In this seminal academic work, Anderson sets work to his name. A glance at his list of publications out a general theory of national identity and the reveals many remarkable contributions and a deep phenomenon of nationalism. In his view, nationalism knowledge of history and politics around the world, was born out of Capitalism, the Press, the novel and especially in the colonies. -
How White Supremacist Groups Have Embraced Crowdfunding
From Classifieds to Crypto: How White Supremacist Groups Have Embraced Crowdfunding ALEX NEWHOUSE Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism www.middlebury.edu/institute/academics/centers-initiatives/ctec The Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism (CTEC) conducts in-depth research on terrorism and other forms of extremism. Formerly known as the Monterey Terrorism Research and Education Program, CTEC collaborates with world-renowned faculty and their graduate students in the Middlebury Institute’s Nonproliferation and Terrorism Studies degree program. CTEC’s research informs private, government, and multilateral institutional understanding of and responses to terrorism threats. Middlebury Institute for International Studies at Monterey www.miis.edu The Middlebury Institute for International Studies at Monterey provides international professional education in areas of critical importance to a rapidly changing global community, including international policy and management, translation and interpretation, language teaching, sustainable development, and nonproliferation. We prepare students from all over the world to make a meaningful impact in their chosen fields through degree programs characterized by immersive and collaborative learning, and opportunities to acquire and apply practical professional skills. Our students are emerging leaders capable of bridging cultural, organizational, and language divides to produce sustainable, equitable solutions to a variety of global challenges. Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism Middlebury Institute of International Studies 460 Pierce Street Monterey, CA 93940, USA Tel: +1 (831) 647-4634 The views, judgments, and conclusions in this report are the sole representations of the authors and do not necessarily represent either the official position or policy or bear the endorsement of CTEC or the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey.