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Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Whose Side Are We On? Viewers’ Reactions to the Use of Irony in News Interviews
Pragmatics 25:2. 149-178 (2015) International Pragmatics Association DOI: 10.1075/prag.25.2.02hir WHOSE SIDE ARE WE ON? VIEWERS’ REACTIONS TO THE USE OF IRONY IN NEWS INTERVIEWS Galia Hirsch Abstract This research seeks to identify and analyze the reaction to irony in Israeli political news interviews, in view of the specific nature of this genre, which has been known to allow a certain level of adversarialness (Liebes et al. 2008; Blum-Kulka 1983; Weizman 2008; Clayman &Heritage 2002a and 2002b). Our intention was to examine whether the audience regards the use of irony as over-aggressive, and whether they believe interviewees regard it as such, in order to shed light on the potential consequences the use of indirect discourse patterns has for the interviewer. Based on Goffman's (1981) notion of footing, and on the concept of positioning as defined by Weizman (2008: 16), we focused on the audience's capacity to grasp the positioning and repositioning in the interaction as a possible influential factor in their reaction to the employment of irony. The research is based on two conceptual paradigms: Media studies and pragmatic studies of irony. The findings indicate that Israeli audiences tend to regard interviewers' employment of irony in political interviews as slightly hostile, and as such it is viewed as a possible threat to interviewees' face (Goffman 1967), but also as a legitimate and comprehensible tool, especially when the irony is accompanied by humor or mitigating non-verbal signs. Hence, the risk for the interviewer is not as great as we assumed. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
Master of the Science of Law
TO CONCUR, OR NOT TO CONCUR: THAT IS THE QUESTION: THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL QUESTIONS REGARDING THE JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE OF JUDGES APPOINTED TEMPORARILY TO THE ISRAELI SUPREME COURT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE STANFORD PROGRAM IN INTERNATIONAL LEGAL STUDIES AT THE STANFORD LAW SCHOOL, STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF THE SCIENCE OF LAW By Binyamin Blum © May 2006 Please do not cite without permission of author ABSTRACT In many democratic societies, judicial tenure is perceived to be an important safeguard for the judiciary’s independence. In Israel, although judicial tenure is secured under Basic Law: The Judiciary, the promotion of judges from Israel’s District Courts to the Supreme Court is usually preceded by a temporary appointment. In practice, this temporary appointment serves as a “probationary period” after which the judges are considered for the permanent position of Associate Justice. One of the important implications of this promotion system is that while serving on Israel’s highest court, temporarily appointed judges continue to depend on external forces to retain their offices. Therefore, I argue that from a theoretical standpoint, temporary appointments pose a substantial threat to the judicial independence of individual judges. Because of the significant role played by Supreme Court Justices in the appointment process, I identify the threat to judicial independence as primarily originating within the judiciary, rather than from other branches of government. The major objective of this study is to examine the degree to which the theoretical threat to internal judicial independence can be seen to materialize in the Israeli Supreme Court example. -
Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse
Marsdal, Magnus E. "Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right- Wing Populism." Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. Ed. Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 39–54. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 3 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544940.ch-003>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 3 October 2021, 01:58 UTC. Copyright © Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral and the contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 3 Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right-Wing Populism Magnus E. Marsdal The Progress Party (Frp), established in 1973, has become, at times, Norway’s leading opposition party, with support reaching as high as 37 per cent according to some polls in 2006. In the last two parliamentary elections, the Frp scored 22 per cent. It does exceptionally well among unskilled workers, especially the non-unionized, although it also attracts better-off people (private sector types without ‘old money’). The main focus of this chapter is the Frp; however, the results should be relevant to the analysis of right-wing populism in other countries as well. The most interesting aspect of the Frp’s rise to popularity is probably its ability to attract an impressive proportion of working-class votes. In a predominantly social-democratic country such as Norway, this is something of a paradox in view of the policies of the Frp in areas such as economic redistribution, workers’ rights and trade-union power. -
Group of Eminent Persons It Is an Honour to Introduce the Members of the Group of Eminent Persons, GEM, Through This Booklet
GEM Group of Eminent Persons It is an honour to introduce the members of the Group of Eminent Persons, GEM, through this booklet. GEM comprises a number of global leaders, senior political figures and high-ranking diplomats from States Signatories. The Group shall support ongoing efforts to achieve the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). With their wide-ranging expertise and experience, members of GEM will bring fresh impetus to the ongoing dialogue with the eight countries whose ratification is required for the CTBT’s entry into force, namely: China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Egypt, India, Iran, Israel, Pakistan and the United States. I would like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), to thank each member for his/her commitment to the noble goals of the Treaty. I am certain that through our collective efforts, we will put an end to nuclear explosions once and for all. Lassina Zerbo Executive Secretary, CTBTO NOBUYASU ABE Nobuyasu Abe served as the United Nations Under- Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs from 2003 to 2006. He was the Ambassador of Japan to the International Atomic Energy Agency and other international organizations in Vienna from 1999 to 2001, and Director-General for Arms Control and Science at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1997 to 1999. He currently holds the position of Director of the Center for the Promotion of Disarmament and Non-Proliferation at the Japan Institute of International Affairs. -
A Guide to the New Commission
A guide to the new Commission allenovery.com 2 A guide to the new Commission © Allen & Overy LLP 2019 3 A guide to the new Commission On 10 September, Commission President-elect Ursula von der Leyen announced the new European Commission. There were scarcely any leaks in advance about the structure of the new Commission and the allocation of dossiers which indicates that the new Commission President-elect will run a very tight ship. All the Commission candidates will need approval from the European Parliament in formal hearings before they can take up their posts on 1 November. Von der Leyen herself won confirmation in July and the Spanish Commissioner Josep Borrell had already been confirmed as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Policy and Security Policy. The new College of Commissioners will have eight Vice-Presidents technological innovation and the taxation of digital companies. and of these three will be Executive Vice-Presidents with supercharged The title Mrs Vestager has been given in the President-elect’s mission portfolios with responsibility for core topics of the Commission’s letter is ‘Executive Vice-President for a Europe fit for the Digital Age’. agenda. Frans Timmermans (Netherlands) and Margrethe Vestager The fact that Mrs Vestager has already headed the Competition (Denmark), who are incumbent Commissioners and who were both portfolio in the Juncker Commission combined with her enhanced candidates for the Presidency, were rewarded with major portfolios. role as Executive Vice-President for Digital means that she will be Frans Timmermans, who was a Vice-President and Mr Junker’s a powerful force in the new Commission and on the world stage. -
Title: Egypt – Political Parties – Young Egypt Party
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: EGY33332 Country: Egypt Date: 12 May 2008 Keywords: Egypt – Political Parties – Young Egypt Party (Misr al-Fatah Party) This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a list of the political parties in Egypt. 2. Are there any reports about the attempted registration of the “Independent party” or the “Young Egypt Party”? 3. Are there any reports mentioning the Independent party or the Young Egypt Party? RESPONSE 1. Please provide a list of the political parties in Egypt. Egypt’s official State Information Service website lists the following political parties in Egypt: …During Mubarak’s era, the number of political parties in Egypt has increased to reach 24 parties. According to the ballot on March 26, 2007 Article (5) was amended to prohibit the establishment of any religious party “The political system of the Arab Republic of Egypt is a multiparty system, within the framework of the basic elements and principles of the Egyptian society as stipulated in the Constitution. Political parties are regulated by law. Citizens have the right to establish political parties according to the law and no political activity shall be exercised nor political parties established on a religious referential authority, on a religious basis or on discrimination on grounds of gender or origin”.