Lomaland: Local Media Portrayals of the Occult

Home , Alonzo Horton, Gottfried de Purucker, Katherine Tingley, Lomaland, Robert Crosbie

LOMALAND: LOCAL MEDIA PORTRAYALS OF THE OCCULT

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A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

San Diego State University

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In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

History

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George Iszac Thornton

Fall 2010

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George Iszac Thornton

DEDICATION

To apple pies, and tea with cream and sugar, and Molly Brooks… unless those are the same thing.

“There is a theory which states that if ever anyone discovers exactly what the Universe is for and why it is here, it will instantly disappear and be replaced by something even more bizarre and inexplicable.

There is another which states that this has already happened.”

- Douglas Adams

ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

Lomaland: Local Media Portrayals of the Occult by George Iszac Thornton Master of Arts in History San Diego State University, 2010

This study examines the local media’s coverage of Universal Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (UBTS) at Lomaland in San Diego, California in the early to mid twentieth century. The San Diego coverage of Lomaland did not follow the same pattern of negative portrayals that previous studies of media representations have emphasized in their own conclusions, including studies that have cited Lomaland as an example of when negative media reactions to Alternative Religious Movements has occurred. The newspapers in San Diego highlighted the positive impacts that the UBTS brought to the community, and even defended the UBTS in times of legal controversy. This study is located at the crossroads of three important academic fields of study: the history of religious movements in North America, the history of media representations of alternative religious movements (ARM), and theoretical constructs for examining the impact and influence of the media. This paper draws from the field of media theory in order to consult a framework through which the content and impact of the media coverage of the UBTS can be viewed. Lomaland represents a case study through which we can understand not only the history and impact of ARMs in the United States, but also a history of the demonization of ARMs by mainstream media, and a deeper look into what shapes those experiences and interactions.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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ABSTRACT ...... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... viii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 2 LOMALAND IN CONTEXT ...... 15 3 A WELCOME ARRIVAL AND A FITTING NEIGHBOR ...... 24 4 COVERAGE DURING TIMES OF CONTROVERSY ...... 43 5 CONCLUSION ...... 58 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 61

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I owe much gratitude to my advisors John Putman, Edward Blum, and Rebecca Moore for their patience and guidance. I also owe much to Elizabeth Pollard for her encouragement, enthusiasm, and inspiration; Tyson Zamora, Clint Disharoon, and Brandon Dow for the tunes; and my friends and family for their immense patience and love throughout the years.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

In February of 1897 thousands of San Diegan residents and tourists followed their curiosities to the scenic peaks of Point Loma, on the San Diego coast. They gathered at the locale of what is now Point Loma Nazarene University, to witness the laying of the cornerstone for Lomaland, a utopian experiment led by a faction of the Theosophical Society (TS). Lomaland was the brainchild of Katherine Tingley, the head of the United Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (UBTS), which separated itself from the TS in the same year it purchased the land at Point Loma. San Diegans at the time regarded the celebration as one of the most important events to occur in the short history of the city.1 However, the combination of curiosity, respect, and gratitude that existed among the spectators has been excluded from discussions involving the local media’s portrayal of Lomaland. The relationship between Lomaland and the major newspaper outlets in San Diego has remained unexplored. Yet the TS is repeatedly referenced as an example of when the local press portray Alternative Religious Movements (ARMs), like the TS, negatively.2 Those that have focused on the relationship of Lomaland and the local, or regional, press have done so primarily in light of the tumultuous relationship between Lomaland and The Los Angeles Times, which included a libel case filed by Lomaland founder, Katherine Tingley.3 This thesis examines how the San Diego newspapers portrayed Lomaland during times of normal operation, as well as during times when Lomaland was under legal attack from other various sources. I argue that the relationship between Lomaland and San Diego’s

1 “The Riddle Solved: Point Loma to have a School for Ancient Mysteries,” The San Diego Union, February 2, 1897. 2 Douglas E. Cowan and Jeffrey K. Hadden, “God, Guns, and Grist for the Media’s Mill: Constructing the Narratives of New Religious Movements and Violence,” Nova Religio 8 (September, 2004): 64-82. 3 W. Michael Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle: Point Loma Theosophists and American Culture (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2002); Emmett Greenwalt, California Utopia: Point Loma: 1897-1942 (San Diego: Point Loma Publications, Inc., 1955); Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon (New York: Shocken Books, 1993).

most popular newspapers did not fit the profile that several scholars identify as the typical response by the media to ARMs. The newspapers in San Diego printed articles that highlighted the role of Lomaland as a contributing member of the San Diego community. In addition, the San Diego press maintained its respect for the Lomaland colony even while other news sources chastised the group for their non-conformity to mainstream ideals. This unique relationship was in large part due to convenience and reciprocity. Both Lomaland and the San Diego community had several benefits to offer the other. Lomaland enjoyed sanctuary, privacy, and respect on the one hand, and San Diego benefited from the cultural activity and tourism that Lomaland attracted. Newspaper articles from The San Diego Union, along with other newspapers in the county, are an excellent source for piecing this relationship together. Scholars from a variety of fields have acknowledged the research potential of local newspapers. Historians gather the scraps of print media as a means of piecing together the collective opinions and interpretations of key events and figures in our past.4 An entire subfield has emerged in sociology that examines trends within how certain segments of the population are portrayed in print, past and present, and whether or not certain biases shape the media landscape.5 These works demonstrate that forms of popular media, such as newspaper articles, provide insight into how ideals, values, and trends are formed, manipulated, and influenced via the intermingling of individual and institutionalized opinions. San Diego newspaper sources offer the clearest picture of how San Diegans viewed Lomaland because their audiences were specific to the city. Their opinions of, and attitudes towards, Lomaland closely reflected those of their San Diego audience. Furthermore, these local publications discussed the active support of the San Diego community, which often times spoke with its feet, as thousands of locals attended the several meetings, plays, speeches, and performances that the Lomaland community hosted or sponsored. This support remained until financial difficulties forced Lomaland officials to sell their land in 1942.6

4 Phillip Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century,” in Cults and Religious Movements: A Reader, ed. Lorne L. Dawson (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), 83-84. 5 Cowan, “God, Guns, and Grist for the Media’s Mill,” 64-66,68-69. 6 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 205-206.

The history of San Diego newspapers, before the founding of Lomaland, was a short one, and included several changes of hands. The city of San Diego was incorporated in 1850, yet it was not until 1868 that the local press as it is known today began to take shape.7 The initial efforts to establish a paper were in part an attempt to save Old Town from Alonzo Horton’s new additions to the south. In his history of San Diego, William E. Smythe comments that the residents of Old Town San Diego had been distracted by the developments of Horton’s new San Diego. Jeff Gatewood’s decision to move his publishing project at the San Andreas Register to Old Town San Diego was in part an act of philanthropy. Gatewood also wanted to be close to his sister who lived in Old Town San Diego at the time.8 The ownership of The San Diego Union switched hands several times during the company’s first few years before it moved to Horton’s addition.9 The decision to move the paper’s offices from Old Town into Horton’s Addition marked the end of Old Town’s hopes to remain the city center, and the beginning of The San Diego Union’s supremacy amongst San Diego newspapers. This was in part because Horton agreed to give The San Diego Union his exclusive advertising patronage.10 The San Diego Union further secured its position amongst its competitors when it merged with The San Diego Evening Tribune in 1901.11 The two came out as separate editions, however, the former a morning, and the latter an evening press. They did not merge into a single morning issue until February 2, 1992; so for this essay it is important to keep in

7 Other newspapers existed, including The Daily Bee, which The San Diego Union Co. purchased in 1888; issues of The San Diego Union thereafter included the subheading, “And the Daily Bee.”7 The Fallbrook Review published between 1902 and 1916; The San Diego Transcript began printing in 1919, but only printed financial and legal news, and did not cover Lomaland at any point. Therefore, there is a limit to the variety of newspapers for the scholar to turn to when analyzing media coverage in San Diego. Despite this fact, The San Diego Union is still considered a valid representation of the opinions of the San Diego community and elites. The San Diego Sun was in print from 1881-1913, and did cover the UBTS from time to time, those articles are included in this study. 8 William E. Smythe, “Later Journalism and Literature,” History of San Diego: An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Pioneer Settlement on the Pacific Coast of the United States (San Diego: History Co., 1907) in the San Diego Historical Society Online, https://www.sandiegohistory.org/books/smythe/5-3.htm (accessed June 24, 2009). 9 Smythe, “Later Journalism and Literature,” https://www.sandiegohistory.org/books/smythe/5-3.htm (accessed June 24, 2009). 10 Smythe, “Later Journalism and Literature,” https://www.sandiegohistory.org/books/smythe/5-3.htm (accessed June 24, 2009). 11 Alfred Jacoby, “About the Union-Tribune: History,” signonsandiego.com, http://www.signonsandiego.com/about/ut/index.html (accessed December 8, 2008).

4 mind that the two were separate, and had different editors. However, since both were owned and published by John D. Spreckels, the opinions of neither paper deviated from the other; furthermore, their openness to Lomaland did not vary.12 Because The San Diego Union and Evening Tribune periodicals were the major local publications for the San Diego community, they are the main sources for this study. They represent the largest local reading audience and are the best source for identifying local popular opinion. They were also the only papers through which one can examine changes of local opinion over time, because they were the only stable print sources at the beginning of the twentieth century when the UBTS established its community at Lomaland.13 Because this study deals with newspapers over 100 years old, it is necessary to point out some preferences that have emerged when it comes to discussing groups like the UBTS. Scholars such as Timothy Miller and Eugene V. Gallagher have studied the stereotypes that distort the image of what religious movements really are. This has included the development of new terms that should be explained here.14 The most pervasive change is that the terms “Alternative Religious Movement” (ARM), and “New Religious Movement” (NRM) have become the preferred description for what were traditionally called “cults” or “sects.” Miller comments that the use of the latter two terms has been avoided in recent scholarship because

12 In fact, when comparing morning issues of The San Diego Union, with issues of The San Diego Evening Tribune on the same events/dates, there was no variance in the type of information that was conveyed, or the way it was presented – favorable/unfavorable. Indeed the only difference between the two issues, at least in the case of the research done on Theosophy/Lomaland/Katherine Tingley, was how soon the news was reported. In the case of different reporting times, it was only a matter of whether or not an event took place in the morning – and would thus make The Evening Tribune – or at night, and would thus make the next morning issue of The San Diego Union. In addition, The Tribune featured shorter articles, and served mainly as a condensed version of the news, therefore this paper utilizes The San Diego Union more frequently, because those articles tended to be longer. For example the articles in The Union about Tingley’s death were not only more frequent, but were also longer than those found in The Tribune. 13 It is necessary to clarify the use of certain terms in order to evaluate the sources consistently. The views of Lomaland by its contemporaries were subjective, and so are modern interpretations of those views. The goal here is to determine whether or not Lomaland received negative, positive, or neutral treatment by its contemporaries. Negative portrayals are considered those that used derogatory terms, such as “weird,” or “spook,” or any word that was used with the intent to hurt the feelings of a person or to denigrate a group. Furthermore, a negative portrayal was one that treated Lomaland with suspicion or contempt. A positive treatment is identified as an article that either defended Lomaland, or used complementary words like “distinguished” or “exquisite.” The term neutral will be applied to cases that made no attempt at judgment. This will include articles that only provided fact-based details, such as building plans, or didactic reports of special events – number in attendance, key points of speakers, etc. 14 Timothy Miller and Eugene V. Gallagher, America’s Alternative Religions: The New Religious Movement Experience in America (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995).

the terms are “pejorative.” He adds that in most cases when the term “cult” is used to refer to a group, “the speaker does not like, considers potentially harmful, and wants to deprecate” the group they are discussing.15 The term “New Religious Movement” can be more confusing because it is difficult to understand whether the term should only apply to “truly new” religious movements, or if it can be applied to older alternative religions as well. Miller rightfully argues that “marginal” is a less preferred term, because it “tends to minimize the importance and value of the group in question.”16 This paper will use “Alternative Religious Movement” (ARM) in its coverage of Theosophy and Lomaland; it should be noted, however, that ARM is a construct of scholarship from the late twentieth century, and that Lomaland was referred to as a cult, sect, and even a “spookery” by many of its contemporaries.17 Both the Theosophical Society and Lomaland have received substantial attention from a wide array of scholars, varying in their individual motivations as well as their sense of which aspects of the society bear the most significance for historians. The focus of each scholar is indicative of their place within the histories of Theosophy and Lomaland, as well their place within certain trends that influence how history is written. Emmett A Greenwalt’s history of Lomaland, California Utopia, published in 1955, was an important step in the history of what that community meant to those that lived inside and outside of its walls. It is meaningful that the book received the approval of former Lomaland resident Iverson L. Harris, who in his own words was “an insider, one who was ready to and did offer [himself], as many others did, in the volunteer service of Katherine Tingley and Dr. de Purucker.”18 Harris’ stamp of approval added a level of legitimacy to Greenwalt’s claims of objectivity. Greenwalt’s description of Lomaland was an essential element for understanding the role and functions of the utopian society on the hill. California Utopia shines for its coverage of the curriculum at the Raja Yoga School, the chain of command under Katherine Tingley, and work patterns within the community, including descriptions of how the society supported

15 Miller, America’s Alternative Religions, 2. 16 Miller, America’s Alternative Religions, 2. 17 “All Along the Line,” The Los Angeles Times, February 24, 1897. This comment is referring to the specific use of terms like “spook,” “spookery,” and “Point Loma spook roost.” 18 Greenwalt, California Utopia, vii.

itself via agricultural projects. However, as later historians have pointed out, California Utopia was an institutional history of Lomaland from the top down – focusing on major events and personalities - and did not probe into the relationship between Lomaland and the American culture of the early twentieth century. Historian Michael W. Ashcraft has pointed out that Greenwalt’s account did not attempt to explain the larger religious framework of the Theosophical Society, and thus distanced the reader from the Lomaland experience.19 After Greenwalt had established the tone for objective inquiries into the lives of Lomaland residents, subsequent generations of scholars expanded upon the story by adding layers of analysis to the Theosophical and Lomaland experience. In his 1980 publication, Ancient Wisdom Revived: A History of the Theosophical Society, Bruce F. Campbell commented that up until his research and writing, the majority of scholarship on Theosophy in general tended to take on one of two biases. Campbell commented that the common approach to histories on Theosophy written by outsiders up to that point had “often been accusatory in tone. They focused on the negative: charges of fraud, deception, and improper conduct by the founder.”20 Campbell noted that in response to these outsider attacks, Theosophists wrote defensive pieces of history that “offered blanket defenses of theosophy, often responding to critics not in terms of the substance of the charges but by repeating old arguments or by trying to discredit the critics personally.”21 From his vantage point in 1980, Campbell recognized that Theosophy and Lomaland both deserved a history from a moderate viewpoint, with an impartial tone. Ancient Wisdom Revived focused on the developments of Theosophical belief from within the movement itself, and within the context of the early twentieth century. Furthermore, Campbell highlighted the importance of the personal interactions between key figures in Theosophy in his attempt to contextualize the different paths that Theosophy took under its various leaders and factions.22 Although Campbell succeeded in drawing the

19 Ashcraft, The Dawn of the New Cycle, xvi. I owe much thanks to Ashcraft, not only for the foundation of scholarship that he provides in his book, but also for the encouragement and advice that he has offered through our brief correspondences. 20 Bruce F. Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived: A History of the Theosophical Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), vii. 21 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, vii 22 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 113, 147.

connections between the experiences of prominent figures within Theosophy, his approach left room for later scholars to expand upon the role of Theosophy within the transformations of American culture at the dawn of the twentieth century. W. Michael Ashcraft’s dissertation turned book, The Dawn of the New Cycle: Point Loma Theosophists and American Culture took aim at the relationship between religions and culture a step further. In this important text, Ashcraft focused on the role that the Theosophical Society at Point Loma played in the nation’s collective historical consciousness; especially in the context of a blend between ideas of what the country had lost in terms of morality and order by the dawn of the twentieth century, and the hope for what could be accomplished with the application of new ideas and collective efforts.23 Ashcraft recognized the significance of his subjects’ actions within the bigger picture of the world that surrounded them. Published in 2002, The Dawn of the New Cycle reflects recent attempts to view religious groups within the larger framework of the societies in which they existed as functioning pieces within the cogs of history, not as separate entities free from outside influence. Ashcraft framed his inquiry within several important questions. For instance, he asked why many middle-class Americans during the late Victorian era found Theosophy so “persuasive and inspiring.” In addition, Ashcraft asked why they were willing to leave families and friends behind in order to live at Lomaland, and perhaps most importantly, what life was like for them while they lived in Point Loma.24 The Dawn of the New Cycle took its readers a step closer to the Lomaland experience by asking the aforementioned questions, and answering within the context of the era in which Lomaland existed. Theosophy and Lomaland have also received attention from scholars interested in mapping out the history of utopian communities in the United States, especially in the western states. Historian Robert V. Hine established the value of such research in his 1956 work, California’s Utopian Colonies. Hine’s work set the academic tone by which subsequent scholarly research on the topic was conducted; he drew a distinction between the popular author Thomas More’s portrayal of utopias as an unrealistic and impractical ideal, and the tangible communities of real people that experimented with different methods for

23 Ashcraft, The Dawn of the New Cycle, xiv-xv. 24 Ashcraft, The Dawn of the New Cycle, xvii.

improving their lives. Hine defines utopia as, “a group of people who are attempting to establish a new social pattern based upon a vision of the ideal society and who have withdrawn themselves from the community at large to embody that vision in experimental form.”25 Hine noted that California played host to a disproportionately large number of utopian communities compared to the other states in the Union. Lomaland was among those that Hine considered, and the community at Point Loma received close attention in his work. Hine considered Lomaland one of the most significant utopian societies in California, and devoted a chapter to its history. His coverage of Lomaland focused on its institutional background and the structure of events within the community itself. In this sense Hine’s work did not differ much from the account that Emmett Greenwalt provided of Lomaland two years later. Herein lies the greatest critique of Hine’s work. Whereas he does establish the need for studying utopian communities with an academic approach, his main objective is to establish the fact that utopian colonies proliferated in California, and he provides the basic details behind several prominent examples.26 Furthermore, Hine’s analysis is disconnected from any dialogue of religious trends within the United States as a whole. Sandra Sizer Frankiel did a great deal to close the gap left behind by Robert Hine when she focused on how utopian communities fit within the larger trends and religious traditions in the United States in her 1988 publication of California’s Spiritual Frontiers: Religious Alternatives in Anglo-Protestantism, 1850-1950. Frankiel focused her attention on wider trends within the United States regarding religious activity by region and time period, as well as demographic trends within California during its earlier years.27 For instance, Frankiel considered the impact of the gold rush on the development of religion in California. The influx of largely male miners, many of who left California once they found or lost their fortunes, influenced the patterns of day-to-day life, as well as the religious makeup of the

25 Robert V. Hine, California’s Utopian Colonies (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 1953), 4-5. 26 Hine, California’s Utopian Colonies, ix. Hine was well aware of the precarious position of his study on the academic landscape as one of the first to approach utopias with an objective eye. In his own words, “thus like an early map of virgin territory, this study is likely to be incomplete” (Hine, ix). Another area where Hine’s work does offer more insight for the present study of Lomaland, is where he acknowledges potential motivations for Harrison Gray Otis, editor of The Los Angeles Times, to want to curb the influence of Lomaland via slander – namely his personal interest in protecting the reputation of California, at least in terms of what he foresaw as the states appropriate image (44). 27 Sandra Sizer Frankiel, California’s Spiritual Frontiers: Religious Alternatives in Anglo-Protestantism, 1850-1950 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 126-127.

blossoming state. Furthermore, Frankiel pointed out that the evangelical tradition was primarily an influence on the east coast, and did not follow the westward migration as rapidly as the gold seekers. The length and focus of her book precludes the presence of extensive details about Lomaland itself, which reiterates the difficulties of creating a complete history.28 Any discussion that considers the history of utopian societies within California must also acknowledge the influence of the recent developments in the study of ARMs in the United States. During the latter quarter of the twentieth century a field of scholarship has emerged that seeks to shift the ways in which the world thinks about non-mainstream religions. Several scholars have devoted their time towards establishing a scholarly definition of the “occult,” and breaking down traditional judgment barriers that had impeded the way academia viewed marginal religious movements. Catherine Albanese stands out as one of the most complete studies of religion in the Untied States. Albanese offers one of the most extensive studies on the history of spiritualism in the United States. Her 2007 publication, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, aims to correct the oversights of her predecessors that did not consider the growth of metaphysical religions in the United States to be an influential or even continuing trend.29 Albanese points out that previous scholars had considered the religious story in the United States to be a story dominated by evangelicalism. She also points out that whereas scholars such as Jon Butler had also included an account of metaphysical religions in the United States, they neglected to recognize the ongoing expansion and impact of those religions throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In fact, Albanese laments that historians of religion in the United States neglected to account for the impact of metaphysical religions at all after the Civil War.30 Albanese also makes a distinguished contribution when she describes metaphysics as a “normal, recurring, and pervasive feature in the American spiritual landscape.”31 Exploring the roots of metaphysical interests in the United States, her book begins with an observation

28 Frankiel, California’s Spiritual Frontiers, 59-65. 29 Catherine L. Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion (New Haven: Yale, 2007). 30 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 4-6. 31 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 16.

of religious trends within Europe during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and then shows how those trends took shape in the American colonies.32 From there, Albanese traces the history of the metaphysical in the United States up through the recent past. Her book, written as a long, single piece, provides a level of continuity that prior collections of essays were unable to provide. Works such as the aforementioned America’s Alternative Religions, edited by Timothy Miller, offer collections of essays on a variety of religious movements, as well as topics that relate to trends regarding ARMs. This collection of essays serves as an introduction to a variety of ARMs in the United States, and is indicative of the momentum that the study of ARMs has gained in recent decades. For instance, Robert S. Ellwood contributed to the collection with his article titled “Theosophy,” in which he provided his readers with a brief overview of the group’s history and influences.33 Whereas America’s Alternative Religions focused on the analysis of specific groups, other collections of essays have focused on trends amongst ARMs as a whole. Cults and New Religious Movements: A Reader, edited by Lorne L. Dawson, is a collection of essays that are categorized by theme, and according to the different social factors that impact the experience of ARMs. Authors such as Philip Jenkins discuss the historical and social context of ARMs in the United States, while Dawson and others tackle the issues of which segments of the population join ARMs, and their potential motivations for seeking out alternatives to traditional faiths. Significant to this study of Lomaland are the chapters by Eileen Barker, “The Scientific Study of Religion? You must be Joking!” 34 and Philip Jenkins’ “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century.”35 Both Barker and Jenkins discuss the role of the media in shaping the experience of ARMs in the United States. They argue that coverage of ARMs by the popular press within the United States has been traditionally negative, thus skewing the perception that

32 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 21-22, 68. 33 Robert S. Ellwood, “Theosophy,” in America’s Alternative Religions, ed. Timothy Miller (New York: State University of New York Press, 1995), 315-329. 34 Eileen Barker “The Scientific Study of Religion,” in Cults and New Religious Movements: A Reader, ed. Lorne L. Dawson (Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub, 2003). 35 Philip Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century,” Cults and New Religious Movements: A Reader, ed. Lorne L. Dawson.

American’s develop of groups of diverse faiths. Barker argues that this has been so because the “overriding interest” of the media is to publish a story that will not only keep the loyalty of their current readers, but also attract the attention of potential customers. She adds that because of this motivation, editors and authors have been, and still are, less concerned with portraying “ordinary life” within ARMs; therefore, the only incentive to cover ARMs is when there is a potential to expose such groups as “fraudulent, fantastic, or sensational.” Barker also explains that tight production deadlines, as well as limited space, encourage newspaper editors to select their sources based on availability and the “provision of good quotes.”36 Philip Jenkins elaborates on the proclivity for newspapers to portray ARMs in a negative light in his essay, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century.”37 He explains that modern opposition to ARMs, referred to as “cults and cultlike behavior,” had historical roots within the United States, and that consistently negative portrayals of ARMs in the media have reinforced and perpetuated many stereotypes that continue to impact popular understandings of ARMs up to the present.38 One of Jenkins’ greatest contributions to the field is his analysis of how certain events in the history of print media in the United States have shaped how news is reported by the press and consumed by the general population.39 As the impact of popular media has become increasingly apparent, more scholars have devoted time to the histories of specific forms of media, how certain topics are portrayed within the media, and the potential effects of those representations on popular opinion. James T. Richardson explains that depictions of alternative religions in the media “have tended to revolve around common themes such as legitimacy of beliefs, coerciveness of recruitment tactics, deceptive practices, sexual perversion, political subversion, and financial exploitation.”40 He adds that media are not merely a reporter of didactic facts, but

36 Barker “The Scientific Study of Religion,” 16-17. 37 Philip Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs: Cults and New Religions in American History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). This essay appears in the Lorne L. Dawson collection, as well as his own book, Mystics and Messiahs: Cults and New Religions in American History. 38 Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs, 25. 39 Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects,” 84. These trends will be discussed further in Chapter Three. 40 James T. Richardson Barend van Driel, “Journalists’ Attitudes Toward New Religious Movements,”

that it also plays a role in the construction of the opinions held by the general public. He concludes that “a rather solid consensus” exists among scholars that the media is often not objective in its coverage of NRMs, and that the media indeed promotes a “status quo” image of what ought to be mainstream.41 Besides how the media portrays ARMS, the prevalence of female membership in these groups has attracted the attention of scholars wishing to understand why certain demographics belong to certain religious movements. There are several explanations for why women are attracted to certain ARMs, especially in terms of leadership positions. Mary Farrell Bednarowski notes that women have achieved equal status with men, and even leadership positions, in religious movements that differ from the mainstream in four major areas: 1. a perception of the divine that deemphasized the masculine either by means of a bisexual divinity or an impersonal, nonanthropomorphic divine principle; 2. a tempering or denial of the doctrine of the fall; 3. a denial of the need for a traditional ordained clergy; 4. a view of marriage that did not stress the married state and motherhood as the proper sphere for woman and her only means of fulfillment.42 Theosophy embodied each of these elements, including a view of marriage as an institution that was less than desirable, especially for women. Bednarowski attributes Theosophy’s appeal to its “many women of high intellectual capabilities,” and former Christian background to these characteristics.43 Especially significant for the appeal of Theosophy to women was the way that Helena Blavatsky and co-founder Henry Steel Olcott deemphasized the importance of gender in their

Review of Religious Research 39.2 (December, 1997): 116-136. Although the focus of Richardson’s article are the results of a survey which he conducted in order to shed light on whether or not contemporary journalists were taking a neutral stance in their reporting, his introduction is especially useful for gaining an understanding of the historiography of social theory regarding media and NRMs. Richardson’s methods for conducting his research are on shaky ground, because the bulk of his argument is backed by a survey he conducted in which he expected journalists to admit their guilt in regards to the way they conduct the work that puts the food on their tables (see pages 121-123 of Richardson’s article). Richardson offers a ready response to this critique; he points out that the dearth of material on the subject is based on content-analysis, and that further insight into the minds of journalists’ must be attempted. 41 Richardson, “Journalists’ Attitudes Toward New Religious Movements,” 117. 42 Mary Farrell Bednarowski, “Outside the Mainstream: Women’s Religion and Women Religious Leaders in Nineteenth-Century America,” in The Occult in America: New Historical Perspectives, ed. Howard Kerr (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 209. 43 Bednarowski, “Outside the Mainstream,” 221.

interpretation of karma and reincarnation. According to the Theosophical view on reincarnation, the ego had the chance to return in either the male or female form, depending on whichever gender the individual needed more in terms of achieving balance. Furthermore the experiences and lessons learned from both male and female forms carried over between lives.44 Theosophy offered women an outlet from the traditional religions that limited female leadership. Bednarowski explains: “Theosophists claimed that dogma, clergy, and hierarchy distorted religious truths, and Theosophy thus had no ordained clergy.” Spiritual guidance and truth came from the messages of the masters, or mahatmas, “great souls who no longer held the need to be reincarnated,” favored both women and men as conveyors of their messages.45 These views were certainly an aspect that pushed women away from traditional forms of worship, and brought them to Theosophy and other ARMs. Scholars have also analyzed similarities in the patterns of expansion of ARMs, especially groups founded by charismatic women, as is the case with Lomaland. In “Women and the Charismatic Community: Defining the Attraction,” Sue Marie Wright studies the similarities in patterns of development between eight religious groups, including: The Separatist Society at Zoar (1817-1898); Bethel-Aurora (1843-1883); the Perfectionists at Oneida (18411881); the Shakers (1775-present); and the Universal Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (1898-1942).46 She concludes that each of the eight groups followed similar growth and membership patterns in four distinct phases. She defines the stages as: “(1) the bonding of a core group around a charismatic leader, (2) the establishment of a physical community, (3) the expansion of the group, and (4) the isolation of the group.”47 The third stage is defined as a point in the communities’ development when recruiting efforts focus primarily on men. Wright describes this observation as a “rule” rather than a mere pattern. She attributes the emphasis on male recruitment and membership to the need for “male labor,” which allows the group to achieve self-sufficiency early on. Single men were often the targets of recruitment efforts, likely because they had fewer outside obligations.

44 Bednarowski, “Outside the Mainstream,” 222. 45 Bednarowski, “Outside the Mainstream,” 222. 46 Sue Marie Wright, “Women and the Charismatic Community: Defining the Attraction,” Sociological Analysis 53 (1992): S37. 47 Wright, “Women and the Charismatic Community,” S38.

This however, does not imply that families were not also targeted as valuable members of new ARMs. Wright notices that as the groups moved out of stage three and into stage four, each of the communities she studied shifted their focus from the importance of family ties to ties that cut across kinship and age lines. She explains the shift as a means of maintaining community solidarity between the different categories of members who had joined at different stages of the communities’ development. Furthermore, Wright notes a decrease in male membership, and an increase of each groups’ isolation from their surrounding communities.48 Wright’s study demonstrates the diversity with which different scholars have approached the topic of Theosophy and Lomaland. Lomaland, Katherine Tingley, and the UBTS are discussed in each of the studies mentioned above, yet the San Diego newspapers have been overlooked as a potential for further insight into the Lomaland experience. This study will demonstrate that the local media played a role in how Lomaland was perceived by the San Diego community, as well as how Lomaland utilized the local newspapers to broadcast a self-defined image of itself. Chapter two is an introduction to the basic tenants and history of Theosophy and its leaders. This will provide some basic context and understanding before moving onto the specific descriptions of newspaper coverage in San Diego. Chapter three is an exploration of the local media’s portrayal of Lomaland during the early years after the arrival of the UBTS, as well as coverage of Lomaland when it was not involved in any level of controversy, whether legal or social. Chapter four focuses on the local media’s coverage of Lomaland while the UBTS was involved in some aspect of controversy, whether in court, or any level of civil dispute. This will answer the question of whether the local support for Lomaland was merely a symptom of its novelty.

48 Wright, “Women and the Charismatic Community,” S40-45.

CHAPTER 2

LOMALAND IN CONTEXT

Theosophy is a blend of several new and old world traditions, and its history includes the contributions from an equally diverse and dedicated group of individuals from a variety of backgrounds. “Theosophy” derives from a Greek term meaning “divine wisdom.” Theologians have referenced the term since the beginning of the first millennium C.E., when the founders of the Greek and Latin Church referred to theosophy as “inner wisdom derived from the God of Abraham, Moses, and Jesus.”49 Helena Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott established the modern use of the term in 1875, the same year they founded the Theosophical Society (TS). According to W. Michael Ashcraft, “Blavatsky and her followers used ‘theosophy’ in reference to a specific religio-philosophic system” that was separate from its previous meaning.50 This use of the word marked a clear transition from a term synonymous with theology, to a term associated with the Theosophical Society as a specific religious movement.51 Theosophy, the religion, can be understood as “speculative thought about God and the Universe.”52 Theosophists believe that religious truth runs through the teachings of every great religion, and that an individual should be open to the lessons found within each of those traditions, which includes the occult.53 As an institution, the Theosophical Society was not interested in acquiring converts, but leaders welcomed anyone that felt unfulfilled by what other religions offered them.54 This openness was assisted by the diverse span of influences from which the founders of the TS gathered inspiration.

49 Ashcraft, The Dawn of a New Cycle, 4-6. 50 Ashcraft, The Dawn of a New Cycle, 4-6. 51 Ashcraft, The Dawn of a New Cycle, 4-6. 52 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 1. 53 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 1. 54 “Theosophists Arrive: Creators and Friends of the School of Mysteries,” The San Diego Union, February 18, 1897, 6.

European, African, Native American, and East Asian philosophies all contributed to an eventual synthesis, and popularity, of Theosophy. In A Republic of Mind and Spirit, Catherine Albanese traces these roots to, among other things, the popularity of Freemasonry in Europe and the American colonies, which in turn influenced the ideals and imaginations of Joseph Smith and his followers, the Mormons, as well as the popularity of séance spiritualism in nineteenth-century America. The séance culture intermingled with the identities of Americans, including the Mormons and the Shakers. In addition to these links to the recent past, Theosophy draws on ancient wisdom and traditions – such as Egyptian and East Asian religion, a trend that characterized European interests throughout the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, the Victorian era, and into the present.55 European, African, and indigenous beliefs intermingled in the Caribbean and American colonies. Slaves outnumbered the white population in the British colonies by threefold in 1724, so the influence of the various African traditions was an inescapable force. This included witchcraft, which became a pervasive force in the Indies. In fact, in 1696 the legislature in Jamaica banned Africans from meeting together, and they especially targeted drumming, because whites connected those actions with African witchcraft. Further evidence of this was found in Massachusetts and Virginia, where ministers requested missionaries to help curb the ritualistic dances and other practices among the slave population.56 The influence of African and Eastern Asian religious practices outlasted any attempts to abolish their role in the American religious landscape, proof of this can be seen in the rise of ARMs like Theosophy. Henry Steel Olcott and Helena P. Blavatsky formed the foundation for the Theosophical Society in 1875. They met on a farm, where both went to investigate a pair of brothers who claimed the ability to contact spirits. For Olcott, the investigation had a scientific purpose, for he believed that scientists should have focused their attentions on the potential answers that the paranormal could provide, rather than on insect and plant species. Blavatsky satisfied a portion of Olcott’s thirst for a deeper understanding and knowledge of

55 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 21-22. 56 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 90-92, 96.

the spiritual past. She had spent several years in East Asia, where she studied eastern philosophy, as evidenced by the doctrines that appeared in her Theosophical writings.57 The willingness of the TS founders to reconcile Spiritualism with the scientific method was an attractive feature of Theosophy. TS founders, Helena Blavatsky, William Q. Judge, and Stephen Olcott, were not convinced that the occult could, or should, be explained by science, yet this obstacle negated the value of neither. In the words of Albanese, the Theosophists “turned to a new vision of power – of Masters and elementals and other occult phenomena” in an attempt to bridge the fields of science and religion in a way that the TS felt their contemporaries were unwilling to consider.58 Robert S. Ellwood adds, “Theosophy in turn was the daughter of much that went before.” For Ellwood, Theosophy was “a synthesis of current occultism” and “the offspring of the mid-century vogue for Spiritualism.”59 Expressed in these terms, Theosophy is seen less as a radical lifestyle embraced by the outskirts of society, and more as a response to popular trends in American curiosities about science and religion. The TS began to take shape when Olcott formed a secret “Miracle Club” in May 1875, which was centered on spiritualistic séances. Though a member, Blavatsky was not in charge of summoning spirits. The group eventually disbanded, and in the meanwhile, Blavatsky held small sessions in her New York apartment, and remained a close acquaintance of Olcott. William Quan Judge was among those that attended Blavastky’s sessions, and the three eventually formed a group for studying the ancient mysteries that had been lost in modern civilizations. Less than two weeks after Olcott proposed the idea to form the group, 16 others joined – mostly prominent middle class individuals – and the group officially named itself the Theosophical Society.60 Olcott and Blavatsky were polar forces whose personalities complemented each other in the long run. Whereas Blavatsky thrived on “spontaneity and upset… spun convoluted and highly elaborated theoretical works… [and] enhanced the role of women,” Olcott thrived on “order… brought the moralism of an American Protestant –and specifically Presbyterian and

57 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 271-3. 58 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 274. 59 Ellwood, “Theosophy,” 315. 60 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 274-5.

Calvinist – background to bear on his theosophical vision… [and] promoted patriarchy.”61 Nevertheless, it was Blavatsky who provided the core writings for the TS. The complexities of Theosophical belief were laid out in Blavatsky’s many, and lengthy, writings. She published her first book, Isis Unveiled in 1877. The work was nearly thirteen hundred pages long and consisted mostly of what Blavatsky claimed to be direct messages from the ancient “Masters” – individuals who were perfected in former periods of the past that guide and watch over humanity, and included among them Abraham and Moses.62 The book was greeted with controversy, however, for many claimed that Isis Unveiled consisted of extensive plagiarism, nearly two thousand instances from primary texts, as well as quotations form secondary sources, without proper citation.63 Despite these accusations, the TS managed to grow in influence and membership. Moving from the early history of the TS, one must consider a roster of influential personalities in addition to Blavatsky and Olcott. Annie Besant, William Judge, and Katherine Tingley were all central characters throughout the history of the TS. Annie Besant shared a similar experience with Blavatsky, in that she felt that the popular religious tracts had left her unfilled, and she felt increasingly disenfranchised with the socially imposed limitations on the actions of women. Bruce Campbell notes that Besant was ahead of her time in many regards. For instance she was among the first women to publicly endorse the use of contraceptives. Furthermore, she was on the forefront among those that contributed to charitable causes, “long before they became popular.”64 Besant became an asset for the TS early on because of her devotion to the movement, as well as her abilities as a writer. She first became acquainted with the ideas of Blavatsky after she agreed to write a review of Blavastky’s The Secret Doctrine for a publication called, The Review of Reviews. Commenting on the experience in her autobiography, Besant wrote that she “knew that the weary search was over and the very Truth was found.”65 Soon after, Besant requested an audience with Blavatsky, in which she petitioned for a position as a

61 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 276. 62 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 54. 63 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 277. 64 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 101-102. 65 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 102. Campbell was quoting Annie Besant in this reference.

pupil. Besant later served as president of the Blavatsky Lodge, and coeditor of Lucifer – a magazine that Blavatsky formed shortly after she published The Secret Doctrine.66 Besant also played a large role in the Theosophical Society’s functions and capacities in Adyar, India.67 After Blavatsky’s death, Besant became a central character in the struggle over the future direction of the TS, and so did William Judge, another prominent member in the TS. William Quan Judge played a leading role in the spread of Theosophy in America, as well as in Katherine Tingley’s later claims to leadership.68 Judge was credited with reviving the movement within the United States. Among the qualities that others cited in Judge were his easy-going communication skills, his approachability as a man that fit in with mainstream society, and his linear writing style. The latter point is noted as a key factor in interpreting the facets of Theosophy, a complicated theology, to a nineteenth and twentieth century American audience. His literary works stood in stark contrast to Blavatsky’s convoluted and confusing writing style.69 Judge encouraged Americans to embrace Theosophy on their own terms by contextualizing Theosophical doctrines with various examples. In addition, he wrote in a language that Americans were able to understand and relate to; in essence, William Judge westernized Theosophy.70 The death of Helena Blavatsky led to a struggle for power that changed the shape of the Theosophical Society and ultimately led to the creation of Lomaland. A primary source of confusion was that Blavatsky had written several letters to more than a dozen individuals in which she implied that she planned for them to succeed her as head of the TS. Therefore, Olcott was convinced that he was the intended successor, but so were many other members. In addition, rivalries broke out when William Judge named himself and Annie Besant as “joint Outer Heads” of the Eastern School of Theosophy (EST) – an organization created for the more devoted members that wanted to delve deeply into the facets of Theosophy, and on which Blavatsky spent the majority of her efforts before her death.71

66 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 102, 48. 67 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 30. 68 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 15. 69 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 26. 70 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 27-9. 71 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 29. The EST was an elite school of esoteric teachings for dedicated members of the society that wanted to move beyond the basic lessons of average followers. Ashcraft writes that

Henry Olcott was opposed to William Judge’s position in the EST, but the latter received validation via the initial support of Annie Besant. Her support remained with Judge until a series of back and forth accusations and charges between Olcott and Judge motivated Judge to declare the independence of the American Lodges, which he had played a large role in organizing. This process led to the formation of the Theosophical Society in America (TSA).72 The number of movements and organizations within theosophical circles that developed at this time may create some confusion. For our purposes it is only crucial that the reader understand that after Blavatsky’s death, William Judge, one of the original founders of the TS, distanced himself from the works of Annie Besant and Henry Olcott by declaring that the American Lodges, though not entirely separate from the Besant and Olcott brand of Theosophy, would behave as an independent entity. Besant and Olcott continued to invest the majority of their efforts in Europe and India, while Judge maintained his focus in the United States.73 At this point, the focus of this narrative leaves Olcott and Besant, and shifts towards the TSA, and the emergence of Katherine Tingley, for it was through her efforts that Lomaland was founded in 1897. Tingley, Besant, and Olcott still interacted with one another; for instance, they all attacked the validity of each other’s claims to leadership. As was the case after Blavatsky’s death, the struggle over leadership in the United States broke out after William Judge passed away. Katherine Tingley was among those that sought control of the American branches of Theosophy. She also shared similar early life experiences with Blavatsky and Besant. Greenwalt notes that both Blavatsky and Tingley were “restless” as children, and felt suffocated by the role of women. They both searched for alternative meanings within popular religion. Tingley was born in Massachusetts in 1847; little is known about her parents and her childhood. After the Civil War her father sent her to a convent school in Montreal. She remained in the school for only two months, and for reasons unknown, refused to ever return there. When she left the school she married a man named Richard Henry Cook – a marriage that lasted only two months. Her biographers note

Blavatsky created the school as “a reaction to the growing trend among many Theosophists interested in paranormal phenomena who fell into intellectual lethargy regarding any esoteric subject after they joined the society.” In fact, Blavatsky spent the latter years of her life dedicated to the functions of the EST in London. 72 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 30. 73 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 30-32.

that little is known about her doings and whereabouts for the ten years that followed her divorce. However one of her confidants revealed that Tingley traveled with a theatre group during this time. She married a second time in 1880 to a man named George W. Parent. After several years of trying to have children of her own, Tingley adopted the children of her former husband – the children’s’ mother had been committed to a mental hospital – but the situation did not last long, and the children eventually returned to their father.74 By the late 1880s Tingley ended her second marriage, and decided to devote her life to other endeavors. In 1887 she organized the Society of Mercy, which visited hospitals and prisons. Tingley funded her philanthropy by organizing benefits, including recitals and séances. In the early 1890s, Tingley’s organizational efforts attracted the attention of William Judge, who noticed her work while she was feeding strikers with her Do-Good Mission on the East Side of New York. He introduced himself, and thus began an important relationship in the formation of the TS in America.75 Tingley became a close associate of Judge in his later years. He offered Tingley the answers that she felt mainstream religions had failed to provide. Theosophy also included an avenue for Tingley to exercise her charitable inclinations. The relationship was reciprocal; Tingley provided the organization skills that Judge needed in order to survive the feuds over secession with Olcott and Besant. In addition, Tingley cared for Judge in the last years of his life, as he fought off Charges Fever, which he contracted on a Caribbean tour for the TSA.76 The bond between Judge and Tingley became the source of further disputes after his death in 1896. Judge often mentioned an important “helper” who played a large role in organizing the TSA, and many believed that Tingley was the “helper” that Judge referred to in his diaries.77 Regardless of what Judge’s diaries actually meant, Tingley’s succession to power was greeted with immediate controversy. Some members of the TS embraced her role as the new leader, while others detested her, and viewed her as a fraud and power-hungry schemer.78 Adding to the controversy was the fact that the only information that Judge had

74 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 12-13. 75 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 13. 76 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 15. 77 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 16-17. 78 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 36-38.

communicated regarding his successor was through a séance performed by Tingley herself. Robert Crosbie was among those that protested Tingley’s claims to power, and the feud led to another split within Theosophy. Robert Crosbie was initially one of Tingley’s supporters, especially when she formed her own brand of Theosophy after the death of William Judge in 1898. However, by 1904 it was reported that Crosbie had become frustrated with the “autocracy” that Tingley enjoyed at Lomaland.79 He was ejected for “insubordination,” and formed the United Lodge of Theosophists (ULT) in 1909. An interesting fact about the ULT is that its members, leadership, written accounts, periodicals, self-history, and lecturers were all listed as written by anonymous.80 Tingley distanced herself from her opponents when she drafted a new constitution for the United Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (UBTS), which the 1898 TS convention adopted. At the same convention she named herself the lifelong “Leader and Official Head” of the UBTS. Tingley also took the opportunity to announce her plans for a School for the Revival of the Lost Mysteries of Antiquity, to be built at Point Loma, California. This school later became known as the Raja Yoga School, which means “royal union,” and paid homage to the late William Judge’s emphasis on moral development.81 The unique element that Tingley brought to what was originally an idea of Blavatsky’s, was that the school was to be a part of a utopian society. The utopian society that Tingley envisioned was Lomaland. Katherine Tingley began her utopian experiment at Lomaland in 1897, a time of unprecedented cultural change, and social unrest. The bubble of Victorian era ideals began to show stress marks at the dawn of the twentieth century, and burst altogether with the outbreak of the First World War. The promise of equality for all seemed unfulfilled; for instance, nowhere in the world were women allowed to vote until New Zealand broke that pattern in 1901. The United States welcomed William McKinley as its new president at a time that many consider to be the end of an era of reconstruction that attempted in vain to reunite a nation torn by brutal Civil War. Additional aspects of American international politics were the Spanish-American War, which lasted through 1898, and the annexation of

79 Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived, 135. 80 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 181-182. 81 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 86-7.

Hawaii during that same year. A notable event in the history of religion and utopia in the United States was the acceptance of the state of Utah into the United States of America on January 4, 1896. Technological discoveries also influenced the way that contemporaries viewed themselves and others, as well as how they spent their free time. Thomas Edison revealed his phonograph in 1877 – impressing audiences in New Jersey with his low quality recordings; he also introduced the first commercially viable light bulb, and the first investor-owned electric utility company during the 1880s. In 1897 J.J. Thompson discovered the electron as a subatomic particle. These advances in science captured the imaginations of all, and also influenced the ways in which individuals approached religion. Recognizable events in pop culture included the publication of Bram Stoker’s Dracula, the premiere of Edmond Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac in Paris, France, the arrival of The Statue of Liberty in 1886, the founding of Oldsmobile in 1897, and the first batch of Mexican style brew Dos Equis. In addition, the world mourned the loss of Alice in Wonderland author, Lewis Carroll on January 14, 1898. The founding of the Theosophical Society and its many ventures around the world, including the formation of Lomaland and the Raja Yoga School in Point Loma, California, occurred in the midst of these cultural shifts. There are many perspectives and agendas to be observed when studying this time period. This may be the reason why the relationship between Lomaland and the major San Diego newspapers has remained relatively unexplored. The attraction of other negative media-Theosophy interactions, such as The Los Angeles Times’ treatment of Lomaland, dominated the academic dialogue. The following chapters intend to break the ice by exploring the coverage of Lomaland during periods of “normality,” and periods of legal dispute.82

82 I use the term “normality” to imply business as usual. I am referring to those studies pointed out in chapter one that focuses on when local newspapers picked on local non-traditional religions in periods of relative calm. See for instance: Philip Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century,” Cults and New Religious Movements: A Reader, ed. Lorne L. Dawson.

CHAPTER 3

A WELCOME ARRIVAL AND A FITTING NEIGHBOR

Any traveler who arrived by sea to San Diego during the early twentieth century was certain to notice the large Greek-inspired structures, glass-domed facilities, and bungalow style houses that decorated the Point Loma shoreline. These buildings made up the Lomaland community, which is today the focus of several studies that consider Lomaland a quintessential example of how media outlets have portrayed Alternative Religious Movements (ARMs) and communes. These studies have discussed the negative attention that Lomaland received from newspapers such as The Los Angeles Times, yet they do not mention the distinct opinions that San Diego newspapers, such as The San Diego Union, had of Lomaland.83 The San Diego press was excited by the news of Lomaland, and consistently portrayed Lomaland as a benefit to the San Diego community. Newspaper articles ranging between the time of the Point Loma land purchase, and the sale of that land several decades later, demonstrate a level of acceptance and respect that studies of media portrayals of ARMs seldom have the opportunity to discuss. This extraordinary example of acceptance of an ARM by a media outlet is explained in part by the benefits that the Lomaland community provided to the city of San Diego during a crucial moment in the city’s development. San Diego was struggling to make a name for itself as a cultural center, and Lomaland invested money in the arts, education, beautification, and architecture. This chapter will focus on local representations of Lomaland and its community members during times of little or no controversy, such as announcements of Lomaland sponsored events or charities. Chapter four will discuss instances of local media support from the San Diego newspapers during times of legal controversy, such as labor disputes, and even kidnapping charges. This chapter will also offer examples of non-San Diego newspapers that were suspicious and antagonistic of Lomaland during their early years in San Diego. Unlike the

83 Cowan “God, Guns, and Grist for the Media’s Mill,” 65.

positive response to Lomaland in San Diego, other publications such as The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, and The San Francisco Chronicle, are good examples of what scholars today identify as typical reactions to ARMs.84 These stereotypical reactions are considered the byproducts of a medium that underwent tremendous growth during the nineteenth century. For instance, the number of daily newspapers in the United States rose from 574 in 1870 to 2,600 in 1909, while circulation increased from 2.6 million readers to 24.2 million readers in the same span of time.85 As publishers competed for the attention of a more diverse and less educated audience, the content and language of the articles became more sensationalized.86 Controversy and scandal in religious movements became a staple topic for the American press, and newspapers like The Los Angeles Times embraced the opportunity to dramatize the arrival of the UBTS. Phillip Jenkins notes, “happy was the newspaper that had within its market area an eccentric commune ready to be investigated and exposed during slow news periods.”87 Jenkins offers several examples of religious communities that suffered at the hands of antagonistic editors, and the historians of Lomaland also offer examples of when media coverage of Lomaland was not pleasant, yet they do not discuss the San Diego coverage of Lomaland.88 Religious groups that have shared the experience of negative attention from the American media include Catholics, Masons, Mormons, Shakers, radical evangelicals, and many others. In his study of media coverage of ARMs, Jenkins unveils the historical roots of modern reactions to ARMs, including the coverage of Lomaland and its foundress, Katherine Tingley. Jenkins admits that some could argue that the parallels over the centuries simply speak to the consistency of the allegedly deviant behaviors of ARMs. Yet, “the continuity of rhetoric does not have a consistent logic,” he argues.89 Instead of accepting the generalization that all ARMs are the same, and that therefore all media generalizations are qualified, Jenkins

84 Examples of negative portrayals of Lomaland from non-San Diego sources will be discussed later in this chapter, and in chapter four. 85 Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects,” 84. 86 Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs, 42. 87 Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects,” 84. 88 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 66-77. 89 Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects,” 73.

suggests that the animosity towards ARMs arises out of an automatic suspicion for anyone who claims to have achieved spiritual perfection. “Basically,” he summarizes, “anyone claiming mystical or charismatic authority is likely to be viewed as a rogue or maniac, and his or her followers are portrayed as unstable dupes ready to perform any action, however degraded or criminal.”90 Lomaland received the bulk of its attention from 1897, the year that Katherine Tingley, founder of the United Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (UBTS) purchased the land, through 1903, the year after the conclusion of the Tingley v. The Los Angeles Times libel suit. The topic indices of The San Diego Union and The San Diego Evening Tribune reveal a decrease in interest, or at least coverage, of the UBTS after these years. One might assume a combination of lost interest in the Lomaland community, a desire for privacy on the part of Tingley and her followers, as well as an increase in citywide distractions that kept San Diegans focused on other matters ranging from progressive politics to first World War. The purchase of the land at Point Loma, and the ensuing arrival of Katherine Tingley and her followers, was a point of immediate interest for San Diego residents. San Diego was a relatively small community at the close of the nineteenth century, and the purchase of such a large piece of land was enough to attract the attention of locals. The veil of mystery that surrounded the purchase, and its purchasers, added to its appeal as a center of focus for local gossip. Among the first reactions in the San Diego press was an article from The San Diego Union on February 2, 1897. The article titled “The Riddle Solved,” reveals that San Diegans were extremely curious about the land purchase.91 The San Diego Union, for example, pondered the importance of the 120-acre purchase at Point Loma: “For a week past the entire population of the city has been guessing what the move was in itself, and what it portended for San Diego.” Furthermore, the move was taken to be “something of the utmost importance for San Diego.” Some San Diegans even considered the purchase of the land to be the most important thing to happen to the city since the construction of the Southern California railroad – an interesting sentiment considering that a college was founded in Mission Valley on March 13 that same year, just one month after the laying of the cornerstone ceremony at

90 Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects,” 73. 91 “The Riddle Solved,” The San Diego Union, February 2, 1897.

Lomaland.92 The San Diego Evening Tribune reiterated these sentiments in its coverage of the event. The paper also mentioned that Lomaland was going to be the future site of a university that placed an emphasis on spiritual growth, and announced the forthcoming ceremony at which the cornerstone was to be laid.93 The local press chose not to stereotype the religious community that was about to arrive, and instead portrayed it as a potential benefit for the San Diego community. Details about the future building plans of the community were presented as a point of interest, and did not include the opinions of the author(s), whatever they may have been. The San Diego Union described the leaders of Theosophy as “composed…of live, practical and successful American business men.”94 The description of the society’s beliefs lacked derogatory terms or judgment. The author maintained neutrality and presented a fact-based representation of the society’s beliefs and values.95 It is likely that the early signs of a warm welcome from The San Diego Union were connected to memories of Mormon visitors several decades earlier. In 1847 a battalion of Mormon soldiers made their way to San Diego to serve as a garrison after the Mexican American War. Many among the ranks of that battalion made large contributions to the improvement of the city. For instance, Henry D. Boyle, a member of the Mormon ranks, recalled, "I think I whitewashed all San Diego. We did their blacksmithing, put up a bakery, made and repaired carts, and, in fine, did all we could to benefit ourselves as well as the citizens. We never had any trouble with Californians or Indians, nor they with us."96 The UBTS, like the Mormons, arrived at a time when San Diego stood to benefit a great deal from any civic improvements. Los Angeles newspapers did not share this sentiment, although The Los Angeles Times was tame in its coverage of the UBTS and its land purchase. A February 5, 1897 article briefly announced the arrival of Theosophists begun at Point Loma, and that the

92 “The Riddle Solved,” The San Diego Union, February 2, 1897. 93 “The Riddle Solved: Point Loma to have a School for Ancient Mysteries,” The San Diego Evening Tribune, February 2, 1897. 94 “The Riddle Solved,” The San Diego Union, February 2, 1897. 95 “The Riddle Solved,” The San Diego Union, February 2, 1897. 96 William E. Smythe, History of San Diego 1542-1908: An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Pioneer Settlement on the Pacific Coast of the United States (San Diego, CA: General Publishing, 1907), under “Part Two, Chapter IX,” https://www.sandiegohistory.org/books/smythe/2-9.htm (accessed April 23, 2010).

cornerstone ceremony was to commence later that month.97 This article came from a section called “San Diego Brevities,” and like the other topics in this section, it only received a brief paragraph about the event. This demonstrates that early on The Los Angeles Times had less interest in the Lomaland community than did the San Diego press, likely due to proximity. The New York Times also reported on the event, adding that several prominent men had accepted invitations to attend the cornerstone ceremony. These men included “Admiral Beardless, Capt. Sumner of the Monadnock, Lieut. Commander Ingersoll, executive officer of the Philadelphia; Capt. Dyke of the British gunboat Comus, and a large party of officers, representing the American and British Navies.”98 This article reveals the amount of acceptance that the UBTS and Katherine Tingley received amongst the middle and upper class throughout the country. The interest in Lomaland at this point was connected with a long tradition of interest in ARMs in the United States. Freemason lodges proliferated during the late colonial American era and early Republic – Benjamin Franklin himself was a grand master of St. John’s Lodge – and Americans were fascinated by any available detail regarding these small groups. The popularity of such books as Jachin and Boaz, written in 1762, are testament to the enthusiasm with which Americans ingested whatever information they could about Freemasonry. Jachin and Boaz went through sixteen English editions by 1825.99 From within this culture, a culture that fascinated itself with secret traditions, many American-grown religious traditions, such as Mormonism, emerged. The arrival of the UBTS provided San Diegans with an up close view of the same religious alternatives that fascinated Americans throughout the nineteenth century. Albanese points out that the teachings of Mormonism resembled many of the ideals within the Freemason tradition. For instance, Joseph Smith referred to himself as Enoch, a venerated figure in the Freemason traditions, and he also borrowed the concept of the ancient golden

97 “San Diego County: Theosophical Corner-Stone to be Laid with Ceremony,” The Los Angeles Times, February 5, 1897. 98 “A School of Theosophy: The Cornerstone to be Laid in San Diego,” The New York Times, February 23, 1897. 99 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 124-127. The section, “Transitions” in this book is an excellent source for discovering the many roots of American religious traditions in terms of their specific foundations in the United States.

plates directly from Freemason lore.100 Mormons were also linked to spiritualism and séances, which by the mid-nineteenth century were so popular that many scholars of religious history in the United States cite the impact of these forces not only on theosophical roots, but into present times as well.101 Another connection with the interest in Lomaland can be traced by the enthusiasm with which the American public explored the realm of séances. The rapping and tapping that made the Fox sisters famous in the mid-nineteenth century were a small part in the history of séances in the US. Certainly, the tradition of communicating with ancestors existed among Native Americans, and the Fox sisters of Rochester New York were not the only Americans that claimed the ability to communicate with the dead. Furthermore, the interest in séances was not limited to a single class, religious background, or locale. The founders of the Theosophical Society were especially interested in the ways in which spiritual séances could be used and explained in scientific terms.102 Americans also took an interest in the spread of utopian communities and ideals, as demonstrated by the popularity of that theme in popular novels. The popularity of the 1888 novel Looking Backward by Edward Bellamy points to the pervasiveness of utopian ideals within the American consciousness at the time. In the novel, Bellamy makes a case for collective communities and draws on the emergence of contemporary institutions, such as the department store, to evoke in his readers a sense that utopian, communalistic societies can exist, and were perhaps the answer to society’s needs.103 In his study of Lomaland, Emmett A. Greenwalt notes the pervasiveness of utopian ideals in popular American culture; pointing out that in the period of 1884-1900 no fewer than forty-eight “utopian romances” were published.104 Modern scholars place Lomaland directly within utopian trends in American history. Ashcraft points out the proliferation of utopian communities during the post-bellum era of the nineteenth century, citing the high level of anxiety in American culture at the time as one

100 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 136-140. 101 Greenwalt. California Utopia Point Loma, 2-3; W. Michael Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 18; Catherine L. Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 220. 102 Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit, 274. 103 Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward: 2000-1887 (New York: New American Library, 1888). 104 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 19-20.

explanation for the interest in communal living.105 Greenwalt and others point to the influence of Mormon, Shaker, New Harmony, Brook Farm, French Icarian communities, and Oneida on the collective consciousness of Americans, including Katherine Tingley herself.106 The location of Lomaland bears meaning as well. Utopian communities were especially prolific in California, where historian Robert Hine has identified several factors that made the western state a popular destination for religious leaders and their followers. As noted, the gold rush attracted thousands of settlers who sought quick fortunes. This population influx brought with it ideals from all over the world, and also had the characteristic of moving more quickly than the traditional institutions of the east coast could move; the population migrated more quickly than the churches were able to establish their influence. Under these conditions, and with the promises of a mild climate and fertile soil, many people from all over the world viewed California as a region in which they could forge their own destinies, and live life according to their own ideals.107 As the UBTS began to establish its roots in the community, the local newspapers maintained their neutrality. The newspapers continued to treat Theosophy with curious respect. A February 4, 1897 article titled “Point Loma’s School: High Theosophists Coming to lay the Corner Stone,” reported on the upcoming ceremony, and the expected arrival of key Theosophists to San Diego.108 A few days later, The San Diego Union published an article titled “The Lost Mysteries: How the Point Loma School came into Existence,” which serves as another example of the respectful curiosity held by the locals. In this article the author adopted the rhetoric of the Lomaland community: “research has long ago revealed that in many things, material as well as spiritual, the ancients were far in advance of the highest civilization of the present day.” Thus, the author reported the purpose behind establishing a school for the revival of the lost mysteries of antiquity. The article also allowed for the voice of a Theosophist to explain the significance of the school. This indicates that the newspaper was dedicated to presenting and maintaining the views of the UBTS in matters of their own personal interest. Four other articles from that same month repeated the theme of interest and

105 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 12-13. 106 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 20. 107 Hine, California’s Utopian Colonies, 9-10. 108 “Point Loma’s School: High Theosophists Coming to lay the Corner Stone,” The San Diego Union, February 4, 1897.

respect for what the UBTS intended to do with their forthcoming community. Each of these articles was dedicated to purveying simple truths, and none employed negative language, or suspicions of the group.109 The articles did, however, begin to express a deeper curiosity into the beliefs that the Theosophists held. Several weeks later The San Diego Union and The San Diego Evening Tribune began a direct inquiry into the beliefs and intentions of the Theosophical Society. Here one finds proof that the local media offered the UBTS an opportunity to manage its own reputation. In that article, the president of the UBTS, E.T. Hargrove, was asked several pointed questions about the tenets of Theosophy, the intentions of the UBTS, and the Katherine Tingley’s personality. Each of these questions received a thorough response from Hargrove, and allowed the Theosophists an opportunity to clear up any rumors that had begun to circulate. Hargrove responded that Theosophy believed that Christianity was in essence Theosophy, that they did not believe in conversions, in fact, a Christian person should remain so, and that Mrs. Tingley was a valued member of the Theosophical movement, and a crucial element to the development of the school at Point Loma.110 The author, did not close with a rebuttal to Hargrove’s interview, but instead provided additional information about the laying of the cornerstone that was scheduled to take place the following Tuesday. This was hardly the behavior of an antagonistic local media. The Theosophists were a welcome change of pace for the San Diego community. They arrived at a time when the city was eager to flout any of its cultural amenities, and especially eager to welcome any group that promised to add to those cultural attractions in terms of education, spirituality, and the arts. This was because the decades prior to 1897 were wrought with the symptomatic tensions of a boom and bust economy in a city that longed to be the cultural and economic capital of the west coast. Articles from The San Diego Union applauded Tingley’s emphasis on education and the arts, and noted that the Isis School was “well instructed.”111

109 “School of Mysteries: The Cornerstone to be Laid on February 23,” The San Diego Union, February 13, 1897; “School of Mysteries,” The San Diego Union, February 14, 1897; “School of Mysteries,” The San Diego Union, February 17, 1897; “Cornerstone to be Laid,” San Diego Union, February 5, 1897. 110 “Theosophists Arrive: Creators and Friends of the School of Mysteries,” The San Diego Union, February 18, 1897. 111 “Mrs. Tingley Arrives: Leader of the Theosophists now in San Diego,” The San Diego Union, April 28, 1899.

San Diegans welcomed Katherine Tingley’s commitment to her vision, and appreciated the much-needed stability in their city. The period between 1865 and 1900 in San Diego is often referred to as the “boom and bust” era of the city’s history.112 The initial rush of migrants occurred with the gold rush, but many more made the journey after that.113 The city did offer an excellent climate; for instance, Theodore S. Van Dyke commented that it was no surprise that the region was so diverse, because it rose from below sea level to more that a mile high in less than sixty miles from the coast, and suddenly dropped a mile deep into one of America’s driest deserts.114 The county of San Diego was large, more than 6,000,000 acres, yet Old Town, or Old San Diego, occupied only 48,557 acres. Historian Richard F. Pourade comments that during the mid- to late-nineteenth century there were no more than sixty-five structures in Old Town, and that about half of them were adobe structures that remained from the time when Spain laid claim to the city. The population was made up of about as many European- Americans as Spanish-Mexican descendants, and at times the living population was outnumbered by the occupants of the graves that overlooked Old Town.115 Furthermore, the Southern California region earned itself a reputation for its lawlessness as newspaper articles reported on lynching, robberies, and murders.116 San Diego saw some improvements after the arrival of Alonzo Horton and the formation of new San Diego, but the city struggled in its attempt to achieve stability and success during the last two to three decades of the nineteenth century. It was amidst these circumstances that Katherine Tingley arrived in San Diego in early 1897. The details of those circumstances rationalize Tingley’s amiable relationship with the San Diego community, as well as the animus relationship between the San Diego and Los Angeles elites. One

112 Richard Pourade, History of San Diego: The Glory Years (San Diego: Union-Tribune Pub. Co., 1960- 1977), 4:xii. 113 Pourade, History of San Diego, 4:3. 114 Theodore S. Van Dyke, Southern California: Its Valleys, Hills and Streams; its Animals, Birds, and Fishes; its Gardens, Farms and Climate (New York: Fords, Howard & Hulbert, 1886). Quoted in Richard F. Pourade, San Diego History (San Diego: Union-Tribune Pub. Co., 1960-1977), 5:4-5. 115 Richard Pourade, San Diego History: Gold in the Sun (San Diego: Union-Tribune Pub. Co., 1960- 1977), 5:5. 116 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:7.

important way by which San Diegans offered sanctuary to the Theosophists was through the coverage that Lomaland received in the local media. The day that the cornerstone was laid was a major center of focus for the entire San Diego community. The enthusiasm with which the event was anticipated by the newspapers, attended by local residents, and the subsequent reports on the event in the following days, spoke to the level of acceptance that Lomaland enjoyed from local residents and media. The Sunday morning edition of The San Diego Union announced the anticipated arrival of several hundred guests, and offered its readers a description of the events that were planned for the evening, including several addresses and readings from members of the Theosophical Society.117 At this time The San Diego Evening Sun began to cover the arrival of the Theosophists. Its coverage of the community is similar to that of The San Diego Union and The San Diego Evening Tribune in that it does not offer any comment other than curiosity and hospitality for the newcomers. On Monday, February 22, 1897 The Sun wrote that over 800 people had gathered the night before at New Unity Hall, 200 had to be “reluctantly” turned away, to hear addresses from JT Hargrove, president of the UBTS, and many other wealthy and distinguished speakers. The meeting also discussed plans for the cornerstone ceremonies, which were scheduled for the day after the article’s release date.118 The San Diego Union devoted more than an entire page of its February 24, 1897 edition to its coverage of the laying of the cornerstone, which had occurred the day before.119 The article described in great detail the “most impressive ceremonies” and added that the event will be “long remembered by those who were fortunate enough to be present.” The San Diego Daily Sun reiterated these sentiments by stating that the ceremony was “in some respects one of the most notable occasions of its kind ever witnessed on earth.”120 These words spoke to the approval of the author, and the reported one thousand attendees

117 “The Mystic School: Another Theosophists gives a little information about it,” The San Diego Union, February 20, 1897. 118 “Theosophical Meeting at New Unity Hall: Hundreds Reluctantly Turned Away,”The San Diego Evening Sun, February 22, 1897. 119 “Cornerstone Laid: Mystic Ceremonial by Theosophists on Point Loma,” The San Diego Union, February 24, 1897. 120 “Cornerstone Ceremony at Pont Loma,” The San Diego Evening Sun, February 24, 1897.

represented the curiosity of the local residents. The fact that only 250 of those in attendance received seats, and that the remainder of the crowd stood “patiently all afternoon” also spoke to how well Tingley and her followers were received with a respectful curiosity.121 The author reiterated this point himself: “that this number of people took the trouble to drive six or seven miles into the country, most of them for the privilege of standing for three hours to witness the unique ceremonies gave evidence of the deep interest San Diego citizens have in the institution and its proposed work.”122 The San Diego Daily Sun added that “it seemed that every wheeled vehicle in the city had been chartered” for taking the visitors to Lomaland for the ceremony.123 The San Diego Union displayed further examples of local support for Lomaland in its sub-section titled “The Local Influence,” in which Col. E.T. Blackmer posited the potential benefits that the school’s presence was estimated to have upon the San Diego community. Blackmer noted the attention that the school was drawing from prominent and wealthy citizens of the world. He also commented upon the benefits of living in a city with a spiritual atmosphere, and the positive impact that the school would have on the city in this regard.124 It would be wrong to imply that the UBTS did not receive any negative reactions from its San Diego counterparts. On August 21, 1901 twelve pastors from the San Diego area issued a statement in The San Diego Union announcing their disapproval of the teachings of Theosophy, especially in regards to reincarnation.125 This, however, was not a case of the local media attacking Tingley; in fact it further illustrates the point The San Diego Union was more concerned with reporting on events in the community, than with siding for or against particular denominations based on their differences from the norm. Whereas the San Diego periodicals were able to report neutrally or even enthusiastically on the arrival of the Theosophists, and opening ceremonies of Lomaland and the Raja Yoga School, The Los Angeles Times was unable to resist an opportunity to mock something that the editors considered foreign and distant from their own beliefs and values.

121 “Cornerstone Laid,” The San Diego Union, February 24, 1897. 122 “Cornerstone Laid,” The San Diego Union, February 24, 1897. 123 “Cornerstone Ceremony at Pont Loma,” The San Diego Daily Sun, February 24, 1897. 124 “Cornerstone Laid,” The San Diego Union, February 24, 1897. 125 “A Communication Concerning Theosophy: From the Christian Ministers of San Diego and Suburbs,” The San Diego Union, August 21, 1901.

For instance, the February 24, 1897 article that mentioned the opening ceremonies at Point Loma referred to Point Loma as the “spook roost” and fabricated the story that reported, “when the revivers of lost mysteries of the mythical past marched around and said: ‘Eeny meeny mona mi, Tuscalona bona ki,’ the boss mahatma projected his astral to Point Loma of Blue Bosh with the mystic formula: ‘Gine ndsu garl sgo odf orth egu is ache.’”126 Indeed the only neutral reporting of the event found in The Los Angeles Times’ archives were dispatches sent from San Diego reporters, whose articles also appeared in the San Diego periodicals.127 The residents at Lomaland appreciated the support they received from the San Diego press, and made several attempts to solidify that relationship. In one case, several students of the Theosophical Society organized a free public meeting. The San Diego Union announced the intentions of the students as “to clear away many of the misconceptions that have been ingrained in the public mind by persons who, masquerading as Theosophists, charge admission for their so-called spiritual teachings.”128 This article offered several interesting lessons. For one, readers learned that some members of the San Diego community were exploiting the local interest in the Theosophists by holding mock meetings and fundraisers. This implied that local residents should not be wary of the real thing. The San Diego press also offered Mrs. Tingley the opportunity to speak for herself via letters to the editor. In one case Tingley asked the editor to announce that Mr. Leadbetter, who had been in town giving speeches on Theosophy, was by no means connected with the UBTS and therefore did not receive the organization’s endorsement.129 Leadbetter was among those that disagreed with Tingley’s rise to power within the TS, and chose not to join her in San Diego. This shows that The San Diego Union also aided Tingley by allowing her to publicly defend her position within an internal conflict among Theosophists. The UBTS sponsored several events through which the Lomaland and San Diego community could become more acquainted. The San Diego Union announced on July 31,1901 that the young men at the Raja Yoga School were excited about an upcoming

126 “A School of Theosophy,” The Los Angeles Times, February 24, 1897. 127 “A School of Theosophy,” The Los Angeles Times, February 24, 1897; “Cornerstone Laid,” San Diego Union, February 24 1897. 128 “Students of Esotero: Free Public Meeting and Greek Symposium to be given,” The San Diego Union, February 7, 1901. 129 “Students of Esotero,” The San Diego Union, February 7, 1901.

opportunity to meet and greet non-Lomaland residents as their guests. Though the guests were not San Diegans, they were southern Californians, the New Century Guard from Pasadena, an all-boys drill squad, and the event revealed attempts to reach out to their local community.130 Another San Diego Union article announced the excitement and appreciation of local parents over an upcoming non-sectarian Sunday school, organized by Katherine Tingley. The article went on to describe the purpose of the Sunday school as a unique opportunity for non- Lomaland children to receive training in music, theatre, and etiquette.131 These articles indicate that not only was the relationship between Lomaland and other San Diegans one based on mutual respect and trust, but that the local press actively encouraged and advertised that fact. The development of Lomaland and the cultural activities that it sponsored came at a time in the history of urban planning when many planners and city officials across the country focused on the development of sustainable communities. The urban planning theorists emphasized the importance of park construction as well as community centers, including theatres. Lomaland provided San Diego with the nation’s first Greek theatre, and thus attracted several reputable theatre operations that would not have come to the city otherwise. This proved especially useful to the city as many of its leaders argued the importance of tourism to the local economy. Likewise, Lomaland attracted thousands of tourists to the city each year, and San Diegans considered it an invaluable asset to the local community/economy.132 Evidence that Lomaland was a tourist attraction can be seen in The Western Magazine, a monthly periodical dedicated to west coast, which in 1906 published an article about the UBTS, nine years after the arrival of Katherine Tingley and the formation of Lomaland. The article’s audience seems to be curious outsiders, potential tourists, or newcomers, because it describes the community in detail while it attempts to debunk any rumors about the Theosophists, and lists the benefits that their presence provides to the city.

130 “Guests at Point Loma: Boys are here for a Week,” The San Diego Union, July 31, 1901. 131 “The New Activity of the Universal Brotherhood: A Golden Opportunity Offered by it to the Children of San Diego,” The San Diego Union, August 1, 1901. 132 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:16-17, 28.

The staff writer notes that “there were many misconceptions” about the Theosophists, “but at last people who love justice everywhere have become thoroughly aware that the libel put forth by the enemies of progress have no foundation.” The article continues that there is “no experiment in socialism, communism or anything of similar nature.”133 The author also refers to those enemies as “ill-informed” about the teachings of the students at the Raja Yoga School. For instance, the article clarifies for its readers that the Theosophists did not encourage or practice hypnotism, that religious toleration was the central theme, and that the school did teach reincarnation, but not that the human soul returns to earth in the “body of an animal.”134 The Western Magazine article also informed its readers that of the numerous benefits that the Lomaland community provided for the San Diego region, including its physical beauty, and contributions to the cities cultural and spiritual appeal. The buildings at Lomaland are described in the article as “the most striking objects” that one sees as they come across the ocean, and that the visitor is “naturally” curious as to the institution’s purpose. The article adds that once on the grounds at Lomaland, the visitor notices “skillful irrigation; acres of formerly barren ground are now smiling with flowers, vegetables and trees.” Also, the atmosphere in which “everyone pitches in and helps, voluntarily, without pay” was one that the authors regarded in high esteem. The educational facilities at Lomaland are also briefly described as “unique,” and as “spreading its beneficial efforts to far distant lands.”135 The local media continued to display their appreciation of the UBTS over fifteen years after Lomaland was founded. The San Diego Union made significant mention of Lomaland during the Panama-California Exposition at Balboa Park. The entire event was considered one of the most important moments for the city in terms of local and international prestige. Tourists came from all over the world and filled San Diego hotels; in fact, the exposition was so popular that an additional year was added to accommodate the continued demand. The San Diego Union dedicated special attention to the city and its amenities,

133 “Lomaland: Point Loma,” The Western Magazine. Ed. John Scott Mills. 1.3. The Western Publishing Co, Oct. 1906. 217. 134 “Lomaland: Point Loma,” The Western Magazine, 226. 135 “Lomaland: Point Loma,” The Western Magazine, 219-221.

especially as the hype for the Exposition wound up in the days before the opening on January 7, 1915. The issue for New Year’s Day included several photos of San Diego’s beautiful neighborhoods and beaches. Page eight featured a photo spread of the buildings at Lomaland, and a short article about what the UBTS was, and what it had to offer visitors to San Diego. The article at the bottom of the page read that the Raja Yoga school at Lomaland “is today one of the most talked of educational institutions in the world,” and that within its walls “marvelous results… have been achieved,” because of Tingley’s unique plan. The article adds that The Raja Yoga School has “attracted educationalists and parents because of the unique and complete system of training of the young.”136 San Diego was still proud of Lomaland and the Raja Yoga School in 1917. The school attracted talented young men and women to the city, and for this The San Diego Union was grateful. A January 1, 1918 article discussed the structure of the schools instruction, especially the emphasis on math, science, and the arts. This full-page article encouraged readers to sign their children up before the age of twelve if the parents wanted the best results.137 This was among articles from the same issue that boasted of San Diego’s park system, as one of the best in the world, and that the World’s fair at Balboa Park broke world records for its scale and beauty.138 The San Diego Union boasted the cities accomplishments in the New Year’s Day issue, and Lomaland garnered a full-page article that recognized its contributions to the city. The San Diego community not only appreciated the contributions of the UBTS, but The San Diego Union still provided space for Tingley and her followers to advertise their ideas to the San Diegans. An article on January 2, 1917 noted of an upcoming conference with lectures on the doctrines of Theosophy, including reincarnation, dreams and their meaning, and the purpose of life. The San Diego Union provided space for a similar announcement several days later. For this event Tingley herself was to speak on “Theosophy

136 “Raja Yoga College, Point Loma: International Theosophical Headquarters,” The San Diego Union, January 1, 1915. 137 “Raja Yoga College, Academy and School,” The San Diego Union, January 1 1917. 138 “Raja Yoga College,” The San Diego Union, January 1, 1917.

and some of the vital problems of the day.”139 These articles marked some twenty years of respect and reciprocity from San Diego’s most read newspaper. San Diego periodicals supported Katherine Tingley until the day she died in 1929. Tingley was involved in a serious car crash while on her way to give a lecture in Berlin Germany. The San Diego Union reported the story on the front page: “Mme Tingley Gravely Ill at Residence in Sweden: Was injured May 30 in Auto Crash.” The content for the article was provided by the Associate Press, so the credit for the article’s lack of bias, and absence of any attack on Tingley whatsoever, cannot go to The San Diego Union. However, the fact that the article appeared on first page speaks to the importance of this issue to at least the editors, or the San Diegan audience. In addition to mentioning the details of Tingley’s accident, The San Diego Union article above also demonstrates the local media’s desire to portray Tingley as a friend of the city. The paper mentioned that Tingley had received world renowned, because of her charitable contributions, and that she “attracted such prominent men as Lyman J. Gage, former Secretary of the Treasury; A.G. Spalding ‘the father of baseball’” and more. 140 The San Diego Union wanted Tingley to be remembered for her contributions to the city and her magnetic personality. The San Diego Union continued its support of Tingley the following day when the editors allowed space for J.H. Fussell, secretary of the UBTS, to issue a statement “in response to the concerns of friends.” Fussell told The Union readers that Tingley was due for a slow recovery, but that her condition was certainly going to improve. 141 The good news did not last, however, for by July 11 of the same year The San Diego Union reported that Katherine Tingley had died. The San Diego Union honored Madame Tingley in her death. The July 11, 1929 article that reported her death also provided details about her life accomplishments, and contributions to the world. The article mentioned Tingley’s earlier work in New York as the founder of the “Do Good Mission.” The author also discussed Tingley’s philanthropic work

139 “Lecture Series to be Resumed at Isis,” The San Diego Union, January 7, 1917. 140 “Madame Tingley Ill in Sweden,” The San Diego Union, July 1, 1929. 141 “Issue Statement on Mrs. Tingley: Point Loma Headquarters Managers Expect Leader’s Recovery to be Slow,” The San Diego Union, July 2, 1929.

in Cuba, where she helped the sick, and offered 75 Cuban children competitive educations at the Raja Yoga School in San Diego, free of charge. The article also reiterated the fact that Tingley was world famous for her efforts, and that the Lomaland facility was the best monument to her life, because of its beautiful design, including the open air Greek Theatre, which the article did not fail to mention was the first of its kind in the United States.142 The respect that the local papers had for the Lomaland community did not die with the passing of Tingley, although the coverage did become sparse. As for alternative viewpoints of Katherine Tingley’s death, The Los Angeles Times included only the information found in The San Diego Union’s initial July 1 report. In both cases the AP issued the information provided in The Los Angeles Times articles, and only did so after Tingley’s death on July 12. If there were any disparities between the two publications it is that the San Diego press was more concerned with providing updates on Tingley’s health, and death, whereas The Los Angeles Times was only concerned with the issue after her death.143 The San Diego Union did not change their tone towards Lomaland after the death of the magnanimous Katherine Tingley, despite the increased self-imposed isolation of the UBTS. The newspaper coverage waned significantly compared to the early years of Lomaland coverage. The increased isolation of the Lomaland community was partly a result of the desperate financial state in which Tingley left the community. Her extravagant planning and building projects drained the UBTS’s resources. In addition, historians have noted that Tingley’s replacement, Dr. Gottfried de Purucker, was less concerned with community outreach than Tingley was, and that he lacked her overall charisma.144 Despite the loss of Lomaland’s charismatic leader, the few articles that did appear in the local press during the 1930’s maintained the same trends discussed earlier: the purpose of the articles was to inform the readers of upcoming events, and where they could find more information if they so pleased. An article from The San Diego Union on June 21, 1936

142 “Theosophy Head Already Chosen: Will be Named in Short Time,” The San Diego Union, July 12, 1929. 143 “Mrs. Tingley Dies in Europe: Leader of Theosophists Succumbs in Sweden Illness Following Accident Results Fatally Founding of Lomaland One of Her Achievements,” The Los Angeles Times, July 12, 1929. 144 Ashcraft, Dawn of the New Cycle, 20.

informed the San Diego residents of the upcoming graduation of several Raja Yoga students.145 Three days later, another article in the same periodical reminded readers of the upcoming event, and added that the graduation ceremonies were also going to include a performance of a French play.146 Later that year The San Diego Union performed the same role by advertising the fact that the popular play, “Sleeping Beauty” was scheduled to appear at the Isis Theatre.147 Each of these articles was reminiscent of the coverage that Lomaland received from The San Diego Union from the very beginning. The San Diego Union’s coverage of Lomaland after Tingley’s death reported on the managerial struggles within the UBTS. As financial worries burdened the Lomaland community throughout the late 1920s and 1930s, the San Diego Union maintained its straightforward coverage of the UBTS’ financial woes. This was demonstrated in a 1939 article that reported on the problems the UBTS was having with local tax collectors. The January 1, 1939 article reported that Lomaland had lost its move to settle $61,000 in delinquent taxes without litigation. Speaking for Lomaland, Iverson L. Harris stated that the taxes in the recent years had risen significantly, and despite the UBTS’ ability to keep up in previous years, the tax hikes were exacerbating the financial problems at Lomaland.148 As for The Los Angeles Times, its interest in Lomaland, Theosophy, and Katherine Tingley nearly disappeared after the leader’s death in 1929. One exception occurred in March 1935, when Dr. de Purucker, the new leader of the UBTS came to visit Los Angeles and gave two lectures over two nights. The March 9, 1935 article reported that Dr. de Purucker had reached out to Annie Besant, and her section of the Theosophical movement in hopes of uniting the two branches that had split after the death of Theosophy’s founder Helena Blavatsky. These plans for reconciliation were never followed through.149 Whatever the reason may be for the decline in interest of the Lomaland community, the fact remains that the contributions of the UBTS to the San Diego community remains a

145 “Point Loma Students Prepare for Graduation,” The San Diego Union, June 21, 1936. 146 “Performance to be given at Point Loma Graduation Ceremonies,” The San Diego Union, June 24, 1936. 147 “Lomaland Pupils to Present Play,” The San Diego Union, December 15, 1936. 148 “Universal Brotherhood,” The San Diego Union, January 1, 1939. 149 “Theosophy Chief Hopes for Accord: Dr. De Purucker says Two Wings of Society Should Forget Differences,” Los Angeles Times, March 9, 1931.

relatively untold story. Scholars of media theory, and study of ARMs have been the most active keepers of the Lomaland memory, yet the scholarship, until now, does not unveil the diversity of the Lomaland experience within the press. The story of local media coverage of the Theosophists adds a layer of depth to the story of Lomaland, for it draws attention to the unique contributions that the Theosophists provided for the San Diego community, and the determination of the members of the UBTS and its founder, Katherine Tingley, to continue their active support for the causes that they held close to their hearts. The sense of camaraderie between Lomaland and its contemporary San Diego counterparts was chaperoned by the mutual benefits each received from the other. Lomaland enjoyed protection, security, and privacy, while the young and growing San Diego community benefited from the numerous contributions that Lomaland provided to the city, such as theatre and music. The animosity for the Lomaland community on behalf of other periodicals, such as The Los Angeles Times, was a small piece of the broader context that characterized the relationship between San Diego and Los Angeles, as both cities competed with each other to become the economic center of the United States’ west coast. It is possible that the San Diego press was receptive to the Theosophists because they appeared relatively harmless. It might also be that the San Diego press was only interested in the Lomaland community as long as its members contributed financially to the improvement of the city, especially if Lomaland did not pose any threat to the city’s reputation. The following chapter will examine articles from the San Diego newspapers during times when controversy, financial ruin, and increased seclusion challenged the image of the Lomaland community.

CHAPTER 4

COVERAGE DURING TIMES OF CONTROVERSY

Making a good first impression is sometimes easier than maintaining a clean reputation. In this sense it may have been no surprise that the United Brotherhood and Theosophical Society impressed the San Diego community with the development of Lomaland, The Raja Yoga School, and the sponsorship of the arts. The print media might have jumped at an opportunity to dismiss Katherine Tingley and her followers for the “spooks” The Los Angeles Times did. This was not the case, despite the several times that the Lomaland reputation was challenged in the court of law or by financial ruin. The editors at The San Diego Union demonstrated their respect and appreciation for the Lomaland community when they continued to print articles about the UBTS in a positive light, regardless of what other sources printed. Some of the stories about Lomaland drew potentially negative attention towards the San Diego Community from the national press, and the San Diego media still upheld their original position regarding the Lomaland Community. These examples demonstrate the need to examine media portrayals from various sources, and to consider the motivations of each news source as unique to its own environment. This chapter will do just that, except with an emphasis on San Diego print sources. The examples below are taken on a case-by-case basis, and examine several of instances in which the UBTS name was involved in public debate, including kidnapping charges and libel suits. An early example of when the local press offered a neutral representation of Lomaland occurred in early 1901. The case was not an exciting one, but the opportunity for a negative media response was still present. This was a simple case of dispute over land titles, in which Katherine Tingley “brought suit” against E.F. Overhaugh “to quiet titles” to pieces of land just outside the military reservation that neighbored Lomaland. In this case the coverage of the events were didactic, and only interested in presenting brief descriptions of the court proceedings. Follow-up articles in April of the same year reported that the

defendants were made aware of the suit, and that eventually on April 6 the judge had dismissed Tingley’s claim to the land.150 The local press provided similar coverage of an instance in which the UBTS was accused of withholding wages from a woman. Mary A. Kraitzer, who claimed that the UBTS owed her wages for services she performed at Lomaland, filed the case. The article indicated that Tingley invited Kraitzer to stay at Lomaland, so that she and her children could receive room and board, and that her children could attend school at Lomaland. The article also mentions that part of the agreement between Tingley and Kraitzer was that the latter would work on the Lomaland grounds in exchange for the room, board, and education. Tingley invited the Kraitzers in the first place because she heard that Mary Kraitzer’s husband had deserted her.151 A noteworthy element of this case was that even though Tingley won on a technicality in the first trial, she demanded that the trial be heard again on its merits. Kraitzer claimed that there was a contract between herself and Tingley that awarded her wages for her work. When the plaintiff could not produce the alleged contract, Tingley’s lawyer asked that the case be dismissed on a technicality, and the judge agreed. Tingley was not satisfied with this, and “declared that it might be all right to win cases on technicalities, but that she wanted the suit heard.” Furthermore, Tingley likely impressed readers when she stated that, “if the money was due the plaintiff, [she] wanted it paid.” The article then informs its readers that Tingley instructed her lawyer to waive all technicalities, so that the case could proceed.152 The trial gave Tingley an opportunity to improve upon what was already a notable reputation. She asked her lawyer to call her as a witness, and her “testimony disclosed many points of interest touching her work.” The San Diego Union explains that Tingley’s testimony was “of such a nature” that the plaintiff’s attorney felt obliged to explain his connection with the case, at which the judge reprimanded this speech as superfluous, for had the attorney known the details of the case, he would have never accepted it. Hence the title of the article, “Lost Case Twice Over.”153

150 “Yesterday in Court,” The San Diego Union, April 6, 1901. 151 “Lost Case Twice Over: Suit in Justices Court,” The San Diego Union, August 7, 1901. 152 “Lost Case Twice Over,” The San Diego Union, August 7, 1901. 153 “Lost Case Twice Over,” The San Diego Union, August 7, 1901.

Not all cases involving Mrs. Tingley were over as quickly as the example above. One case that lasted for over a year involved the complaint of a man, John J. Bohn, who filed the suit against Katherine Tingley and Grace G. Bohn, in which he demanded custody of his two children because they had stayed with their mother at Lomaland. A October, 1901 San Diego Union article provided the full text of the writ of habeas corpus and statements from Mr. and Mrs. Bohn.154 The article above demonstrates that The San Diego Union offered a balanced portrayal of Lomaland. Via the writ of habeas corpus and the statements from both sides, the readers are informed that Mr. Bohn alleged that his wife hid his children from him, and denied him any information about their well being. Mr. Bohn blamed his wife’s actions on her connection with Mrs. Tingley. Mrs. Bohn’s statement alleged that her husband had originally agreed to leave his wife and kids at Lomaland for several months while he was away on business. She continued that he returned to Lomaland without notice, and with the intent to steal the children, and left her behind. Furthermore, Mrs. Bohn stated that she welcomed the writ, for it meant that she could finally rest knowing that the truth would come forward in court. She also mentioned that she had been at the mercy of her cruel husband for several years, and that it was in fact Mrs. Tingley who encouraged her to stay with her husband, so that her children could be raised in a proper family.155 The San Diego Union followed the trial, and never gave way to the opportunities to make any negative assumptions about the UBTS. The following year, an October 19th article reported that Mrs. Bohn had filed for divorce from her husband after an earlier court decision had granted custody of her children to Mr. Bohn. The custody decision included a provision that Mr. Bohn and his children were to return to Chicago where the children were placed under the custody of the courts there. Other than these new details, the article recapped on the entire proceedings and both sides of the dispute. When the article did mention Tingley and the UBTS it also kept both names clear of any fault by adding that Tingley had in fact

154 “Mr. Bohn Wants his Children: Claims they are Unlawfully Detained at Point Loma Homestead,” The San Diego Union, October 25, 1901. 155 “Mr. Bohn Wants his Children,” The San Diego Union, October 25, 1901.

convinced Mrs. Bohn to “try once more” to mend her marriage, and that Mr. Bohn had made the original travel arrangements to San Diego himself.156 The local newspapers maintained their support of Mrs. Tingley even when she lost her legal disputes. One instance involved the complaint of Frank Over, a man that was hired for construction work at Point Loma. The management at Lomaland complained to Mr. Over about the quality of some of his work, and when he returned to make repairs, the Lomaland management demanded that Mr. Over discharge a particular employee of his, otherwise he would not be permitted access to the grounds. When Mr. Over refused to discharge the man in question, he was denied pay for his work. The court ruled in favor of Mr. Over, and the article had nothing to add on top of these details.157 The local press was offered yet another opportunity to deny Lomaland its support in October of 1901. Katherine Tingley had been issued a writ of habeas corpus stating that she must present to the court a young student, Bertha Griswold. The writ was based on the accusation that Bertha was detained against her will, and allegedly withheld from her father, William Griswold, who had filed the complaint with the court. After presenting these details the paper included a section of the article called “The Other Side,” in which the author provided Tingley’s defense, as well as a letter from the young girl herself, stating that she was not detained against her will, that she intended to stay with her mother and step-father at Lomaland, and that she had made that decision before she met Katherine Tingley.158 The emphasis of the newspaper editor in this case was to present the facts of a trial. This was not the case with The Los Angeles Times. The Los Angeles Times was unwilling to simply report on the trials in a fair, neutral manner. During the case with Griswold, in which the father demanded that his daughter be removed from the Raja Yoga School, The first Los Angeles Times article to introduce the topic referred to the Theosophists as “spooks.” The editors could not resist an opportunity to label the Lomaland residents, even if it interfered with their responsibility to report on an on-

156 “Mrs. Grace G. Bohn Sues for Divorce: She makes the Same Charges about Intimacy of her Husband with her Mother that were made in Chicago,” The San Diego Union, October 19, 1902. 157 “Mrs. Grace G. Bohn Sues for Divorce,” The San Diego Union, October 19, 1902. 158 “Theosophy Explained: By Mrs. Bohn and Mr. Coryn,” The San Diego Union, October 14, 1901.

going trial and investigation with neutrality.159 Furthermore, when the court dismissed the case on the grounds that the father did not have custody of the child, her step-father did, and that she refused to leave Lomaland, The Los Angeles Times implied that the girl had been manipulated by Tingley and her followers, for in their eyes, there could have been no other logical explanation for the girls refusal of her father.160 The author of this article did not question the circumstances of the girls’ parents’ divorce, and why the stepfather was granted custody over the biological father in the first place. When considered in these terms, it is clear that The Los Angeles Times were less concerned with journalistic integrity than with harming the reputation of Lomaland. Observations of the coverage of other court cases revealed the same treatment of Lomaland. Certain newspaper sources, like The Los Angeles Times, may have taken their cues from late nineteenth and early twentieth century scholarly reviews of Theosophical publications, which were unconcerned with objectivity, and took liberty with injecting personal opinions of what ought to be considered religious truth and/or outrage. In his 1895 review of Blavatsky’s The Secret Doctrine, Merwin-Marie Snell engaged the book on the level of a religious debate, in which his main focus was to put the spiritual claims of Theosophy to the test. For instance, Snell pondered in print whether Theosophy was indeed esoteric Buddhism, as The Secret Doctrine implied, or if esoteric Buddhism could even exist. Snell immediately refuted this by noting “the Mahaparanibbana-sutta, one of the most ancient and reliable books in the Pali canon, which states that Buddha categorically denied that he had any secret doctrine or kept anything back in his public teaching.”161 Snell was writing for a publication titled The Biblical World, so perhaps one should not expect his analysis of Theosophy to be free of any religious bias. However, where Snell attacked theosophy on the religious front, others attacked Theosophy on the grounds that they viewed Blavatsky as a fraud. Early accounts of Theosophy centered on a great deal of negative press, since claims of fraud plagued the release of several of Blavatsky’s early works. William Emmette

159 “Daughter Spurns Father’s Caress: Touching Scene in a San Diego Courtroom,” The Los Angeles Times, October 7, 1901. 160 “Daughter Spurns Father's Caress,” The Los Angeles Times, October 9, 1901. 161 Merwin-Marie Snell, “Modern Theosophy in Its Relation to Hinduism and Buddhism. II” The Biblical World 5 (April 1895): 258-260.

Coleman of San Francisco accused Blavatsky of plagiarizing more than one hundred sources in her 1877 book, Isis Unveiled. In1881 Blavatsky attracted further claims of plagiarism after the release of her second book, The Occult World. In this case, an American spiritualist claimed that a portion of The Occult World was a copy of one of his own lectures. When the publishers refused to respond, he made the issue a public matter. These accusations did not prove fatal to Blavatsky’s following, however, and they certainly did not impact the opinions of the San Diego newspapers, or at least how those sources chose to portray them.162 The reputations of Katherine Tingley and the Raja Yoga School were challenged by immigration and child protection agencies in New York during November of 1902.163 The San Diego community and its print media chose to stick up for, and defend, Katherine Tingley during this time. The incident began when eleven children from Santiago, Cuba landed at Ellis Island to register their arrival to the United States for the purpose of attending the Raja Yoga School in Point Loma. Port authorities at Ellis Island detained the children and their chaperone, Dr. Gertrude Van Pelt, based on rumors that the Raja Yoga School was an unfit institution for children, that Katherine Tingley’s irresponsible spending had run the community into the ground, and that the children were removed from their hometown of Santiago, Chila in spite of protests from their parents and guardians.164 The issue of immigration must have been particularly important to Americans, for five years earlier in September of 1897, a sheriff’s posse in Pennsylvania killed more than nineteen unarmed immigrant miners. Furthermore, tensions during the Spanish-American War turned the island of Cuba into a household topic in the United States. The San Diego Union provided an avenue for Katherine Tingley to defend herself and the Raja Yoga School during the hearing process that lasted for more than a month. For instance, Tingley assured The San Diego Union readers that the rumors about the protests in Santiago, Cuba were absolutely unfounded, and that quite the opposite was the case.

162 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 4-5. On this point Greenwalt comments that regardless of the actual sources for her work, Blavatsky’s often convoluted and disorganized writings provided ample material for her followers to refer to and identify with; furthermore, it was evident that many of Blavatsky’s followers varied in their level of commitment to certain ideals within Theosophy, so there was room for individual followers to maneuver within the various doctrines in order to suit there own perspective, whilst remaining loyal in the face of outside ridicule. 163 Ashcraft, The Dawn of the New Cycle, 104-5. 164 “The Children are Detained: Little Ones Bound for Point Loma are Stopped in New York: Mrs. Tingley’s Explanation,” The San Diego Union, November 2, 1902.

Furthermore, Tingley also communicated through a San Diego Union article that the children were not scantily clad, as the Associate Press had reported; indeed they had received coats and wraps to protect them from the cold.165 Unlike The Los Angeles Times, The San Diego Union printed a letter from several Cuban officials that was sent to Washington D.C. in which the Cuban authorities demanded that the children be released at once and sent to Point Loma, or returned to Cuba, where they would immediately be enrolled in a school there, which happened to be another program organized and financed by Katherine Tingley herself. The letter added that the Cuban community would not allow for its children to “be made catspaws [sic]” for the enemies of Katherine Tingley.166 Lomaland received an abundance of local support from high standing, and reputable San Diegans during detention of the Cuban children in New York. Albert G. Spalding, the owner of the Spalding sports store, spoke in support of Lomaland, and even had his children placed in the care of the Raja Yoga School. During the hearings, the Mayor of Santiago, Cuba arrived in person to investigate the conditions at Lomaland, and subsequently cleared the Lomaland name for his constituents in Chile. D.C. Reed, former mayor of San Diego also offered his endorsement of Lomaland, and even traveled to New York to escort the Cuban children to San Diego himself. The national media attention prompted several official, and personal, investigations that not only cleared the Lomaland name, but also applauded its facilities, and methods of instruction.167 After initially deciding that the children should not be sent to Point Loma, the ruling board in New York eventually cleared the children for departure to the Raja Yoga School. The San Diego community officially greeted the children the day after they arrived with a ceremony, at which music was performed, and prominent San Diego community leaders spoke out against the New York officials that detained the children for so long. Addressees that evening included Judge Hendricks, during which he cordially welcomed the children to San Diego, and Collector Bowers, who made light of the situation by joking: “I presume this is a sample of cruelty the people of San Diego are going to inflict upon the children, and

165 “Point Loma Buds to be Test Case: No Action Taken Regarding the Little Cubans – They are Still Detained at New York,” The San Diego Union, November 3, 1902. 166 “Their Fate is Still in Doubt: Another Hearing in New York in the Case of the Cuban Children,” The San Diego Union, November 6, 1902. 167 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:26-27.

from which the good and great Gerry Society tried hard to save them.”168 The “Gerry Society” which Bowers referred to was the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, led by Thomas Gerry. This case is an example during which San Diego residents, and The San Diego Union defended Katherine Tingley and her various projects, regardless of the status of her accusers. The sustained coverage by The San Diego Union of UBTS sponsored events provided constant reminders of the true nature and benefit of the Lomaland community. The San Diego Union reported on one of these events, and noted that the presale of tickets to the event was “encouraging,” and that “the house will be crowded” with guests. The entertainment for the event was provided primarily by the artwork and performances of the young children of the Raja Yoga School, including those newly arrived from Cuba, by way of New York. The artwork on display included depictions of everyday life at Lomaland, thus providing insight for curious outsiders.169 The Los Angeles Times was not as charitable in its coverage of the Cuban children, for they were unable to resist another chance to insinuate wrongdoings at Point Loma. In an article published on December 3rd, 1902, The Los Angeles Times reported on the visit from Mr. Sargent, in which he cleared the “Point Loma spookery” as a clean and adequate institution for learning. The paper implied that Mr. Sargant was “prepossessed of in favor of the Point Loma outfit”, and that his favorable report was “just what was anticipated,” because they suspected that he had been bribed and/or manipulated by Tingley and her followers.170 The New York Times also displayed a level of sarcasm not present in The San Diego Union’s coverage of the story. One initial report from the New York paper refers to the children as “shivering little Cubans,” emphasizing the image of a neglected group of youngsters.171 Another article warned of the dangers of the UBTS “cult,” and proposed an

168 “Universal Brotherhood Meeting this Evening,” The San Diego Union, December 14, 1902; “Theosophists at Isis Theater: Meeting in evening draws large crowd to welcome home-coming of Dr. Van Pelt,” The San Diego Union, December 15, 1902. 169 “Mrs. Tingley too Ill to Attend,” The San Diego Union, November 11, 1902. 170 “Distrust Tingley: Cuban Children en Route to Point Loma Spookery Detained by Federal Authorities at New York,” The Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1902; “Mrs. Tingley’s Wards,” The Los Angeles Times, November 3, 1902; “Lawyers for Spookery Throw up Their Hands: Will not try to get hold of the Cuban Children,” The Los Angeles Times, November 8, 1902. 171 “Lawyers for Spookery Throw up their Hands: Will not try to get hold of the Cuban Children,” The New York Times, November 2, 1902, 7.

investigation to “find what means were taken to persuade the parents of these children to consent to their removal to a place so distant and to their education by people whose doctrines are so utterly repugnant.” For one reason or another, the New York media outlets were not as interested in providing Tingley’s side of the story. This could be a result of the paper’s proximity with the Gerry Society, and its influence, for the same article reprimanded the California governments and agencies for their support of Tingley and the UBTS.172 This approach also set the tone for an article printed by The Los Angeles Times that actually sparked a legal battle between the Los Angeles paper and the UBTS. The San Diego Union stuck to Tingley’s defense during the Tingley-Los Angeles Times libel suit. They provided balanced reports of the trial’s progress, and refrained from any name-calling, or mud-slinging. The trial began as a result of an October 28, 1902 article published by the Los Angeles Times, in which the Times allegedly interviewed a former resident of Lomaland.173 In the article, Mrs. M. Leavitt claimed to have information regarding the armed escape and rescue of a woman named Mrs. Hollbrook from Lomaland. Mrs. Leavitt also “reported” the abuse of another woman, Mrs. Neirshelmer. According to the article, she was forced to perform backbreaking labor for the colony, denied proper nutrition, and separated from her husband. The article also claimed that the children on the Lomaland premises were tied together by their hands and feet, separated from their parents, lived in squalid conditions, and were only fed an apple and a single cracker for lunch, two crackers for the larger children.174 Local San Diegans immediately defended Katherine Tingley, and The San Diego Union printed those sentiments the day after The Los Angeles Times article was printed. An article titled “Malicious and False: Mrs. Tingley is Defended” provided statements from several individuals involved in the Lomaland community, including Mrs. Neresheimer, the very person that The Los Angeles Times article claimed was being held form her husband. Mrs. Neresheimer assured the readers of The San Diego Union that she and her husband were happily married were are both comfortable residents at Lomaland. The statement of Mr.

172 “Topics of the Times,” The New York Times, November 7, 1902. 173 “Outrages at Point Loma: Exposed by an “Escape” from Tingley. Startling Tales Told in this City. Women and Children Starved and Treated like Convicts. Thrilling Rescue,” The Los Angeles Times, October 28, 1901. 174 “Outrages at Point Loma,” The Los Angeles Times, October 28, 1901.

Neresheimer implied that the informant for the malicious article, Mrs. Leavitt, was none other than a woman he knew to be connected with Annie Besant, a rival to the UBTS. Furthermore, his statement implied that Mrs. Leavitt was upset with Mrs. Tingley because Tingley sided against her in a dispute between Leavitt and the cook at Lomaland.175 This example provides the perfect contrast, for it involves a case when other newspapers were attacking Lomaland, and when San Diego came to Lomaland’s defense. Even while The San Diego Union remained fairly quiet during the Tingley-Times libel suit, it still offered its support in that it focused on court proceedings rather than opinions of Tingley’s personality. For instance one article states that the trial was to begin that Tuesday, and provided some details about the original article published by the Los Angeles Times that led to the suit. A handful of articles appeared in December of 1902, but The San Diego Union withheld any commentary aside from the small details about the trial. On January 13, 1903 The San Diego Union simply reported that the jury had reached a verdict in favor of Tingley, and awarded her $7,500 dollars in damages and expenses. The article also reported that the prosecution appeared upset that the amount was so low, and that the defense appeared upset that the amount was so high. The only mention of Tingley that The San Diego Union provided was that she had declined to comment on the subject after the verdict was delivered.176 The San Diego Evening Sun’s coverage of the trial was similar to that of The San Diego Union, in that it only reported the details about the trial, and included no outright opinions. For example, an article from the Sun, published during the beginning of the trial simply described Tingley’s requests, the details of The Los Angeles Times article in question, and nothing more.177 The most persuasive instance of the negative portrayals of Katherine Tingley and Lomaland provided by The Los Angeles Times came from the article that appeared directly after the court decision to award Katherine Tingley $7,500 in her libel suit against the publishers of that periodical. What is impressive about this example is that even after the newspaper had been issued what amounted to a legal reprimand for the negative attention

175 “The Petition was Dismissed: Disposition of the Bohn Habeas Corpus Case Yesterday Afternoon,” The San Diego Union, October 29, 1901. 176 “The Final Charge in the Libel Case: A Complete Review of the Tingley-Times Libel Suit made by Judge Torrance in his instructions to the Jury,” The San Diego Union, January 13, 1903. 177 “Tingley-Times Libel Suit,” The San Diego Evening Sun, December 13, 1901.

53 shown the Lomaland community, the paper continued to attack Tingley’s character, and even implied that it would take the case to the Supreme Court, claiming that the trial was unfair: Mrs. Katherine Tingley in her suit against the Los Angeles Times has been awarded damages in the sum of $7500. The jury appears to have assumed that she has that much character, and in view of the fact that every effort was made by the prosecution to prevent a full portrayal of the career of this woman, the jury and the public may know nothing to the contrary. For all the evidence that was admitted by the court, her character may have the value the jury placed upon it. Nor is a newspaper allowed the latitude of saying that the bench erred in continually ruling against a full revelation of the character of the woman. Because the judge ruled as he did, the press must accept his ruling as law – until they come before the Supreme Court. But from the standpoint of public interest, it must be said that if the press is debarred from exposing institutions which are supposed to violate the commonly accepted code of social ethics and prey upon ignorance and superstition, it has lost a great part in its utility. The Record does not declare that the Point Loma institution is of this character, but this is something like the charge which the Times made, and which the laws, as interpreted in San Diego, did not allow to be shown with the fullness which public interest seems to demand. The libel laws of the State may be of the character outlined by the rulings of the San Diego judge, but if they are, there is little need for Ex-governor Gage and men of his lik [sic] to seek new legislations to throttle the liberty of the press and make it impossible to carry on campaigns against vice, corruption and indecency.178 Perhaps most telling about this article is that the editors at The Los Angeles Times felt so comfortable with printing something which implied that Tingley’s character was of little worth, and that the decision of the judge in the libel suit case impinged upon the ability of the press to protect the general public “against vice, corruption and indecency;” a statement that, in the context used, implies that Tingley and the Lomaland residents were among those that society needed protection from.179 This means that the general attitude regarding media coverage of ARMs was that editors should not have to be held accountable for their words, or at least enough so that The Los Angeles Times was not deterred from continuing its offenses against Tingley, even after losing a libel suit case in court.

178 “Tingley and ‘Spot.’ Press Comments on Libel Suit: Editors Impressed with the Bias of the Court: Light was Shut Out” The Los Angeles Times, January 22, 1903. 179 “Another run for the Money,” The Los Angeles Times, January 22, 1903.

The local support and respect for Katherine Tingley lasted through her stay in San Diego. In 1917, for instance, she became the center of a will dispute. The children of A.G. Spalding, grew indignant when Tingley intervened in their attempts to break their father’s will, which left a portion of his assets to Tingley and other charity efforts.180 The event became a hot topic when Tingley was accused of contempt because she had signed off on the demands of Spalding’s children, but also included a lengthy note that described her dissatisfaction with the court and Spalding’s children. It was alleged that this did not qualify as a signature, so threats were made regarding Tingley’s arrest. At this Tingley went back to the court with a notary and signed the documents once again, sans-complaint.181 The above events occurred without any mention of disdain for Tingley from the San Diego journalists. In fact, The San Diego Union returned to its status quo coverage of Lomaland and Katherine Tingley a week later when they published details about yet another lecture series in connection with Lomaland and the Lost Mysteries of Antiquity.182 Like the other articles that described similar events, this article included information about how to attend the lecture. It is clear that The San Diego Union, San Diego’s most popular newspaper, was not concerned with damaging the name of Katherine Tingley, her thoughts, or any organization that she was a part of. Nor was The San Diego Union interested in hiding away the existence of Lomaland and its doctrines from potential visitors and investors. The trials, and other legal disputes that involved Katherine Tingley, provided opportunities for the local media to sever their ties with the UBTS. The San Diego Union is not an example of antagonistic media portrayals of an Alternative Religious Movement, yet Theosophy was the target of attack from elsewhere. There are several possibilities for these discrepancies, including competition, and animosity between the San Diego and Los Angeles elite and publishing sources. San Diego periodicals may have offered their support to Lomaland as a result of the tumultuous past between Los Angeles and San Diego, in which The Los Angeles Times participated. Throughout the early history of San Diego, the political and economic leaders of

180 “Mrs. Tingley’s Arrest for Contempt Sought,” The San Diego Union, January 16, 1917. 181 “Madame Tingley’s Signature Valid, Lawyer Admits,” The San Diego Union, January 17, 1917. 182 “Talk on Mythology Given at Theater,” The San Diego Union, January 25, 1917.

Los Angeles went out of their ways to belittle San Diegans, and to thwart their efforts of achieving big city status. For instance, Los Angeles officials were disturbed when they learned that the federal government had taken an interest in the San Diego harbor as a strategic location for military depots and fortifications. According to Pourade, “Los Angeles already had succeeded in having the mail from Tucson, Arizona diverted to the route through San Bernardino and the San Gorgonio Pass, instead of through San Diego and Jacumba as Authorized by the Post Office Department,” and the city was equally prepared to compete for the opportunity to house the military.183 San Diegans resented the fact that several members of the Los Angeles elite had worked hard to limit San Diego’s economic growth and stability during the 1870s and 80s. For instance, San Diegans were disappointed to learn that the Central Pacific Railroad intended to establish a monopoly in California, and even more disappointed to learn that the company had no plans to create a direct line to San Diego. The “Big Four:” Collis P. Huntington, Mark Hopkins, Leland Stanford and Charles Crocker controlled the Central Pacific. This group of Los Angeles elites did not intend to run a line down the coast to San Diego, in fact they planned to run their line inland, east of San Diego, and down into Mexico, hence blocking any other line from entering California, thus squashing San Diegans hopes of establishing their own line with the east coast.184 The failure to establish their own transcontinental line dashed many of the high hopes that San Diegans had for their city. The arrivals of the first train into San Diego on November 15, 1885, as well as the first transcontinental train to arrive, in the pouring rain, on November 21, 1885, were both occasions worth celebrating. However, as San Diego historian, Richard F. Pourade points out, the events were an “anticlimax” when considering the 30 years of struggle that preceded their arrival. The arrival of train cargo did secure economic stability for the region, but in the words of Pourade, “the wharfs and warehouses did not fill with the goods of the world” as many had hoped and promised.185 The Los Angeles elite was unapologetic in its intentions to prevent any sort of boom for San Diego. The aforementioned “Big Four” were not merely advocates of Los Angeles,

183 Pourade, San Diego History, 4:28. 184 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:50. 185 Pourade, San Diego History, 4:166.

they consciously set out to impede upon the progress of San Diego. In regards to San Diego’s development, Charles Crocker, a member of the “Big Four,” commented that they had “their foot on the neck of San Diego and intended to keep it there.”186 The editors at The Los Angeles Times contributed to these efforts on several occasions. One instance in which The Los Angeles Times participated in the San Diego-Los Angeles rivalry was when its editors printed an article about the benefit of Los Angeles’ location. The article boasted that Los Angeles had a superior infrastructure, both natural and man-made. In addition, the article included a map that did not list San Diego at all, and even placed Los Angeles at a location more south than it actually was. San Diego responded with a fake map of its own, which exaggerated the number of piers and included rail lines that they were still optimistically awaiting construction in that city.187 In terms of population and economic infrastructure, it was Los Angeles that pulled ahead throughout the late nineteenth century. In 1880 the population of San Diego was only 2,367, with a county population of 8,618, while the Los Angeles population held strong at 11,183 in the city, and 33,381 in the county.188 By 1890 that supremacy was complete; San Diego had a population of 16,159 in the city, and 34,987 in the county, and Los Angeles boasted a population of more than 50,000 in the city, and 100,000 throughout the county. San Diegans maintained pride in their community however, and responded through promotional campaigns that heralded the cities natural beauties and resources.189 It is in this context that one of the best endorsements for the argument that San Diego periodicals were fair in their treatment of Lomaland is found. The article was a witty defense for the UBTS against its enemies, literal or literary. The article in mind, an October 7, 1900 piece headlined “Weird Mysteries at Point Loma,” begins by sarcastically expressing how “mysterious” it is that Lomaland has a guardsman to direct visitors from dangerous construction areas on the grounds, or to keep curious eyes out of the resident tents. The author maintains a sarcastic tone throughout the article and concludes that one of the largest mysteries of all is “the willingness of the public to read and tolerate attacks on people and

186 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:9. 187 Pourade, San Diego History, 5:5. 188 Pourade, San Diego History, 4:141. 189 Pourade, San Diego History, 4:194-5.

causes whose one and sole aim is the betterment of human life.” The author continues that another, larger mystery “is the cause of the malignity of the envenomed minds from whence originate such attacks.”190 This early example of staunch support for the Lomaland community characterized the reception, and safe haven that the UBTS enjoyed in their San Diego counterparts. When the reputations of Katherine Tingley, Lomaland, and the UBTS were challenged by local, regional, and national opinions, the San Diego newspapers, especially the most popular and widely read San Diego Union, defended those reputations with fact- based journalism. In addition, the San Diego community offered their support to the Lomaland community when they attended the various social gatherings that the UBTS throughout San Diego. These responses may not have been typical for ARMs in general, past and present, but they do, however, add to the story of the Lomaland experience in San Diego. Because of this, the San Diego coverage of Lomaland is a reminder of the variety of interactions that a scholar must consider when he or she endeavors to retell the story of the groups that have impacted our local history.

190 “Weird Mysteries at Point Loma,” The San Diego Union, October 7, 1900.

CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION

Katherine Tingley did not receive the negative attention from the San Diego press typical of other religious communities because Tingley and her followers were in the right place at the right time. Lomaland offered San Diegans benefits that the city was struggling to accomplish itself, and at a time when those benefits were most needed and appreciated. Lomaland brought tourists, education, and culture when city officials sought to cater to a growing middle class that appreciated those services the most. California during this period was a place where hundreds of religious leaders believed that they could achieve religious freedom, even though some cities and their major newspapers did not respond as kindly to Katherine Tingley as San Diego did. The competitive relationship with Los Angeles, especially its primary news source, The Los Angeles Times, encouraged San Diego institutions, like The San Diego Union and Evening Tribune, to oppose what the Los Angeles elite stood for. Under these circumstances, whenever a valuable member of the growing San Diego community was attacked, the San Diego elite, including the local press, rallied to its defense, especially if it meant opposing The Los Angeles Times. The United Brotherhood and Theosophical Society (UBTS) was active in forging the circumstances of their relationship with San Diego. During the Theosophical Society’s residence at Point Loma, Lomaland leaders made several attempts to establish meaningful connections with the locals based on understanding and clarity. The methods through which the UBTS accomplished this included regular public meetings, lectures, speeches, and expositions. Katherine Tingley took advantage of local print media in her attempts to reach out to the local community. This was exemplified in the numerous articles that announced these events, and several letters to the editors, in which Katherine Tingley was allowed to directly respond to criticisms of herself and the Lomaland community, all of which were printed and distributed widely via the local press.

Even if the local newspapers were antagonistic towards Tingley and/or Lomaland, they offered a neutral, or balanced, view of the situation to their readers because they allowed Tingley the ink and the space in their paper to defend and explain her views. The previous chapters discuss examples of this in times of relative calm, and during times of legal controversy. It is true that the quantity of newspaper articles about the UBTS diminished during its final decades in the city, but there are several explanations for this. The popularity of the UBTS as a news item began to wane during their final years, but this fact does not detract from the impact of this study of the portrayal of the UBTS by the major San Diego media outlets. Perhaps the interest in Lomaland gave way as the community continued to outlast potential controversy, and as Katherine Tingley became litigiously aggressive against libelous editors across the country.191 It is important that media portrayals of non-traditional religions have often times been negative. Yet, if the significance of those findings is that we gain a better experience of the ARM experience, then we must not ignore the San Diego media’s portrayals of Lomaland. Several aspects of San Diego history owe thanks to Katherine Tingley’s vision. The legacy of Lomaland is marked physically by some of the original buildings and structures that still stand at Point Loma Nazarene University, which is the same land that Katherine Tingley purchased in 1897. The cultural impact of Lomaland is seldom remembered in mainstream accounts of San Diego history, and only some of that has come to life in this thesis. Lomaland may have also paved the way for other religious movements that later found welcome home in San Diego county. One example is the founding and expansion of the Self-Realization Fellowship in Encinitas. While reporting on the expansion, The Los Angeles Times even managed to be civil and to keep the article focused on the details of the building project. A November 2nd 1937 article reported these details without any additional threats or insults to the Self-Realization Fellowship.192 Newspapers still find an audience in those interested in ARMs, and there remains instances in which an emphasis is placed on objectivity. For example, in March of 2010, The San Diego Union Tribune ran an article on the recent publication of a memoir by a survivor

191 Greenwalt, California Utopia, 66-76. 192 “Swami Adds to Self-Realization Project: Temple and Hermitage Completed near Encinitas,” The Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1937.

of Peoples Temple. This article notes “most of the coverage on Jonestown in the ensuing decades ‘undermined the dignity of the people who died there.’”193 In addition, the website, Alternative Considerations of Jonestown and Peoples Temple, is dedicated to redirecting the attention away from a sensationalized narrative of Jonestown towards a focus on the individual human experiences.194 An article from The Cincinnati Post demonstrates that the interaction with ARMs and the media is a constant theme in American culture. The article discussed the recent move of The United Church of God’s headquarters to downtown Cincinnati, and provided some details about the founding of the church and recent splits in the organization/structure of the church.195 Articles and websites such as these point to the need for a continued evaluation of the ARM experience. This includes research into the personal experiences of those involved in ARMs, as well as the interactions between ARMs and their neighbors.

193 Vincent Rossi, “Survivor Shines Light on Jonestown: San Marcos Resident, now a Schoolteacher, Wrote Book about her Experiences,” The San Diego Union Tribune, May 9, 2010. 194 Rebecca Moore, Fielding M. McGehee III, Alternative Considerations of Jonestown and Peoples Temple (SDSU, 2008), http://jonestown.sdsu.edu/ (accessed July 24, 2010). 195 Stephen Huba, “Fledgling Denomination Moves Here,” Cincinnati Post, September 3, 1998.

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