“I went into this downtown district of our parish to fill the empty pews, among underpaid and underfed laborers, in the slums and the tenderloin, I saw the results of extortionate capitalism — the undue enrichment of the few and the undeserved poverty of the many.”

Rev. Dr. Alfred Arundel

The Reverend Alfred Arundel, rector and source of controversy at Trinity Church, Pittsburgh, 1890s. Courtesy of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh.

50 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 By Jeremy Bonner

n July 1 6, 1 91 2, thePittsburgh Post reportedthat the Reverend Dr. AlfredArundelwould shortlybetakingup Otherectorship of St. Mark’sEpiscopal Church on Pittsburgh’sSouth Side.That aPittsburgh newspapershould devote part of itsfront pageto theappointment of an Episcopal clergyman to acomparatively small congregation in aworking-classneighborhood might, at firstblush, haveseemed excessive,but Arundel wasno ordinary clergyman. From 1 891 to 1 91 1 , hehadservedasrector of thecity’soldestEpiscopal congregation, thestately pileof Downtown’sTrinity Church. Now, barely ayear retired, heproposedto “comehome”to Pittsburgh to takechargeof what was, to all intentsand purposes, an industrial mission.1

What has the affair of Alfred Arundel and St. recurring problem in communities Marks’s Church to tell us about the relationship increasingly composed of poorly educated of the Protestant mainline churches to the immigrants from Southern and Eastern cause of social reform in Pittsburgh during the Europe who had far less affinity with the early years of the 20th century? That there was prevailing culture than had the earlier waves of a need for their intervention had been all too immigrants from the British Isles.2 evident to regional observers for more than 20 Middle class reformers—secular and years. While the Homestead strike of 1892 was religious—viewed such developments with the most high profile instance of labor unrest, increasing alarm. If working-class needs were most of the leaders of southwestern left unaddressed, such a climate would drive Pennsylvania’s emerging industrial order gave these workers into the arms of syndicalist and short shrift to the material needs of their socialist agitators devoted to the overthrow of workforce. Lockouts and strikes were a the entire social order. The religious response

WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 51 came to be known as the Social Gospel, a multifaceted reform agenda adopted within denominations and across denominational lines that proved increasingly influential in mainline Protestantism during the first two decades of the 20th century.Although historians have provided an extensive body of literature on the Social Gospel,3 it was not until 2005 that the first study focusing specifically on Pittsburgh made its appearance.4 However, while Keith Zahniser’s account, Steel City Gospel: Protestant Laity and Reform in Progressive Pittsburgh, offers a comprehensive review of the sweep of Protestant efforts—from the settlement movement to civic associations to the establishment of the Christian Social Service Union—it is less concerned with the dynamics of individual denominations. In this article I propose to offer an examination of the singular character of the Social Gospel in Pittsburgh under the auspices of The Episcopal Church, using the Arundel Affair as a useful case study of denominational tension. Episcopal clergy and laity had been active in support of social reform since the early 1880s. Leading figures in the movement included Henry Codman Potter, Bishop of New York and Frederick Dan Huntington, Bishop of Central New York. Most notably, Huntington chaired the Church Association for the Advancement of the Interests of Labor (CAIL), founded in 1887. Historian Henry May attributes the early success of movements like CAIL to the prominence of bishops and clergy within their ranks, a consequence, he insists, of “the persistence of authoritative, disciplined, ‘church’ tendencies in the American as well as in the English Episcopal tradition. Episcopalianism had never lost touch completely with the medieval dream of society guided and led by the church.”5 One of the standard bearers of what later came to be known as the “institutional church” movement was William Rainsford, who became rector of St. George’s Church in New York City in 1883. Rainsford developed a parish lending

Downtown Pittsburgh’s Trinity Church. Courtesy of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh.

52 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 library and a youth choir that appealed to of Pittsburgh’s first settlement house, dubbed movement that culminated in the merger of working-class children on New York’s East Side, Kingsley House (after Charles Kingsley, the Pittsburgh with Allegheny City in 1907. They and he planned an industrial school and a English social reformer). Settlement workers were the bane of Pittsburgh’s machine gymnasium to be located on church premises. undertook social research, even as the politicians, who dubbed the Episcopal reform In 1892, during the Homestead strike, settlement provided the local community with clique “that damned Calvary crowd.”11 Rainsford came to Pittsburgh to lead a mission. space for clubs and recreational facilities.9 At Trinity Church the institutional model Stopped and searched on a city street by a Kingsley House, in the words of historian Roy was embraced with great fervor after the arrival Carnegie-employed detective, Rainsford was Lubove, “embodied two key aspects of the of Alfred Arundel in 1891. Arundel argued that disturbed to see the families of strikers evicted national settlement movement: religious the parish needed to reach out to those living in from their homes and sitting on the grass verge: idealism and dependence on the social elite for the neighborhood, many of whom would I can still see the pinched despairing funding and support.”10 never have normally entered the doors of the faces of the women, the sullen anger in Only a decade later, Hodges’s disciples had church, particularly residents of the tenements the faces of the men, as they sat home- moved on from settlement work to political on Second and Third avenues. “When our less, night coming on, in the mud…. It reform. Numbered among their ranks was wealthy church members went to the suburbs, was an amazing spectacle. It was not Christian, and it did not look even Henry D.W. English, the founder of the to New York and to Europe,”he explained in his American to me. Next day in the church underwriting firm of English and Furey, who farewell sermon, “I went into this downtown and the theatre I said so, and gave my began his political career preparing voters’ district of our parish to fill the empty pews, reason for saying so.6 guides for candidates for public office. Elected among underpaid and underfed laborers, in One Episcopal clergyman who took note president of the Pittsburgh Chamber of the slums and the tenderloin, I saw the results of Pittsburgh’s prevailing social paradoxes was Commerce in 1905, English supported the of extortionate capitalism—the undue George Hodges, rector of Calvary Church in successful 1906 mayoral campaign of another enrichment of the few and the undeserved East Liberty from 1889 to 1893, who worked Calvary vestryman, George W. Guthrie, who poverty of the many.”12 To this end, Arundel with the pastor of St. Peter and Paul Catholic campaigned on a municipal reform platform. proposed to erect a new parish house. Church to organize musical performances for English also led the drive for improvements in Completed in 1906 at a cost of over $70,000, families living in the tenements of the Point the city’s milk supply and the establishment of the parish house hosted a kindergarten for district.7 While he did not attempt to make a water filtration plant. Together with Guthrie, slum children ages 3 to 6, a gymnasium, a boys’ Calvary an institutional church, as such, he sponsored the Pittsburgh Survey, one of the brigade, and sewing and cooking classes for Hodges was well informed about the social most far-reaching investigations of urban young women. No tests of race or religion were settlement movement that had arisen first in social problems in the early 20th century. Both imposed, as around 300 children of Italian, England and later in Canada and the United men served on the board of Kingsley House Slavic, and Jewish extraction passed through States.8 In 1893 Hodges spearheaded the launch and supported the Greater Pittsburgh the doors of Trinity each week.13

ARUNDELPROPOSEDTOERECTANEWPARISHHOUSE. Completed in 1906 at a cost of over $70,000, the parish house hosted a kindergarten for slum children ages 3 to 6, a gymnasium, a boys’ brigade, and sewing and cooking classes for young women. 300 children of Italian, Slavic, and Jewish extraction passed through the doors of Trinity each week.

WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 53 Such changes did not take place in a with the offer of a severance package of $10,000 Arundel was not a man to leave the stage vacuum, nor were they unopposed. Control of over three years. Arundel later complained that quietly, nor would his friends and admirers the vestry remained in the hands of the social he had never expressed a desire to retire but allow it.A committee of clergy and professional elite, even if the latter no longer resided in the that one vestryman had told him shortly before men from all parts of the city (including city.Headed by H.A. Phillips—agent of Andrew “that the unanimous sentiment of the vestry is Trinity’s organist Thomas Pugh) swung into Mellon—the vestry included such local that my present relation to the parish should action, circulating a 50-page petition urging luminaries as lawyers Stephen McCandless and cease.” On April 17, therefore, the rector of Arundel to withdraw his resignation. They W. R. Blair, millionaire Harry Darlington and Trinity Church offered his “resignation” and it quickly secured some 1,500 signatures, banker Henry Chalfant. The vestry’s support, was accepted.18 It should be noted here that the including those of City Controller E.S. Morrow frequently grudgingly given (several complained vestry of Trinity Church wasted no time in and Rabbi Leonard Levy of Rodeph Shalom.20 that the slum children would bring smallpox blocking access to groups of whose views they In his departing sermon on November 22, and scarlet fever into the church), could always disapproved. In January 1912, the local chapter Arundel could not resist a dig at those ousting be rescinded. Opposition remained muted, of the Christian Socialist Fellowship asked leave him:“I do not approve of the vestry of a church however, until 1909, when Arundel became to continue to meet at Trinity. “Our meetings being limited to the wealthy,” he told a packed more outspoken in his views and embraced an have attracted many persons who for church, whose pews had been liberally filled explicitly Christian Socialist idiom.14 numerous reasons have become estranged with socialist pamphlets, “nor do I approve a Not only did Arundel alienate leaders of from “The Church,” the Fellowship’s secretary bishop being selected from one of the first the corporation of Trinity Church, but he also explained, “as well as the regular Church families.” (What Bishop Whitehead made of compromised his relationship with his attendants of all Faiths, even including that of this from his seat in the body of congregation ecclesiastical superior, Bishop Cortlandt the Catholic.”The vestry declined to renew the can only be imagined.) “Some of the most Whitehead, who had been in office since 1882. arrangement (though insisting that in so doing successful business men attending our Arundel’s allies later claimed that the rector’s it desired “to be understood as not wishing to churches will honestly regard you as a opposition to the bishop’s plans to make show any discourtesy to the organization.”).19 pestilential nuisance if you interfere with the Trinity a cathedral and his diocesan headquarters had compromised their relationship. He suffered further episcopal rebukes for delivering a Thanksgiving address at Rodeph Shalom synagogue in 1909, and A committee of clergy and professional ignoring the Bishop’s instruction not to hold a meeting of the Associated Charities of men circulated a petition urging Arundel Pittsburgh at Trinity in 1910.15 That same year, Arundel initiated a series of Sunday evening to withdraw his discussions on such topics as “The Morals of the Wage System,” “The Aim of Twentieth Century Charity,” and “Prevention of Non- resignation. THEY Employment.”16 Infuriated by such manifestations of social QUICKLYSECURED activism, the vestry ruthlessly sought to reduce or eliminate Arundel’s funds for mission work SOME 1,500 and otherwise hamstrung his attempts to fund a parish secretary and staff for the new SIGNATURES, recreational and educational facilities, obliging him to appeal to the wider parish for INCLUDINGRABBI supplemental assistance.17 In April 1911, while Arundel was away from Pittsburgh, vestry LEONARDLEVY. members resolved to “accept” his resignation,

Social activist Rabbi Leonard Levy lived near Schenley Park in Pittsburgh and 54 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 served at Rodeph Shalom Temple. HC L&A F159.25, p. 22. things they have taken for granted all through their careers. For there is no lie so difficult to meet as the lie which highly respectable people have come to regard as the truth.”21 Although absent from Pittsburgh, Arundel remained in contact with Bishop Whitehead, from whom he continued to request the right to return to the city and establish an ecclesiastical laboratory in which to do for Pittsburgh what William Rainsford had done for New York. Increasingly he urged upon the Bishop the desirability of taking in hand the South Side parish of St. Mark’s, a former daughter church of Trinity.22 Arundel took comfort from the generally advanced position adopted by his former diocese on social questions. At the 1911 convention of the Diocese of Pittsburgh, a committee assigned to investigate the Irwin Coal Strike in Westmoreland County had proposed the creation of a standing committee on social service, something endorsed both by the bishop and by convention delegates.23 In early 1912, even as Trinity’s vestry voted to dispense with their rector’s services, the Bishop preached a sermon calling on the people of Pittsburgh to This Jones & Laughlin rolling mill crew posing make a choice“between Barabbas and Christ— c. 1906, are representative of the workers between bossism and political chicanery and Arundel tried to recruit into his pews. HC L&A, MSP33.B005.F24.I02 clear, clean upright administration.”24 Later that year, a committee of Episcopal clergy and laity urged support for the Pittsburgh Plan—a set of civic improvements recommended by urban planner Frederick Law Olmstead for the Pittsburgh industrial district—and invited the ARUNDELARGUEDTHATTHEPARISH citizenry to “unite as one man, and defeat, if possible, the unrighteous manipulations and NEEDEDTOREACHOUTTOTHOSE machinations of the selfish problems whose mis-called ‘interests’ are at stake.”25 LIVINGINTHENEIGHBORHOOD, What inspired Arundel with such conviction as to the Social Gospel potential of St. many of whom would never have normally Mark’s Church? Founded in 1853, the roll call of the parish’s founders included representatives of entered the doors of the church, such illustrious Pittsburgh dynasties as the Brunot, Burgwin, Ormsby, and Phillips families, particularly residents of the tenements yet the parish was no Trinity, even as Birmingham and the South Side were socially on Second and Third avenues.

WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 55 The vestry’s grudgingly given support could always be rescinded. SEVERALCOMPLAINEDTHATTHE SLUMCHILDRENWOULDBRINGSMALLPOXAND SCARLETFEVERINTOTHECHURCH.

George McCandless was a senior warden at Trinity in 1911. HC L&A.

far removed from Downtown Pittsburgh. In know[n] that the Vestry of Trinity Church are of support to the congregation, many of them 1859, St. Mark’s became a free church supported sustaining their former Rector for the current financial in nature. One member of Trinity by subscription (rather than through pew rents), year and the next two years.”33 reportedly pledged to cover the expense of but financial problems would continually recur In mid-July, Arundel came to Pittsburgh repainting the church and parish house, while in subsequent decades.26 Even before the and invited Whitehead to meet with him at Trinity’s former organist, Thomas Pugh, institutional church had come to full flower, St. St. Mark’s. When the Bishop arrived, it was became the parish’s new music director.36 Mark’s had organized a workingmen’s club.27 to find also present the junior and senior Arrangements were made for a reception On June 8, 1888, the foundation stone of a two- wardens of the congregation—C.P. Bowman to welcome the new incumbent, but St. Mark’s story parish guild house—complete with and Frederick Gretton—and he indignantly proved too small for the numbers who gymnasium—was laid.28 The parish entertained declined to discuss the matter further. The expressed interest in attending. Initially, the requests for use of its facilities from the Schubert following month, rumors circulated that pastor of nearby St. Paul’s Lutheran Church Male Choir, the Good Templars (a temperance Whitehead planned to bring up his former offered his facilities, but when conservatives at organization), a woman who wished to open a presbyter on heresy charges relating to St. Paul’s protested the inclusion of Rabbi morning kindergarten, and the otherwise Arundel’s expressed theology on the possibility Leonard Levy of Rodeph Shalom as a speaker, unidentified Birmingham Conclave.29 In 1902, of salvation for those who died unforgiven; his the event was relocated to the local Odd Fellows St. Mark’s was reported to be offering a night confusion of Christian sociology with political Hall.“Our church doors will be open to any and school to the wider community.30 Socialism; and a popular sermon that he had all classes,” declared junior warden Frederick Under pressure from the Bishop to sell delivered titled, “Some Call It Evolution, While Gretton. “Rich and poor alike will be welcome, their property and move to the suburbs, the Others Call It God.”34 Despite the gathering especially the poor.Dr.Arundel is not politically vestry of St. Mark’s elected Arundel as their storm clouds, Arundel continued to insist that a Socialist but he calls himself a Christian rector in June 1912, notwithstanding the fact he would take up residence in October. “I have Socialist and preaches the gospel that ‘I am my that a Pittsburgh clergyman was already looking heard you say that the weaker parishes need brother’s keeper.’ Our aim will be Christian after the affairs of the parish.31 Bishop men of experience,” he told the Bishop, “who democracy and the favor with which the plan is Whitehead immediately declared that St. Mark’s should be willing to make some financial being received is attested to by the prominent could not call a new rector while the old one sacrifice. This seems to be such an opportunity clergy of all denominations in Pittsburgh whose was still in place, leading the vestry to request and I should like your countenance in making names appear on the program for next that the present incumbent be removed.32 When the venture.”35 Parishioners refused to be cowed Thursday night.”37 At the October 3 reception, Whitehead declined to comply, the vestrymen by episcopal opposition. When the Bishop the 1,500 attendees included clerical social defiantly went ahead and reelected Arundel to withdrew clergy support, the junior and senior activists like Rabbi Levy, John Stilli of the First the rectorship on July 6. This time the Bishop wardens responded by leading the services Evangelical Protestant Church, and William was not slow to reply. “[It] appears that the themselves; they hailed an immediate increase Prosser of Ames Methodist Episcopal Church in Vestry is content to transfer its dependence in attendance as vindication of their new Hazelwood. Also present were many of the new from the Diocese, and to make St. Mark’s strategy. With Arundel scheduled to arrive in rector’s former parishioners at Trinity and those virtually a mission and appendage of Trinity, Pittsburgh at the beginning of October, his of his fellow Episcopal clergy willing to brave Pittsburgh,” he complained, “for it is well former acquaintances began to extend pledges their Bishop’s wrath.38

56 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 Arundel emerged from the reception with pledged, “and its propaganda advanced as Magna Charta of Socialism,” in which he a new sense of purpose.“My heretic actions,”he much as we are able.”40 condemned “the substance of slavery” in a told the press, “consisted in disregarding [the Socialism, whether Christian or supposedly free society and emphasized the Bishop’s] advice regarding the acceptance of a otherwise, dominated Pittsburgh’s political need to strengthen the bonds of a common pulpit that by charter and property ownership scene in the fall of 1912. In August, Pittsburgh humanity, which many had still to accept. has the right to fill its own pulpit as it pleases. was gripped by free speech demonstrations “Theology has confined [this principle] to the Of course, the fact that I have seen fit to go sponsored by the Socialist Party in Homestead elect,”he explained “and political economy has counter to the bishop’s wishes in this matter and Homewood that ended in police arrests.41 taken the cue from theology.”43 may have aggravated him, and may cause some October saw visits from the apostle of the As the November elections drew near and unpleasantness.”Members of the congregation British labor movement, Keir Hardie, and the excitement surrounding the Theodore were warm in their enthusiasm for Arundel’s perennial Socialist presidential candidate Roosevelt insurgency reached fever pitch, stand. A South Side physician whose wife was Eugene Debs.42 Arundel echoed many of their reports from the Bull Moose national active at St. Mark’s admitted that Arundel’s arguments in an October 13 sermon titled“The convention revealed the alliance of social style of leadership inspired him to greater involvement in parish work. His spouse was even blunter about her parish’s autonomy. “St. Mark’s Church,” she declared in words that have an oddly contemporary ring, “was almost a dead issue and found it necessary to accept aid from another church.”She continued: It seems now that it has a new lease of life, but whether or not we are to contin- ue as Episcopalians is something no one seems to know. We hear that the bishop is vowing vengeance against Dr. Arundel for coming here, and against us for bringing him. If he throws us out of the diocese I suppose we will have to go along as a church without a head. But you can depend upon this, the majority of those who have worked and fought for this church will stay right with it, no matter what happens.39 Details soon emerged of Arundel’s plans for St. Mark’s. A campaign to raise $25,000 formed a centerpiece of the program, the A letter of denial for requested services from the Trinity money to be used to double the size of the Church sent to a Pittsburgh Christian Socialist group. guild house as a temporary facility for the Courtesy of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh. congregation while a new church was erected. Such a new church was essential, Arundel “… it is deemed inexpedient to permit use explained, because he expected to welcome over 300 new members by Easter. The men’s of Parish-house as requested, and in doing guild would be reorganized with the addition of two new committees, one to establish a so VESTRYDESIRESTOBEUNDERSTOOD forum with residents of the South Side and one to teach the principles of Christian ASNOTWISHINGTOSHOWANY Socialism. “We are going to have Christian Socialism taught in this church,” the rector DISCOURTESYTOTHEORGANIZATION.”

WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 57 St. Mark’s Church and Guild House, South Side, 1880s. Courtesy of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh.

ARUNDELCONTINUEDTOREQUESTTHERIGHTTORETURNTO THECITYANDESTABLISHANECCLESIASTICALLABORATORY in which to do for Pittsburgh what William Rainsford had done for New York. He urged upon the Bishop the desirability of taking in hand the South Side parish of St. Mark’s, a former daughter church of Trinity.

58 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 reformers who stood behind the ex-president. communities of their hard earnings and when the city because he preached the Gospel of Roosevelt’s reformist speeches, too, were laced the whirlwind excitement is over, leaves men Socialism.” He demanded that Arundel make with quasi-revivalist rhetoric.44 Some of wondering what it was all about.”47 public his revised opinion and sorrow for Arundel’s associates delivered pre-election Increasingly, Arundel’s pastoral teaching disturbing the peace of the diocese.53 sermons that touched upon the issue without came to be marked by as great a commitment For Cortlandt Whitehead, the Arundel giving a specific endorsement. “[The] issues to to secular Socialism as to its Christian Affair had exposed him to the ignominy of receive our attention next Tuesday are religious counterpart.“It is not claimed that Socialism is sitting relatively silent while a priest of his matters in the best sense of the term,” Rabbi the whole of the Gospel,”he declared, diocese pursued an agenda in defiance of the Levy told his flock. At Ames Methodist The rector’s series on“Socialism as a Moral Bishop’s prohibitions. While St. Mark’s Church Episcopal, William Prosser was more specific, and Religious Force,” also prompted some did make a formal gesture of submission, though his formula would have served as well interesting observations. “Socialism guides far apologizing to the bishop and asking to be taken for advocates of the New Nationalism, the New better than the Bible,” he told his listeners, back under his care,54 the Bishop soon found it Freedom, or Eugene Debs.“The power is in the “because it makes a man cleaner in his daily life necessary to remove the Reverend Edward wrong place,” he concluded. “We need a by holding up a constant example before him.A Golden, whom he had placed at St. Mark’s in readjustment, a new system that will bring strife supposed Christian will not lift his hand to right succession to Arundel, first to mission work at to an end and put all classes on the same basis.”45 an economic wrong but a supposed atheistical Wilmerding and Latrobe and then even from If Arundel had election eve advice for his Socialist will endanger his daily bread for his that office. The reason, according to the Iron parishioners, the press did not report it. Politics cause.” Such statements prompted public City Socialist, was that representations had been was not the only subject to inspire heated protests to Bishop Whitehead, and did nothing made by the Westinghouse Company regarding debate, however. Throughout the fall of 1912, to warm him to the rector of St. Mark’s.49 Golden’s pronouncements. Such moves, the various Protestant churches pursued Alfred Arundel would ultimately fail to Socialist periodical went on to explain, stood in evangelism through revivals, which carried a secure a place in the roster of those who had sharp contrast to the expressions of sympathy very different message of conversion and successfully established institutional churches. made by high church Episcopalians (among reform to that preached by Eugene Debs. Failing health and tensions within the whom Whitehead professed to number Perhaps their greatest success came in congregation combined to bring about his himself) for the ideals of Socialism, most McKeesport, where over 6,500 conversions were resignation in March 1913, after only five notably at the General Convention of 1912. The reported, the most spectacular of them being months in office.50 In one of his last sermons, only plausible explanation was that the Bishop the newly elected mayor, an agnostic doctor, he lambasted the subjugation of employers to wished to propitiate conservative low who then announced that he would now the iron law of the market that led them to treat churchmen in his diocese whom he needed to conduct his administration in line with certain their employees as commodities: fund his pet project of a diocesan cathedral.55 proposals unanimously endorsed at that Because men want good wages and Whitehead was not the only ecclesiastical meeting, including the closing of local brothels, short hours, things which every employ- authority to suffer from such problems. In er would want if positions were the abolition of gambling, and a significant September 1913, William Prosser of Ames reversed, it is to the interest of the reduction in the saloon trade. Interestingly, he employer to work them to the limit; it is Methodist Episcopal renounced his pastorate still defended his decision in terms of to his interest not only to use the man because of what he claimed was undue pressure Progressive orthodoxy. He believed, he said, in who works for him but “to use him up.” exerted by wealthy members of his the principles of initiative, referendum, and And so our plants are “speeded” to the congregation. Unlike Arundel, Prosser—who recall, and since the 10,000 men and women utmost and all sorts of experiments are had attended the reception to welcome Arundel resorted to in order to “set the pace.”51 present represented about three-quarters of only a year earlier—announced plans for the One month later, from New York, Arundel McKeesport’s population, the revival meeting establishment of a Christian Socialist Church, a wrote to Whitehead admitting that the Bishop was the closest equivalent of a town meeting movement that was taking shape in other cities had been correct with regard to the that one could devise.46 Arundel had little and in which Arundel was continuing to play a impossibility of the project.52 Whitehead patience with such revivalism. In a sermon that prominent role.56 In the postwar world a responded by complaining that he had recently criticized church life as “pitiable,” he also generation of socially conscious clergy would been denounced by a “Socialistic street orator” poured scorn on the “brass band methods of a pass out of the Protestant mainline churches as “that whited sepulcher of a Bishop who professional revivalism that drains small into a variety of secular reform organizations. drove a devoted clergyman from his pulpit and

WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 59 Bishop Cortlandt Whitehead in his office. HCL&A.

Although in many ways a footnote to In the final analysis, Alfred Arundel had (Harrisburg, 1999), 83-148. The classic fictional account of the ethnic subculture is Thomas Bell, Out of Pittsburgh’s history, the Arundel Affair does sufficient attachment to his cause as not to This Furnace. (Boston: 1941). provide some insights into the world of reform place too much reliance in any one institution, 3 See Henry F. May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America. (New York, 1963), Charles H. Hopkins, The politics and the role that the churches played however precious.“We know from experience,” Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism, within it. First, Alfred Arundel was far from he declared in 1913, “that social instincts 1865-1915. (New Haven, CT, 1967); David B. Danbom, “The World of Hope”: Progressives and the being the lonely prophet preaching reform that among men call for organization of religious Struggle for an Ethical Public Life. (Philadelphia, he frequently perceived himself to be. From sentiments. Suppose we put men on notice that 1987); Donald K. Gorrell, The Age of Social Responsibility: The Social Gospel in the Progressive Bishop Whitehead downwards, many the churches of today will not meet their social Era, 1900-1920. (Macon, GA, 1988); Donovan E. Episcopalians embraced the Progressive cause, standards. What will result? Inevitably new Smucker, The Origins of Walter Rauschenbusch’s Social Ethics. (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s but most felt little sympathy for joining in churches will spring up as new political parties University, 1994); Wilson C. McWilliams, “Standing at some large pan-Protestant reform initiative. have sprung up to satisfy these needs. And isn’t Armageddon: Morality and Religion in Progressive Thought.” Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur, eds., Radicals like Arundel were, at one level, far it much better that a great Church with a Progressivism and the New Democracy. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999), 103-25. more ‘American’ in their outlook than many of historic background and a rich history, be put 4 Keith A. Zahniser, Steel City Gospel: Protestant Laity their fellow churchmen (far more open, for into this service rather than that this field be and Reform in Progressive Pittsburgh. (New York, example, to ecumenical Protestantism), but surrendered to a new and nondescript 2005). 5 their views of the social order were so greatly at ecclesiastical growth!”57 May, Protestant Churches, 176-87 (quotation on 186). 6 Rainsford, Story of a Varied Life, 323-24 (quotation on variance with those of ordinary churchmen as 324). Jeremy Bonner received his Ph.D. from the to make the marketability of their ideas to the 7 Julia S. Hodges, George Hodges: A Biography. (New wider society difficult if not impossible. The Catholic University of America. He is the York, 1926), 60-107. author of The Road to Renewal: Victor Joseph 8 Arundel Affair also demonstrates that On the settlement movement see Phillips, A Kingdom Reed and Oklahoma Catholicism (2008) and on Earth, 99-104. For an example of the American experience of settlement work, see Jane Addams, independent parishes could—and did—defy Called Out of Darkness Into Marvelous Light: A Twenty Years at Hull-House: With Autobiographical their bishops, with varying degrees of success. History of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh, Notes. (New York, 1910). If they had significant resources, there was little 1750-2006 (2009). 9 Hodges, George Hodges, 108-14. 1 Pittsburgh Post, July 16, 1912. a bishop could do to coerce them. The power of 10 Roy Lubove, “Pittsburgh and the Uses of Social Welfare 2 an individual congregation could be used—as See Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880- History,” in Samuel P. Hays, City at the Point: Essays 1892: Politics, Culture and Steel. (Pittsburgh, 1992); on the Social History of Pittsburgh. (Pittsburgh, at Trinity—to displace a champion of the Kenneth Warren, Triumphant Capitalism: Henry Clay 1989), 308. Frick and the Industrial Transformation of America. 11 Church News, February 1910; History of Pittsburgh working classes, but it could equally be (Pittsburgh, 1996); Perry K. Blatz, “Titanic Struggles, and Environs (New York, 1922), Vol. 3, 847-51; Vol. 4, 1873-1916.” in Howard Harris, ed., Keystone of employed at—as at St. Mark’s—to defend him. 239-40; John F. Bauman and Margaret Spratt, “Civic Democracy: A History of Pennsylvania Workers.

60 WESTERNPENNSYLVANIA HISTORY | S U M M E R 2 0 0 9 Rumors circulated that Whitehead planned to bring up his former presbyter on heresy charges relating to Arundel’s expressed theology on the possibility of salvation for those who died unforgiven; his confusion of Christian sociology with political Socialism; and a popular sermon that he had delivered titled, “SOMECALLITEVOLUTION, WHILEOTHERSCALLITGOD.”

Leaders and Environmental Reform: The Pittsburgh 1889-1943. (Pittsburgh, 2006). 42 Pittsburgh Post, October 7, 25, 1912. Survey and Urban Planning,” in Maurice W. Greenwald 26 St. Mark’s Church, Birmingham, Vestry Minutes 43 Pittsburgh Post, October 14, 1912. and Margo Anderson, eds., Pittsburgh Surveyed: Social (hereafter SMC-VM), Mid-June, 1859, June 1864, Science and Social Reform in the Early Twentieth 44 Lloyd M. Abertnethy, “The Progressive Campaign in November 12, 1873, September 22, 1881, RG1/3.2, Century. (Pittsburgh, 1996), 153-69. Pennsylvania, 1912.” Pennsylvania History 29 (April Box 1PR, EDP. In 1890, the church was, for a period, 1962): 175-92. The Progressive vote in Allegheny 12 North American, November 23, 1911. unable to pay its organist. SMC-VM, March 24, 1890. County represented a considerable proportion of the Sadly, there are no surviving vestry minutes for St. 13 North American, November 23, 1911; Trinity Church- margin by which Theodore Roosevelt carried the state Mark’s between 1897 and 1920. Vestry Minutes (TC-VM), April 30, 1906; Alfred Arundel and Eugene Debs almost doubled the Socialist vote. to Edward T. Dravo, October 15, 1907, RG3/2.2, Box 27 SMC-VM, October 14, 1882, January 13, 1883. Pittsburgh Post, November 7, 1912. 3T, Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh (EDP); Helen L. 28 SMC-VM, July 8, 1888; History of St. Mark’s Protestant 45 Pittsburgh Post, November 4, 1912. Harriss, Trinity and Pittsburgh: The History of Trinity Episcopal Church, n.d., RG1/1.15, Box 15PP, EDP. Cathedral. (Pittsburgh, 1999), 83-87, 99-104. 46 Pittsburgh Post, December 19, 1912. 29 SMC-VM, March 25, 1893, May 19, 1894, October 6, 47 14 North American, November 23, 1911. Pittsburgh Post, November 18, 1912. 1894, January 14, 1897. 48 15 Unidentified newspaper clipping, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. Pittsburgh Post, November 25, 1912. 30 Church News, April 1902. 49 16 Church News, November 1910. See the mounted, undated clipping subscribed “If the 31 George P. Robinson to Cortlandt Whitehead, June 15, Protestant Episcopal Church is CATHOLIC as it claims 17 North American, November 23, 1911; Alfred Arundel 1912, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. For evidence that to be why does not it discipline this heretic?” RG3/2.2, to “Members and Friends of Trinity Parish,” March 8, Whitehead sought a sale of the property, see Box 3T, EDP. 1910, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. unidentified newspaper clipping, August 26, 1912, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. 50 Alfred Arundel to Cortlandt Whitehead, March 7, 1913, 18 TC-VM, April 4, 11, 17, 1911; Alfred Arundel to the RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. Vestry of Trinity Parish, April 7, 1911, Alfred Arundel to 32 Cortlandt Whitehead to George P. Robinson, June 19, Edward T. Dravo, September 1, 1911, RG3/2.2, Box 1912, Robinson to Whitehead, June 22, 1912, 51 Pittsburgh Post, February 3, 1912. 3T, EDP. RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. 52 Alfred Arundel to Cortlandt Whitehead, April 28, 1913, 19 Bessie M. Womsley to Southard Hay, January 1, 1912, 33 George P. Robinson to Cortlandt Whitehead, July 6, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. Hay to Womsley, January 4, 1912, Womsley to Hay, 1912, Whitehead to Robinson, July 9, 1911, RG3/2.2, 53 Cortlandt Whitehead to Alfred Arundel, May 1, 1913, January 13, 1912, Hay to Womsley, January 31, 1912, Box 3T, EDP. RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP.

RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. 34 Unidentified newspaper clipping, August 26, 1912. 54 Vestry of St. Mark’s, Pittsburgh, to Cortlandt Whitehead, 20 Pittsburgh Daily Dispatch, November 7, 1911. 35 George P. Robinson to Cortlandt Whitehead, August 3, June 10, 1913, RG2/2.2, Box 3BP, EDP. 21 Pittsburgh Gazette-Times, November 22, 1911; 1912, Revd. Alfred W. Arundel to Cortlandt Whitehead, 55 Iron City Socialist, n.d. (1913), clipping in RG3/2.2, Pittsburgh Chronicle Telegraph, November 22, 1911. September 7, 1912, RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. Box 3T, EDP.

22 36 Cortlandt Whitehead to Alfred Arundel, March 12, Unidentified newspaper clipping, September 1912. 56 Unidentified newspaper clippings, September 30, 1912, Arundel to Whitehead, March 15, 1912, 37 Pittsburgh Post, September 29, 1912. 1913. RG3/2.2, Box 3T, EDP. 57 38 Pittsburgh Post, October 4, 1912; unidentified Unidentified newspaper clipping, 1913. 23 Convention Journal, May 17-18, 1911, 86-93, 147-148. newspaper clipping, October 1912. 24 The text of this Lenten sermon can be found in The 39 Pittsburgh Post, October 5, 1912. Parish Directory, 8-10, RG2/2.2, Box 3BP, EDP. 40 Unidentified newspaper clipping, November 8, 1912. 25 Church News, June 1911. For the context of the Pittsburgh Plan, see John F. Bauman and Edward K. 41 Pittsburgh Post, August 4, August 11, 1912. Muller, Before Renaissance: Planning in Pittsburgh,

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