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Consociationalism in Iraq After 2003
Consociationalism in Iraq after 2003 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics and International Relations School of Politics, Economics and International Relations Ibrahim Aziz September 2017 Abstract This thesis explores whether Iraq was a consociational democracy both formally as well as in practice from 2003 to 2014. Consociational theories suggest that democracies that encompass the consociational principles of proportional representation, autonomy, power sharing government, and the protection of key community interests by mutual veto provisions are more stable. Consequently, consociational principles have frequently been promoted in conflict-affected environments, including in Iraq. The thesis examines how and to what extent each of these elements is reflected in the constitution, and in government practice in Iraq. The analysis is divided chronologically into three parts: the US-led occupation and drafting of the constitution (2003 – 2005), the first election and the continued US military presence (2005-2010), and the period after the second election and the withdrawal of coalition forces (2010-2014). The thesis examines the consociational character of Iraq’s institutions and the degree of its implementation in the period in question through the analysis of key legal texts, and process tracing informed by primary documentary and news sources, as well as extensive elite interviews. On the basis of this empirical investigation, it finds four things. First, consociationalism is only partially reflected in the formal, constitutional provisions for Iraq’s governing institutions. Important practices, such as power sharing, have no constitutional basis in Iraq, and are at best implicit. Despite this, they are at times a prominent aspect of governance practice in Iraq, but at other times (e.g. -
Iraq Moving Closer Into Iran´S Orbit
Iraq moving closer into Iran’s orbit Iraq moving closer into Iran’s orbit BITTE HAMMARGREN BITTE HAMMARGREN Karta Shutterstock FOI Memo 7024 February 2020 FOI Memo 7024 February 2020 Bild framsida: Karta Shutterstock FOI MEMO Projekt/Project Sidnr/Page no Asien och Mellanöstern 1 (27) Projektnummer/Project no Kund/Customer A112003 Försvarsdeparementet FoT-område Inget FoT-område Handläggare/Our reference Datum/Date Memo nummer/Number Bitte Hammargren 2020-02-11 FOI Memo 7024 Iraq moving closer into Iran’s orbit Sändlista/Distribution Inom FOI: Försvarsanalys, ledning Lars Höstbeck Säkerhetspolitik Mike Winnerstig Säkerhetspolitik Samuel Bergenwall Internationella avdelningen Eva Dalberg Externa mottagare Myndighet/Avd Mottagare Fö SI Fö SI (gruppledare Euro-atlantiska gruppen, handläggare Asien) FBA FBA:s enhet för konfliktprevention, fredsbyggnad och samhällsstyrning MSB Operativa avdelningen UD-FN UD-FN UD-MENA UD-Mena Ambassaden Bagdad Ambassaden Teheran Ambassaden Washington Statsrådsberedningen Statsrådsberedningen ISP ISP MUST MUST SÄPO SÄPO FRA FRA FOI MEMO Datum/Date Sidnr/Page no 2020-02-11 2 (27) Titel/Title Memo nummer/Number Iraq moving closer into Iran’s orbit FOI Memo 7024 FOI MEMO Datum/Date Sidnr/Page no 2020-02-11 3 (27) Titel/Title Memo nummer/Number Iraq moving closer into Iran’s orbit FOI Memo 7024 Major findings Iraq has been moving closer to Iran’s orbit since the ousting of Saddam Hussein in 2003, a trend that the United States has been unable to break. Washington’s sway over Iraq weakens further as a consequence of Iraq’s refusal to host U.S troops who withdrew from Syria, which was followed by a non-binding resolution in parliament calling for a withdrawal of U.S. -
Iraq's SUNNIS in Crisis
May 2013 Stephen Wicken MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 11 IRAQ’S SUNNIS IN CRISIS Cover Photo: Demonstrating the diversity of the anti-government group, a Sunni politician delivered remarks, 18 February 2011. (Photo: Al Jazeera English) All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2013 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2013 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 Washington, DC 20036. http://www.understandingwar.org Stephen Wicken MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 11 IRAQ’S SUNNIS IN CRISIS ABOUT THE AUTHOR Stephen Wicken is a Research Analyst at ISW, where he focuses in politics, security, and strategy in Iraq and the Persian Gulf. He has conducted extensive research on postwar reconstruction, transitional justice, and the laws and customs of war, and has previously published work on issues of identity and human rights in the Middle East. Wicken, from Canterbury, England, holds degrees in Politics from the University of Cambridge, International Relations from Yale University, and History from Brown University, where he conducted doctoral work. Prior to joining ISW, he served as a Teaching Fellow in Comparative Foreign Policy at Yale University, where he also worked with the Genocide Studies Program. He subsequently taught modern history at Brown University before working on disaster relief and development in Haiti. -
Iraqi Shi'a Islamist Parties' Responses to the Protest
1 Author Kamaran M. Palani Date 10 July 2020 IRAQI SHI’A ISLAMIST PARTIES’ RESPONSES TO THE PROTEST MOVEMENT POLITICAL ISLAM MOVEMENTS IN THE SECOND WAVE OF ARAB UPRISINGS Contents INTRODUCTION 3 MAPPING THE SHI’A ISLAMIST PARTIES AND GROUPS 4 SHI’A ISLAMISTS’ RESPONSES TO THE PROTEST MOVEMENT 5 IMPLICATIONS FOR IRAQ’S POLITICAL SYSTEM AND STABILITY 8 CONCLUSION 11 ENDNOTES 12 ABOUT THE AUTHOR 13 ABOUT AL SHARQ STRATEGIC RESEARCH 13 Iraqi Shi’a Islamist parties’ responses to the protest movement 3 Introduction Since October 2019, mass demonstrations have been held in Iraq demanding better living conditions, independence from regional and global powers, an end to corruption and eventually the downfall of the entire political system in place in Iraq since the 2003 US-led invasion. The protesters are mostly Shi’a youth, students and civil society activists from the majority-Shi’a provinces of Baghdad, Basra, Najaf, Karbala and Nasiriyah. Since the protests began, nearly 700 people have been killed, and over 30,000 injured,1 the vast majority of whom are from the Shi’ite community.2 In this context, Shi’a Islamist parties have viewed the protest movement as an existential threat to their power, mainly because of the protests’ rejection of a system which Shi’a Islamist parties have played a significant role in both creating and maintaining. For this reason, with the exception of the Sadrist Movement (as explained below), Shi’a Islamists’ interests have been in complete conflict with the demands of the protests. Iraqi Shi’a Islamist parties’ responses to the protest movement Mapping the Shi’a Islamist parties and groups In addition to Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who is “revered by all parties as 4 a higher moral guide and sometimes as the ultimate informal authority”,3 there are six groups or leaders who exert significant influence over Iraqi Shi’a politics. -
Iraq in the 2020'S
Iraq in the 2020’s: Stable Union or Balkanized States? The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Strovers, Darrell. 2020. Iraq in the 2020’s: Stable Union or Balkanized States?. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37365640 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Iraq in the 2020s: Stable Union or Balkanized States? Darrell Strovers A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University November 2020 © 2020 Darrell Strovers Abstract Rife with sectarian division in a contentious region, and at the center of numerous global conflicts, the nation of Iraq is a geopolitical paradox in many ways. This paper examines modern-day Iraq on local, regional, and international levels while also exploring the question of whether the struggling country is destined to remain a single nation or would be more viable if split into two or even three separate states. After thorough analysis of each possible outcome, I conclude that a two-state solution is the most stable option, in which Iraqi Kurdistan secedes from the rest of the country, and rival Sunni- and Shi’a-majority regions reunite under new government leadership. Table of Contents List of Figures ..................................................................................................................