To Joseph Abraham Levi, Mihoko and Maria de Deus Manso THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) _ The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) _ The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Lúcio de Sousa

Consultant: Prof. Jin Guo Ping Paleographic Transcription: Lúcio de Sousa Paleographic Revision: Prof. Leoncio Cabrero Fernández Translation: Joseph Abraham Levi, António Barrento, Sarah Vyse, Jiang Wei

2010 Title : THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) _ The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Publisher : Macao Foundation (E-mail : [email protected])

Author : Lúcio de Sousa

Consultant : Jin Guo Ping

Paleographic Transcription : Lúcio de Sousa

Paleographic Revision : Leoncio Cabrero Fernández

Translation : Joseph Abraham Levi, António Barrento, Sarah Vyse, Jiang Wei

Cover Design : Lee Ya

Printers : Tipografia Ka Va

Retail Price : MOP 120.00

ISBN : 978-99937-1-056-1

Print Run : 500 copies

Edition : First

Publication Date : December 2010

© All rights reserved. Reproduction prohibited. CONTENTS I CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 1 PART I- LANDEIRO AND MACAU...... 13 His Arrival in India ...... 15 His Arrival in Macau ...... 17 The Macau Trade ...... 19 Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan ...... 23 Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates ...... 31 Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez...... 39 The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau...... 49 Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin ...... 63 The Commercial Agreement between Sebastião Jorge de Moxar and Manila...... 75 The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period ...... 81 Friar Domingo Salazar’s Inquiry ...... 81 The Witnesses of the Inquiry on Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition ...... 85 The Chinese Fleets and the First Portuguese of Macau...... 86 The Mystery of Manuel Travassos’s Carrack ...... 89 Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Galleon of Manila ...... 93 Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Help to the Governor of the Philippines ...... 99 Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Aid to the Governor of the Philippines, Doctor Santiago de Vera ...... 105 Vicente Landeiro and the Arrival of the First Spaniards in Japan ...... 109 Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Military Expedition to the Molucca Islands ...... 115 Bartolomeu Landeiro: the End of the King of the Portuguese ...... 121 João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain...... 123 Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau...... 133 CONCLUSION ...... 143 II CONTENTS

PART II- DOCUMENTS CONCERNING THE EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1555-1586 ...... 155

Document 1 Letter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583. Information about Macau, China and Taiwan, 19 April, 1583...... 159

Document 2 Information on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April, 1583 ...... 211

Document 3 Information on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 ...... 245

APPENDIX ...... 313 Ouvidors (judicial magistrates) of Macau 1582-1589 ...... 315 List of the Kings of Portugal, 1557-1614...... 315 Viceroys and Governors of the State of India, 1568-1619 ...... 316 Governors of the Philippines, 1569-1616 ...... 317 List of the Captains General of Macau, 1557-1615 ...... 317 List of Military Chiefs of Japan, 1573-1623...... 319 List of Popes, 1572-1621 ...... 319 List of Superior Generals of the Society of Jesus, 1565-1615 ...... 320 List of Visitors of the Society of Jesus (China and Japan), 1574-1619 ...... 320 List of the Nagasaki Governors/Bugyō, 1587-1615 ...... 320 List of the Procurators in Japan, 1563-1618 ...... 320 List of the Heads of Mission of the Society of Jesus in Japan, 1549-1617 ...... 321 List of Bishops (Macau), 1568-1623 ...... 321 List of the Archbishops of Manila, 1581-1616 ...... 322 List of the Bishops of Japan, 1576-1614...... 322 List of the Viceroys of New Spain, 1568-1614 ...... 322

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 325 INTRODUCTION 1

INTRODUCTION

1. Conceptual Framework The earliest contacts between the Portuguese and China seem to have occurred with the conquest of Malacca in 1511 and, later, with the first Portuguese embassy to the Emperor headed by Tomé Pires. These were followed by the first temporary settlements in China and the consequent expulsion of the Portuguese from Liampó (Ningbo). Tomé Pires’s Suma Oriental and Francisco Rodrigues’s book1 perfectly enlighten the situation experienced by the Portuguese in the region, as well as their thwarted attempts to penetrate the territory of China. Some occasional sources, such as Algumas cousas sabidas da China, by Galiote Pereira 2 , also help us reconstruct the Asian trade network as well as the way Europeans utilized it and actually appropriated part of it. This period was also signalled by a very relevant event, the journeying of the Portuguese to Japan on Chinese vessels. The second period of European presence in Asia was characterized by the presence of Portuguese, Spanish and Italians in Macau (1553-1557). For this phase, the book Peregrinação by Fernão Mendes Pinto 3 ― essentially a travel narrative, where real facts and non-real elements co-exist ― is of crucial importance. In my view, its main value lies not in its historiographical accuracy, but rather, its detailed description of Indian and Chinese seas. This book does not contest the thesis upheld by Anthony Reid4, according to whom economic competition in the Asian world was very

1 Tomé Pires, Armando Cortesão, Francisco Rodrigues, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, Asian Educational Services, 1990. 2 Armando Cortesão, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and the book of Francisco Rodrigues, 2 volumes, Londres, Hakluyt Society, 1944. Armando Cortesão, A Suma Oriental de Tomé Pires e o Livro de Francisco Rodrigues Coimbra, Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1978. Rui Manuel Loureiro, in O manuscrito de Lisboa da “Suma Oriental” de Tomé Pires: (contribuição para uma edição crítica), Macau, Instituto Português do Oriente, 1996. 3 Cristóvão Aires, Fernão Mendes Pinto: subsídios para a sua biografia e para o estudo da sua obra, Lisboa, ACL, 1904. 4 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1988, 1993, 2 vols. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 2 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

high and Europeans circulating in this region adopted an extremely aggressive attitude, like their Asian counterparts, in order to be able to survive in a world filled with competitors. Fernão Mendes Pinto also describes a phenomenon which can be confirmed by other contemporaneous sources, or rather, the Europeans who were travelling in this region were essentially a combination of merchants, soldiers, mercenaries, pirates, adventurers and even officials. Portuguese official chroniclers ― who were privileged compilers and organizers of documents related to the Portuguese presence from India to Japan ― also confirm such an idea. One must, in this respect, make reference to João de Barros and to his Quarta década da Ásia, which was also known by its longer subtitle dos feitos que os portugueses fizerão no descobrimento, e conquista dos mares e terras do Oriente, a work published by Lavanha5 and later continued by Diogo de Couto. These historians were followed by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda’s6 Historia do descobrimento & conquista da India pelos Portugueses, and Gaspar Correa’s7 Lendas da Índia, the latter published three centuries after. The collection of random sources compiled by Rui Loureiro in his book Em busca das origens de Macau8 was fundamental in understanding the first community of Europeans in Macau, who themselves felt the strong imprint of the private merchants, the so-called country-traders, whom George Bryan de Souza was to so ingenuously analyze in his work The Survival of Empire9 , the latter inspired by the concept of country-trade later applied by Holden Furber for India in Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient10 .

5 António Baião, Introdução e selecção de Décadas / João de Barros, 3.ª ed. 2 vols, Lisboa, Livraria Sá da Costa Editora (Colecção: Clássicos Sá da Costa), 1953. 6 Pedro de Azevedo, Introdução e edição de História do descobrimento e conquista da India pelos portugueses / Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, 3.ª edição, Coimbra, IU (Colecção: Scriptores rerum lusitanarum. Série A),1924-1933. Léon Bourdon, “Notes sur les sources portugaises de Montaigne (Osório et Castanheda)”, Boletim do Instituto Francês de Portugal, 4, Lisboa, 1933, pp. 161-164. 7 Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, Introdução e edição de Lendas da Índia, 4 tomos em 8 volumes, Lisboa, ACL (colecção de Monumentos Inéditos para a História das conquistas dos Portugueses em África, Ásia e América: História da Ásia), vol. I, 1858-1859; vol. 2, 1860-1861; vol. 3, 1862-1863; vol. IV, 1864- 1866. 8 Rui Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau: antologia documental, Lisboa, Ministério da Educação, 1996. 9 George Bryan de Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and South China Sea 1630-1754, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986. 10 Holden Furber, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient, 1500-1800, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976. INTRODUCTION 3

These small groups of Europeans, mainly composed of private merchants and mercenaries, belonged to a wider trade network of local agents socially and economically well connected. Their role has oftentimes been neglected; thus giving the impression that, as whole, Asia merchants could not have traded without the “invaluable” European presence; yet, we know that this was not the case at all. Hence, a thorough analysis of European societies (temporarily) living in China and in the Far East is needed in order to dismantle this Eurocentric and Western view of History. Studying the local societies of a given place will thus enable us to understand the social, political, and economic dynamics that existed between European and native merchants, as well as their contributions to the overall welfare of the place. Moreover, the role of Eurasian merchants should also be highlighted, since their mixed background (European, Chinese, Japanese, and Malay, among others) was instrumental in solidifying trade agreements among different ethnic and racial groups. These merchants, historically underestimated and ignored, were to play two very important roles in Asia. The first was to be their assimilation of naval technology and Portuguese strategies, as well as their diffusion of both throughout Asia. The second was to be their use of commercial routes used exclusively or controlled by Europeans, while also circulating through alternative trade networks which escaped European influence, thus being the result of an Asian reorganization of trade after European arrival in Asia. These Eurasian traders were to play an important role, not only in the system of distribution of products in regions where European presence was practically non-existent, but they also served as a stimulus to production in the harbours which they frequented, by connecting them to the European trade system of the Portuguese State of India. It is also possible to locate Asian traders working for Europeans. Without this co-operation, European trade expansion throughout Asia would have been impossible. In this particular case, I have identified two types of affiliation between Asian and European traders: one occurred through Asian participation in European vessels (where they worked for Europeans); the other through economic partnerships between European and Asian traders. Intermarriage amongst these three types of merchants (Europeans, Asians and Eurasians) accurately depicts European trade in Asia during the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries. These associations were not only economic in nature, but also political and religious. On this issue, one THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 4 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

must also explain the kind of existing religious connection, since it was markedly economic and not spiritual. Although Portuguese historiography points towards the fact that the big European merchants in the Far East were trade companies on merely a family scale, my research proves the existence of trade companies mixed in nature. If, on the one hand, family members were found working with the big merchants of Macau, on the other hand, I have also identified Eurasians, Japanese, Chinese, Portuguese and Spaniards with no family ties. These merchants carried out trade activities in the area under the administration of the Portuguese State of India, which, at its prime, encompassed all the trade harbours and Portuguese fortresses from East Africa to the Far East. Official sources portray a distorted image of the private merchants, as well as show a gap between the idea of the State of India in the European capital of the Empire (Lisbon) and the political and economic reality of Portuguese India and its trade ramifications. Legislation hailing from the State of India, either originally drafted in the Metropolis (metaphor for Portugal, particularly Lisbon), or originating from Goa, aimed at encompassing within its jurisdiction all Portuguese colonial lands administered by the State of India or by Asian potentates. Hence, the Portuguese Crown made no distinction between Portuguese colonies under direct Portuguese rule and Portuguese colonies under foreign administration and jurisdiction. This included either those administered by the State of India or those under the administration of Asian powers. What non-official sources demonstrate, however, is that in these European outposts in territories not under Portuguese sovereignty, or indeed those under Portuguese sovereignty, but not strong enough politically and judicially for laws to be enforced, there lived Europeans whose aim was to escape Portuguese jurisdiction. These men were the main supporters of “under-trade”11 and became private merchants. Another aspect which seems to be equally relevant is the existence of European communities that were satellites to the trade network of the State of India. These were communities which lay outside the sphere of the network of Portuguese trading posts, fortresses and fortified settlements, yet maintaining commercial and political connections with the governing élite and Portuguese private merchants. One example is that of Makassar, a prime location for Malay merchants after the fall of Malacca. Makassar competed for spice control with

11 Private trade, informal trade, black market. INTRODUCTION 5

the sultanate of Ternate, where an important Portuguese fortress existed. In spite of rivalries between these two geographical areas, an economically thriving Portuguese community lived in Makassar, while maintaining alliances with major merchants and the local élite. These private merchants circulated in secondary harbours, using routes which were ignored or neglected by formal trade not only in Makassar, but also throughout India, Southeast Asia and China, though to a lesser degree. This trade was carried out by way of coastal navigation (between harbours within the same country), or through short or long-distance routes. Despite the conquest of Malacca in 1641 by the Dutch and the decay of the Portuguese State of India, by the end of the eighteenth century reduced to Goa, Daman and Diu, these private merchants, either of Portuguese origin or Eurasians, continued deeply involved in this type of trade, which led to new paths. The important work, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, by Celsa Pinto12 demonstrates this fact precisely, by proving that the State of India maintained a private commercial network which included economic links to unsuspected places such as Malacca or Batavia. European infiltration in 16th and 17th century Asian trade was for the first time studied by T’ien-Tsê Chang in Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 164413 , the latter a groundbreaking work investigating the Sino-Portuguese Treaty, cross referencing European documents with Chinese sources, thus opening the door for further investigations and studies on this as well as related topics. Almost eight decades later his work is still a starting point for those who, due to curiosity, passion or even obligation, are making their first inroads into this field of study. In the 1990s things took a turn for the better, mainly thanks to Jin Guo Ping and Wu Zhiliang, two scholars whose irreverence, genius, and talent made it all possible. Their works revolutionized Portuguese historiography by their inclusion of new sources incorporating non-Eurocentric perspectives. Amongst them I highlight the monograph Revisitar os primórdios de Macau14 . Their main value lies in their clear demonstration that European presence in Macau did not work in isolation, irrespective of economic interests in Canton. Hence, unlike to what had been held until then by Portuguese historians. European presence in this region

12 Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1994. 13 T’ien-Tsê Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644, A Synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources, Leyden, Late E.J. Brill, 1934. 14 Jin Guo Ping, Wu Zhiliang, Revisitar os primórdios de Macau: para uma nova abordagem da História, Macau, Fundação Oriente-IPOR, 2007. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 6 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

should not be analyzed as an economic and political structure isolated or differentiated from the Chinese one. Another aspect introduced by this team of researchers and by Rui Loureiro was the fact that Macau had not been donated to the Portuguese due to the fighting back of pirates who were ravaging the Canton area. The destruction of the this centuries-old myth left a void in Portuguese historiography and in the way Macau or the legitimacy of the Portuguese in ruling this city were to be taken into consideration. This book will demonstrate that the Europeans in Macau exercised a military hand on behalf of the Canton authorities against their economic enemies. The enemies of Canton were, after all, also the economic rivals of the Portuguese. This informal alliance seems to have been the key to the presence of the latter in Macau, as well as of their survival during the entire sixteenth century. As for Macanese trade networks, these centred mainly on the trade route between Macau and Japan and were widely researched by Charles Boxer, although the under-trade was obviously neglected. Juan Gil, in his work Hidalgos y Samurais, España y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII15 , emphasizes the fact that Charles Boxer magnified the importance of Macau in this region. What this research proves, is that the commercial network of the country- traders of Macau was in reality much wider than initially imagined. It was not in any way circumscribed to Japan, but extended to the main Asian harbours of the sixteenth century as well as to secondary ports, whereby such criticism against Charles Boxer is unfounded. This book also reveals that the merchants of Macau played an important role in the survival of Manila, after the fire of 1582, and served as a military shield against the impending threat by the Sangleyes against the Spanish authorities. The Governor of the Philippines himself asked for military help from Macau, which was promptly conceded. Sixteenth century Macau cannot be understood simply as a Portuguese platform. In its mercantile community, Spaniards and Italians, as well as Chinese, Japanese and Malays, were to play a crucial role as developers of its trade activity and administrative institutions. In lists of European merchants, it is possible to identify individuals of Spanish origin or from Italian cities, who, together with the Portuguese, carried out commercial partnerships with the Chinese, Japanese and other Asians, much before the Union of the

15 Juan Gil, in his work Hidalgos y Samurais, España y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII, Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1991. INTRODUCTION 7

Portuguese and Spanish Crowns (which occurred on 15 April 1581, at the Courts of Tomar). As for Spanish researchers, the work by Manel Ollé Rodríguez16 for instance, should receive special attention. Rodríguez’s research centred on plans to invade China with the help of the Japanese and Portuguese of Macau. His work is, undoubtedly, very innovative within the field of Spanish historiography and is essential in order to understand political, religious and commercial relations between the Philippines and Macau in the sixteenth century. My contribution to this field will be a detailed explanation of the Portuguese commercial network at that time, as well as the most significant individuals in the shipwreck in Taiwan. I will be introducing new testimonies on this episode as well as integrating them in a systematic way within the Macau-Japan trade route. Similarly, I will complete Ollé’s perspective with regard to the intervention of the authorities of Manila in Tidore, by introducing Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and his mission to reach this fortress, via the Philippines, a fact which was not mentioned in Ollé’s thesis. I should also stress here the important role played by the Japanese researchers for the purpose of gaining an understanding of European presence in Asia. It would be unavoidable to mention Naojiro Murakami and his disciple Shigetomo Koda. While the former dedicated his life to collecting, analyzing, translating and publishing documents, the latter proved to be a prominent historian within the field17 . Slightly later Yoshitomo Okamoto would emerge, visiting Europe at the beginning of the twentieth century for the purpose of collecting sources related to the European presence in China and Japan. Besides the famous source catalogue Portugal wo Tazuneru18 , he published countless monographs on European presence in Asia, having taken as the centre of such expansion Macau. Since then, although almost one century has lapsed, his research is still fundamental in identifying sources which have been lost or destroyed. One must also mention Kiichi Matsuda who focused his research on the existing religious and diplomatic relations between Europe, Macau and Japan. A more recent reference is that of Takase Kōichirō19, who

16 Manel Ollé, La empresa de China. De la Armada Invencible al Galeón de Manila, Barcelona: Alcantilado, 2002. 17 Shigetomo Koda, Nichiou Tsuko Shi, Iwanami Shotan, 1942. 18 Yoshimo Okamoto, Portugal wo Tazuneru, Nippo Kyokai, 1930. 19 Takase Kōichirō, Kirishitan Jidai no Kenkyū, Tokyo, Iwanami Shotan, 1977. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 8 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

specialized in the economic relations between Macau and Japan in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. So far, his work is the most accurate on the merchants of Macau. In conjunction with Kōichirō, the innovative concept of the clergyman-merchant emerged, a concept to which the Jesuits concentrated all their efforts. This author has been effective in demonstrating that European religious power was used essentially as a weapon aimed at strengthening political and economic influence both in China and in Japan. At the same time, he has demonstrated to what extent economic interests overwhelmed religious interests and how the latter were used for profit purposes.

2. Analytical Frame This book introduces research on the merchant Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro who ruled Macau and became one of the greatest European merchants to sail the China seas in the sixteenth century. Instead of concentrating on the presence of the first Europeans in China placed against the background of the official trade regulated by the Portuguese Crown, my research will thus focus on private trade undertaken by many unknown merchants who played a fundamental role in the European economic expansion of the sixteenth century in Asia/Southeast Asia. It is my aim to prove four points. First of all, the major role played by merchants of Jewish origin residing in Macau. We thus wish to prove that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was merely one of the many merchants of Sephardic origin who was living in Macau. We shall also prove that among the Europeans living in Macau at this time almost fifty per cent were of Jewish extraction. This is very important, since it proves beyond any doubt that the Sephardic Diaspora contributed towards the creation of a well-connected and all-encompassing trade network between Europe and most parts of the world: e.g., China, Japan, the Philippines, and, via the Pacific, the Americas. Thus the groundbreaking nature of this study, since it contributes to a better understanding of the Sephardic legacy to the building and maintaining the Portuguese Empire for over three hundred years. Secondly, it proves that the commercial network of Macau during the second half of the sixteenth century was very diversified and not circumscribed to Goa, Malacca, Macau and Japan. It is possible, on a parallel path, to identify countless other less-known commercial routes, to which the private merchants of Macau sent their ships for trade. European presence on these vessels was quite reduced, whereby Europeans worked in such INTRODUCTION 9

transactions with Chinese, Japanese, Malay and other Asian individuals. Nationalisms faded away, as Portuguese, Spaniards, Italians, Chinese and Japanese, among others, have been identified as having worked together on Macanese ships. Nationalisms were invoked only when the economic interests of the merchants of Macau were questioned. Since Jesuit participation in these commercial transactions, (running parallel to official ones and of an illicit nature), was to be much less significant than on the Macau-Japan trade, religious sources used by historians do not take them into consideration. However, contemporaneous sources hailing from Macau, Malacca, and Manila reveal a different perspective as well as innumerous illegal or semi-illegal commercial transactions, such as the approval and participation of the local authorities without prior royal consent. Government sources from the time are revealing, however, of another perspective, as well as countless commercial transactions of an informal character (with the consent and participation of local authorities, yet lacking royal approval). This book also aims at contributing to an understanding of how in Macau religious power went hand in hand with political power for profit purposes. Comparatively, the idea of religious uniformity does not seem to work in Macau either, despite all the attempts by the Jesuits to portray such an image. It becomes, however, ever more obvious that Jews/New-Christians were to be large participants in these commercial networks, more concerned as they were with trading and gaining profit than with evangelizing. Macau, similarly to the other harbours visited by the Portuguese, was not to be an exception. Thirdly, I wish to identify the political organization of Macau before, during and after the Union of Portugal and Spain under King Philip II. It is in this part that I will introduce the new economic challenges with regard to the informal trade route between Macau and Manila, as well as its repercussions on Macau’s economy. At the same time, through my research of these new commercial routes, I shall explain who the main direct witnesses and recorders of the 1582 Taiwan shipwreck were. Finally, I will approach the dependence which the Portuguese authorities of Macau experienced vis-à-vis the Canton authorities. Europeans were subject to great pressure from the literati. It is in this context that the role of Captain Landeiro was to prove crucial so that the Portuguese might start their construction of the European society of Macau. Favours by Landeiro to the Canton authorities and to the Jesuits in Japan eventually contributed towards the way in which the society of Macau was organized. This work reveals that THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 10 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

it was thanks to Landeiro’s intervention that the Jesuits were to become a major political and commercial power in Macau and in Japan. This book aims at demonstrating that the under-trade carried out by the private merchants of Macau was an important contribution to the economy of this city. It was on the basis of this private economic structure that formal trade regulated by the Portuguese Crown was to develop. Despite royal legislation enacted for the purpose of suppressing under-trade, non-official trade continued to exist throughout the entire sixteenth century, even after the establishment of formal trade. To prove my point, I shall thus identify the main agents of this under-trade.

3. Social Organization in Macau From my perspective, it is possible to identify four powers in Macau. The first was composed of private merchants. They were married in Macau and it was from this city that they developed the trade networks that linked Macau to other Asian harbours. In the sources that I have consulted they are labelled as married householders (casados) and, contrarily to what happened in other Portuguese colonies, they engaged exclusively in trade. Comparatively, they negotiated with the Chinese authorities and also ran official missions as city representatives. They gave instructions to the Captain General (capitão-mor) who travelled annually to Canton for the purpose of carrying out the trade Voyage to Japan. This research aims at demonstrating that these merchants, although not recognized by the Portuguese Crown, were the true rulers of Macau. Secondly, there was the religious power. The Jesuits, closely linked to the merchants of Macau for political and economic reasons, also negotiated with the Chinese authorities and ran official missions as city representatives. Besides these tasks, they also gave instructions to the Captain General of the city about his functions and trade organization between China and Japan. The élite of the Jesuits of Macau, besides their known participation in the trade regulated by the Portuguese Crown, actively participated in under- trade, some of them even owning their own commercial vessels. Following, there were the Captains General. They represented Portugal in Macau. They carried out the annual trade journey between Macau and Japan, and represented Portuguese judicial power in the city. Finally, there were the Chinese authorities, to whom the Portuguese paid annual tax, named foro do chão, for the land occupied by the Portuguese in INTRODUCTION 11

Macau and anchorages20 . Orbiting around this structure there was a non-structured mass of pirates, merchants, soldiers, adventurers-mercenaries, Europeans, Asians and Eurasians. The Portuguese sources name these participants as bachelors (solteiros) or renegades. Bachelor was a term used in contrast to married householder. Married householder was the term used for the Portuguese or for Eurasians who were married and settled in a Portuguese fortified settlement, and lived under Crown administration. Bachelor was a deprecating word which characterized the Portuguese (reinóis or castiços – born in the Kingdom of Portugal) or their descendants (generally named as mestiços in India and as jurubaças elsewhere in Asia) who circulated predominantly in regions lying outside Portuguese jurisdiction. The term jurubaça21 has in Macau a second meaning, not to be confused with the one mentioned above: here it referred to the official interpreters of the Portuguese authorities. Besides the word bachelor, the words soldier and adventurer are also found. In this context, it is a euphemism which refers to mercenaries. There were also noblemen, who could be divided into two groups: those who had official posts and were simultaneously connected to the under-trade, and those who, fleeing the control of the Portuguese Crown, were exclusively engaged in the under-trade. Finally, there are the renegades, Europeans or Eurasians who served interests which ran contrary to those of Portugal or who had renounced Christianity and practiced other religious beliefs living in the periphery of the Portuguese State of India.

20 On this issue, the Chinese version supported the idea that the foro do chão only taxed land occupied by the Portuguese, while the Portuguese version, which was to emerge slightly later, upheld the notion that the whole territory of Macau was to be included and not only built-up areas. 21 In the beginning, the word jurubaça referred to an interpreter who knew Malay.

His Arrival in India 13

PART I

LANDEIRO AND MACAU

His Arrival in India 15

His Arrival in India

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro is an almost unknown figure in Portuguese historiography. A few lines have been dedicated to him throughout the centuries, but have been too brief to allow for an accurate description of what his life was like and of the impact of his presence in several parts of the East. The impressive list of historical figures whom we introduce here and who have described his life and deeds show precisely the importance which Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro held in the 1570s and in the beginning of the 1580s in the China seas. The overpowering position which he enjoyed in the Portuguese community of Macau, in the Society of Jesus, and in Manila, which was not in any way partial to him, turned this merchant into the most important Portuguese figure amongst the local European community. This individual, as we shall demonstrate further on, underscores the vital role of the Sephardic Diaspora in Macau, the last refuge of Iberian Jews, and their descendants, trying to escape religious persecution and discrimination. Up until recently, Landeiro’s arrival in the East was shrouded in mystery. In his own words, laid down on 19 April 1586, he had already by then been in Asia for 28 years, 16 of which he had been residing in Macau22 . Other sources, however, point towards his staying in Macau for a period of 26 years, as from two years after he arrived in Portuguese India. For his arrival in Goa, according to his own account, Landeiro sailed from Lisbon to the area under

22 For an interesting representation of Macau, please see : Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora. António Bocarro, Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da Índia Oriental, 1635. Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586. AGI., Patronato, 53, R. 2, question 2, p. 6. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 16 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

the command of the Captain General at the time, Pedro Vaz de Sequeira,23 a nobleman of the royal household, he was married to Maria Pacheca24 and left for Goa25 on 28 March 1559, in the carrack Frol de la mar26 (Flower of the Sea)27 . Both George Bryan de Souza and Luís Filipe Barreto have indicated that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro must have arrived in India in 155728. However, this did not occur. Captain General Pedro Vaz de Sequeira 29 departed together with Francisco de Sousa, onboard carrack Algarvia, and Rui Mello da Camara, onboard carrack São Paulo (which did not complete the journey and later returned to Portugal). Pedro de Goes, departed onboard carrack Santo António, Luís Alvarez de Sousa, onboard carrack São Gião, and Lesuarte de Andrade left onboard carrack Conçeyção (this carrack eventually spent the Winter in Mozambique)30 .

23 A man named Gaspar Dias de Landim wrote a letter to King João III, dated 19 November 1548, in which he indicated that he had been waiting in the harbour of Santa Maria for Pedro Vaz de Sequeira in order to continue the journey on to Africa. Furthermore, the letter reported their coming across a vessel with 19 people onboard, probably Jews fleeing the Inquisition. On 4 March 1554, we are informed by a Royal Decree from Queen Catarina that Pedro Vaz de Sequeira had lived in a house owned by Manuel Álvares. 24 On 1 August 1554, the head guardian of the Torre do Tombo (the Archives), Damião de Góis, had received, by means of a Royal Decree from Queen Catarina, a deed with the dowry made by António de Teive to Pedro Vaz de Sequeira, nobleman of the royal household, and to his wife, Maria Pacheca, lady- in-waiting of the Queen. 25 On Goa at this time, please see: Teotónio R. de Souza, Goa Medieval: A Cidade e o Interior no Século XVII, Lisboa, Editorial Estampa, 1994. On the first Portuguese mercantile communities in Macau, please see: Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das Origens de Macau, Grupo de Trabalho do Ministério da Educação para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1996. 26 Frol de la mar: old Portuguese. 27 Relação das Náos e Armadas da Índia, com os sucessos dellas que se puderam saber, para noticia e instrucção dos curiozos, e amantes da Historia da Índia (Maria Hermínia Maldonado), Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra, 1985, p. 70. 28 George Bryan de Souza, op cit, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986, p. 36; and Luís Filipe Barreto, Macau: Poder e Saber séculos XVI e XVII, Editorial Presença, Lisboa, 2006, p. 135. 29 Onboard carrack Flower of the Sea. 30 This information matches the one available in the following works: Memória das Armadas, Macau : Instituto Cultural de Macau, Museu Marítimo de Macau and Comissão Territorial de Macau para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1995, p. 129. Livro de Lisuarte de Abreu, Lisboa : Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1992, p. 31. His Arrival in Macau 17

His Arrival in Macau

As to the exact date of his arrival in Macau, we are tempted to put forward the hypothesis that he began living in this city around 1570. The reason for this is found in his own biography where he states that he had resided in Macau during a period of only 16 years. Another aspect related to the fact that the episodes contained in the Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años only mention the reality experienced in that area from 1570 onwards. Nevertheless, we are informed in the third question of the inquiry carried out in Manila, on 19 April 1586, that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had lived for 26 years in Macau, out of the 28 that he had lived in Asia. Are these really 26 years and not 16 years as Bartolomeu Vaz de Landeiro stated, or are they a mistake by a clerk officer? Another aspect which supports this thesis is the fact that no testimonies from people who dealt at different times of their lives with Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro exist prior to the last 16 years of such a period31 . From 1559 to 1570, nothing is known about his life. Nevertheless, one of his nephews, named Sebastião Jorge, provided a few elements with regard to such period. It was actually through him that it is known that part of Landeiro’s family originated from the outskirts of Lisbon, and more precisely the village of Santa Iria. Through him it is also known that from 1564 they left for Macau, stopping a few times in Cambodia before they eventually settled in Macau. This commercial harbour was favourably located; hence, it was the allowing it to ideal trade link between China and Japan. The extremely high profits which were to be derived from this intermediation attracted around

31 (Diogo Ferreira, a Portuguese resident in Manila, possibly a merchant, is the person who knew Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro the longest, and it was him who dixo que conose al dicho capitan Bartolome Vaes de dies e seis años a esta parte poco mas o menos) Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586. AGI., Patronato, 53, R. 2. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 18 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

2000 Portuguese who were dispersed throughout the Asian seas32 . That being said, another clue in the sources points towards the fact that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, following his arrival, may have remained in India for only two years33 . Hence, it is therefore perfectly possible that he may have travelled to other Portuguese fortified settlements before finally settling in Macau. With regard to the events narrated in his own history, we shall trail along the same line of thought that the merchant followed in the autobiographical report which he eventually submitted to the Manila authorities on 19 April 1586.

32 António da Silva Rego, Documentação para a História do Padroado Português do Oriente, Lisboa, 1953, Vol. IX, p. 539. 33 Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586. AGI., Patronato, 53, R. 2. The Macau Trade 19

The Macau Trade

This situation seems to be confirmed by a commercial letter written in Macau, on 10 April 1610, by Manuel Dias34 . In short, we can verify in this letter that – as soon as commercial mediation between China and Japan by the Portuguese merchants of Macau 35 turned into a truthfully structured commercial route and one which was integrated in a highly lucrative economic structure - the King of Portugal reserved this journey for himself: it could only be carried out by royal privilege, by means of a royal provisão (license), usually granted to noblemen, as a reward for services rendered to the monarch. In the first phase of this commercial route, captains headed towards Macau in their carracks negotiated with local merchants the percentage of freight dues to be granted to them. All of them laded ships with the cloth they wished to send. Silk ranked first in terms of profit obtained. This commercial scheme lasted for a few years. However, given that it mainly privileged rich merchants to the detriment of the less wealthy, it started being highly contested. At this stage, the most important merchants had the privilege of being the first to place their merchandise onboard. As a result, only the

34 This letter was published in its entirety in Japan by José Alvarez TALADRIZ, “Un Documento de 1610 Sobre el Contrato de Armação de la Nao de Trato Entre Macau y Nagasaki”, in Tenri Daigaku Gakuho, July, 1959, vol. XI, n.º 1, 20 pp.; translated by Michael M. C OOPER, “The Mechanics of the Macau- Nagasaki Silk Trade” in Monumenta Nipponica, Tokyo, University of Sophia, 1972, Number 4, vol. XXVII. On Macanese trade, see also the classical work: T’ien-Tsê Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644, A Synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources, Leyden, Late E.J. Brill Ltd. Publishers and Printers, 1934. One should also mention Ana Prosépio Leitão’s work, which is yet to be excelled by Portuguese researchers: Ana Maria Ramalho Prosépio Leitão, “Do trato português no Japão: presenças que se cruzam (1543- 1639)”, M.A. Thesis, 2 vols., Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, Lisboa, 1994. 35 On the relations of Western merchants with China, in the past and the present, see the interesting work by Nigel Cameron, Barbarians and Mandarins: Thirteen Centuries of Western Travellers in China, Hong Kong ; Oxford ; New York, Oxford University Press, 1989. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 20 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

10 or 15 larger merchants managed to sell their silk to Japan. The poorer merchants ─ not having participated in the freight contract with the Captain General ─ were left with no outlet for their silk, as the yearly export silk quota soon ran out. These small merchants were therefore left with the alternative of shipping other types of cloth, with less significant profit margins, not only because they sold less, but also because such types of cloth were considered inferior in quality: they were named miudezas, or rather, trifles, things of little value. These miudezas mainly included rolls of taffeta, satin and damask. It is easy to conclude that the rich merchants of Macau grew richer all the time, given the high profits they obtained, whereas the poor merchants remained poor; furthermore, they had to bear the risks inherent to the investment in which they participated. General discontent led Belchior Carneiro, Bishop of China at the time, to try and organize a scheme which might render these journeys more equitable in terms of investment for the merchants of Macau. Hence the contract of armação, in accordance with which the residents of Macau36 who sent their merchandise to Japan came to be organized by the Society of Jesus. From this moment onwards, the poorer merchants were able to invest their merchandise in the trade activity conducted between Macau and Japan 37 . In accordance with the armação, those who were socially disfavoured were enabled to invest as well: poor people, widows and orphans, or institutions such as the Misericórdia. The portion of silk which each merchant was entitled to transport in the carrack, under the abovementioned contract, was named the baque. For negotiations in the sale of merchandise to run smoothly, the aldermen of Macau met with all its residents and, through a ballot, elected three men as their representatives. Not uncommonly, these were the aldermen themselves. Such men entered into armação contracts with the Captain General of the Voyage, on behalf of the merchants of Macau, and settled with him on several measures on how to make the silk trade render the amount of profit they wished to obtain. Thus, the first task to be carried out was an assessment of the amount of silk which could be sold in Japan at high profit margins: it was on this basis that they could thereupon agree with the Captain General on the amount of silk to be laded on the carrack. Valignano

36 “Porque usan los portugueses de aquí para Japón una compañia y modo a que llaman armación, con la qual se envía toda la seda junta, según lo que determinan los que gobiernan la ciudad.” Alessandro Valignano, Apologia de la Compañia de Jesus de Japon y China (1598), (editor José Alvarez-Taladriz), Osaka, Eikodo, 1998, p. 191. 37 Jap Sin 4, Letter by Manuel Dias (Senior) to Claudio Acquaviva of Macau on 10 April 1610, fl. 341f. The Macau Trade 21

(1539-1606), in his Apologia, mentioned how Macau had agreed not to ship more than 1600 annual picos38 . Nevertheless, the carrack headed to Japan took a greater number of silk picos in the years following those during which the Journey was not undertaken.39 Manuel Dias exemplified how this was carried out in a case in which two thousand silk picos40 or quintais were stipulated. The Procurators established the freight margins, granting the Captain General a 10% percentage, subject as it was to several conditions. First of all, the captain undertook not to take more silk on his carrack than the stipulated cargo on the guarantee that he would receive, in addition to freight dues, a certain sum from Macau, of up to three thousand taels. This compensation aimed to make for the gains which he would have obtained had he taken on the carrack a higher amount of silk than that stipulated by the city. Secondly, if the merchants of Macau were not able to collect the amount of silk assessed by the Procurators and agreed upon in the armação contract, the merchants vouched for the payment of freight dues in accordance with the assessment made by the Procurators and agreed upon with the captain, and not proportionately to the amount of silk which they might have managed to collect. However, one issue remains yet to be clarified: how was the baque (the amount of silk which each merchant was allotted in his armação contract) carried out? The Procurators, elected by Macau, shared the amount of silk assessed by all the Portuguese in the city, as well as by some foreign merchants, in particular by the Chinese, by allotting an amount or baque to each, in accordance with the merchant’s wealth, his expenses at home, and his social status. In any case, the baque granted to a small merchant was so profitable that it enabled him to support his family for one year, hence, to live with no major worries until the next armação contract41 . When the armação contract was not totally sold, the leftover silk was distributed amongst all the merchants who had participated in the armação contract, upon the return of the carrack from the Japan Journey, each one of them being allotted a proportionate share42 .

38 Equating roughly to 96,000 K. Alessandro Valignano, op.cit., 1998, p. 191. 39 Dutch sources point towards 2600 picos in 1609. 40 Equating roughly to 156,000 K. 41 Jap Sin 4, Letter by Manuel Dias (Senior) to Claudio Acquaviva from Macau on 10 April 1610, fl. 341f. 42 Alessandro Valignano, op. cit., 1998, p. 191. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 22 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

The merchants had to pay a certain percentage on the silk and other cloths to Macau for the purpose of public expense funding, since the city did not enjoy any other type of profitable rental. This percentage varied annually, in accordance to the needs of the city: they could pay annually 2%, 3% or 4%, besides the percentage to be paid to the Captain General, in conformity with the armação contract, which was generally 10% of the freight dues. It must be highlighted that, on the sidelines of this official journey, other vessels with Chinese silk and cloths also went to Japan, which lowered the profit margin originally attributed to the merchandise laded on the carrack. Therefore, the three Procurators elected by the city, together with the captain of the official carrack, thoroughly watched over the region to ensure that no other vessel but the official one might head for Japan. If any vessel passed through or entered the harbour of Macau headed for Japan, the Captain General and his soldiers certified that it would not enter the city or take cloth originating in China for sale in Japan. This vigilance was more thorough when the annual journey to Japan was not carried out, since some private merchants, led by greed, sought to send cloths to Japan in vessels which passed through the harbour, as they knew that profits would be much higher given the absence of the official carrack and a very high demand of Chinese silks. In this circumstance, the Captain General and the city Procurators were particularly watchful, lest such clandestine commerce might harm profits the following year, when the carrack would take a two-year investment in silk. This watchfulness was not circumscribed to the harbour of Macau, but was also applied to the large quantity of vessels which left the city headed to neighbouring kingdoms and harbours, where usually there also were Japanese. The Captain General and the Procurators ensured that none of the merchandise in greater demand in Japan was loaded onto such vessels, ensuring that the Portuguese might not be able to deliver them to the Japanese in neighbouring harbours. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan 23

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan

In his autobiographical record, Landeiro made an allusion to an unknown event, the fact that he helped a Japanese daimyō fight other daimyōs who shared different religious beliefs. He also added that he took a carrack with more than 600 tons to Japan, and that, with his arrival and intelligence, he managed to bring peace to the region and ordered the building of luxurious churches where the Christian sacraments were ministered. In this alleged journey he would have spent more than 40 thousand cruzados, all at his own expense. It seems fundamental to add some data to this description which were put forward by Juan Baptista Román, factor and treasurer of Manila, and by Diogo Ferreira, a merchant who also lived in Manila. Juan Baptista Román affirmed that he had heard many Portuguese, and in particular the Jesuits43, declare that Landeiro, who might have obtained high profits from the sale of merchandise in a Japanese harbour ruled by a non Christian daimyō, had complied with the requests of the Jesuits by moving his vessel to another harbour, helping a Christian daimyō spend a large amount of money, thus re-establishing Christianity in that region. Diogo Ferreira, for his part, affirmed that Landeiro had built many churches and spent a lot of money on wars with enemies in Japan. Both declarations, together with Landeiro’s declaration, solve a mystery which has so far remained undecyphered. This narration seems only to be consistent for the 1580 when the Captain General of the Portuguese carrack of Macau, Miguel da Gama, docked at Nagasaki, while at the same time a Portuguese junk whose captain is unknown docked at Kuchinotsu. Upon consulting the archives of the Society of Jesus, we can thus testify that in 1580, Father Alessandro Valigano, S. J., Visitor of the Society of Jesus, tried to persuade the Arima daimyō (Arima Harunobu, 1567-1612) and his subjects to convert to Catholicism. This situation was particularly complex as, in addition to the youthfulness of the ruler, his family was against

43 On the Jesuits who were travelling to Japan at this time, please see: Takashi Gonoi, Nihon Kirishitanshi no Kenkyū, Tokyo, Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 2002, pp. 344-357. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 24 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

conversion44 . In spite of his efforts, Valignano seems only to have been able to alter the beliefs of the daimyō of Arima when, some time after, and due to his own efforts, a Portuguese vessel entered the harbour of Kuchinotsu:

However, a few days later, as the boy recognized the assistance which the Father Visitor had given him by allowing the carrack to enter in his harbour of Kuchinotsu, and, not wishing to miss his promise, had someone tell the Father that, although all pagans told him that what had happened had been a punishment from the kami and the fotoques, he had not changed opinion and, as soon as he might be better, he would do according to his wish. A few days lapsed during which they communicated by letters and messages, until they finally convened on one date for the daimyō to come and be baptized45 .

Around this time, this region risked being invaded by a more powerful daimyō named Ryūzōji Takanobu (1530-1584). Some of the fortresses belonging to the daimyō of Arima had capitulated, having been handed to the enemy forces by the rebel noblemen of Arima46 . Faced with this situation, the daimyō of Arima wished to be baptized, thus forming an alliance with the Church and benefiting from the military help which was inevitably attached to it:

As the daimyō of Arima found himself in such a predicament and as it seemed to him that he had no other choice but join the Church and the daimyō of Omura, who was the brother of his father, he wished to become a Christian very soon, and asked the Father to baptize him urgently47 .

44 Luís Fróis, Historia de Japam, J. Wicki (ed.), Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional, 1976-1984, III, pp. 134- 135. 45 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 136, Cartas que os Padres e Irmãos da Companhia de Iesus escreverão dos Reynos de Japão & China. Évora: Manuel de Lira, 1598, vol. I, fl. 461v. 46 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 136. 47 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 136. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan 25

According to Luís Fróis (1532-1597), based on a letter which Lourenço Mexia wrote to the Superior General of the Society of Jesus Claudio Acquaviva in 158048 , the daimyō of Arima had been advised by one of the main Buddhist monks of his kingdom to form an alliance with Christianity, as this was the only chance he stood of being able to maintain his dominions49 . Nevertheless, Visitor Alessandro Valignano, faced with the imminent downfall of the daimyō of Arima, tried to postpone his conversion, fearing the defeat of a Christian daimyō might be harmful to the progress of his evangelization plan for Japan, insofar as it might discredit the Church, defaming it, depreciating it and making it lose all credit it had amongst local Christian communities and Japanese rulers:

But, as things were in turmoil and unstable in Arima, and every day more fortresses were rebelling, it seemed to Father Visitor Alessandro Valignano that it would not be convenient to baptize the daimyō of Arima, lest, if he were to be defeated, as would probably happen, the pagans might say that such thing had happened because he had become a Christian, as they usually say when similar cases happen with Christian daimyōs in Japan, in wars and changes, which in Japan are always not only continuous but also unexpected.50

Although hesitating, Valignano decided to help the daimyō of Arima, not only with provisions, as Fróis in his report and Lourenço Mexia affirmed51 , but also with weapons, as Landeiro’s testimony reveals.

After having insisted consistently, the daimyō of Arima was baptized, having acquired the Christian name D. Protazo52 . Valignano then started assisting the population of Arima and of its fortresses which protected it by supplying provisions, money, lead and saltpeter:

48 Cartas de Évora, op cit, I, fl. 461v. 49 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 136. 50 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, pp. 136-137. 51 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, pp. 136-137. 52 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 143. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 26 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

So, as the Visitor Father saw so many needs, which neither Arimadono, daimyō of Arima, nor anybody else could assist to, because they suffered themselves, he determined how to best assist them so that they would not totally despair and might lose themselves in the end, it seeming to them that alms could not be better used than in order to assist the many poor in those lands. And so he had a large quantity of provisions bought and, besides alms-giving every day to the poor who came for them at home, he ordered for assistance as well to the fortresses, by supplying them with provisions and some silver, as possible, and also supplying lead and saltpetre, which had come on the commercial carrack from Macau and which he had stored for this purpose, having spent on these things close to six hundred cruzados53 .

This assistance, although allegedly insufficient, according to Fróis, was to play a decisive role in keeping the daimyō of Arima in power and in allowing for a peace treaty to be negotiated with his enemy54 . Another fundamental aspect to be highlighted is the decisive role which the Church seems to have played in this episode, Luís Fróis having demonstrated that, without the intervention of the Society of Jesus, Arima would have been conquered. Did the help of the Church consist only of provisions and prayers? In light of the above-mentioned testimonies by Captain Landeiro, factor Román and merchant Ferreira, the following passage may be subject to a new interpretation, which will demonstrate that the Jesuits supported the Lord of Arima, not only by means of the power of religion but also by means of the power of weapons, through the mediation of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro:

And understood very well the importance of the assistance he received from the Church, so much for the soul as for the body, because everyone understood, undoubtedly, that, if the Father [Alessandro Valignano] had not helped him [the daimyō of Arima] in this war, he would have lost it. As he and his followers understood this, they were very thankful and

53 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, p. 145. 54 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, pp. 145-146. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan 27

committed themselves before the Father [Alessandro Valignano] to eliminate idolatry from his land.55

Finally, we would like to make reference to the fact that Lourenço Mexia described the building of a church, something which seems to fit in perfectly with Landeiro’s report, and also the fact that it was paid for through the profits obtained upon the visit of a Portuguese vessel in that harbour:

And a junk of theirs, a vessel slightly smaller than a carrack, entered Kuchinotsu, and, as these lords of Japan, despite owning much land, were very poor in income and money, it is difficult to describe the joy which they feel when a ship of the Portuguese enters their land, given the money which they draw from it [trade]. With tax rights, wood is being prepared right now in order to build up a beautiful church in this harbour [Kuchinotsu], because, given the visit from the carrack, merchants from all over Japan come to it [Kuchinotsu].56

We wish to recall hereafter that the harbour of Nagasaki had been subject to a concession to the Society of Jesus that year 57 . Such concession, according to Lourenço Mexia, seems to be connected to the events which occurred in the neighbouring region of Arima. This donation may apparently have been due to fears which the daimyō of Omura (Ōmura Sumitada, 1533- 1587) had that the Portuguese carrack might cease visiting the harbours of his fiefdom; hence, he might thus lose the high profits which this trade brought to that region. Another important detail is the fact that Lourenço Mexia declared that the junk which had gone to Kuchinotsu the year before was mainly sent as a result of Jesuit pressure. This information is consistent with the declaration, found in Landeiro’s testimony, that he had taken his vessels to Japanese harbours as indicated by the Society of Jesus and had even lost money just to please the Jesuits:

55 Luís Fróis, op cit, III, pp. 148-149. 56 Cartas de Évora, op cit, I, fl. 467f. 57 Diego Pacheco, S.J., The Founding of the Port of Nagasaki and its Cession to the Society of Jesus, Centro de Estudos Marítimos de Macau, Macau, 1989. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 28 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

On the conversion of the daimyō of Arima, as D. Bartolomeu was to observe how the Visitor [Alessandro Valignano] held the daimyō of Arima so highly, and as he feared that what had happened the year before might happen to him, that the carrack might enter Kuchinotsu under the wish of the priests, and he [D. Bartolomeu] might lose income and benefits which are to be drawn from having a carrack come into his harbor, he humiliated and submitted himself to such an extent before the Father [Alessandro Valignano] that he did everything he wanted, and was lucky that the Fathers accepted the so-called harbour [Nagasaki], and, in truth, for the good and safety of his land, he could not wish for a better thing, whereby all this was done to great satisfaction and joy, both his [D. Bartolomeu], and ours [Society of Jesus].58

Yet, the donation of Nagasaki cannot be merely justified as a measure to keep peace in the region, thus being backed by the Society of Jesus, but rather, pera gratificar os padres o muito bem, e serviços que lhe tem feitos, namely, “to gratify the Fathers of the Society of Jesus for their excellent service”. Question: were these services part of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s financial and military aid?59 Okamoto and Taladriz point towards the same hypothesis60 , by upholding that the daimyō of Omura himself, Ōmura Sumitada, on being baptized, would have chosen the name Bartolomeu, given his friendship towards the Portuguese merchant, who would have played a fundamental role in the expansion of Christianity in the Kyūshū region, drawn as he was not by merely economic interest, but by spiritual interest, as the written sources seem to demonstrate. Okamoto also calls our attention to the fact that the ship-owner Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was a very well-known man in the Kyūshū region, a

58 Cartas de Évora, op cit, I, fl. 467f. 59 Cartas de Évora, I, fl. 466v e 467f. 60 Documentos franciscanos de la Cristiandad de Japon (1593-1597)- San Martin de la Ascension y Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneira, Relaciones e Informaciones, (editor José Luís Alvarez-Taladriz), Osaka, 1973, p. 199, note 121. Yoshimo Okamoto, op cit, 1930, pp. 424-426. It should also be emphasized that Okamoto came to a similar conclusion to ours, yet he did not use the información, which proves the strong probability of this hypothesis. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Japan 29

point which has led him to put forward the hypothesis that he may have visited Japanese harbours before 158061 . As for this possibility, it is quite probable that Landeiro may have traded with Japan before 1580. Thus, for instance, we know that in 1574, Captain André Feio visited Japan. In 1582 a vessel under the captainship of this very André Feio became stranded off the island of Formosa, later known as Taiwan62 , which meant that the investment of the Jesuits in it was lost. This captain-merchant was at the time leading a vessel which belonged to ship- owner Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, thus implying that he was working for him. The Portuguese merchant alleged that for this journey to Japan he had spent around 40 thousand cruzados. The inquiry in Manila into this event referred in question four that an amount of 50 thousand cruzados had been lost. In an earlier description reported by Jesuit Alonso Sánchez, there is a very important reference to this event, as well as to the clout which Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had in Japan. According to what Sánchez left in writing, the Portuguese ship-owner was such a generous man that he took the Jesuits to Japan in his carracks, which went loaded with his own precious objects and those of others. He refused to enter ports of Japanese daimyō who did not welcome missionaries or, where they might have Jesuits in their dominions, who did not treat them fairly. There seems to have been one instance in particular, in which, led by this aim, he may have lost thirty thousand ducados, the equivalent to the cargo of a vessel. Hence, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s boasting that he had in Japan more Christians than the Jesuits themselves63 . Obviously, the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez may not have witnessed this fact, but he may have heard about it from the Portuguese of Macau, from the Jesuits who were in this city, and from the Portuguese ship-owner himself. As the different sources put forward demonstrate, Bartolomeu Landeiro had a very close relationship with the Jesuits and may even have benefited from them economically and militarily on several occasions. However, reports by the Society of Jesus, including one by such a perfectionist scribe as Luís Fróis, ignore his name. What might be the reason for this?

61 Yoshimo Okamoto, op cit, 1930, p. 425. 62 See the representation of Taiwan according to Pedro Barreto de Resende in Livro do Estado da Índia Oriental, 1636. This book is found at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. 63 Francisco Colín (1663) Labor Evangélica de la Compañía de Jesús en las Islas Filipinas por el P. Francisco Colín de la misma Compañía (Colin-Pastells), Barcelona 1904, II, cap. XXV, p. 553. CF. Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998, p. 25, note 6.

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates 31

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates

Following his assistance to the daimyō of Arima and to the Jesuits in Japan, Landeiro mentions another very interesting episode. By the same time a privateer emerged who devastated the Chinese harbours, through stealing and causing a lot of damage. The Chinese authorities, incapable of defeating this pirate on their own, got in contact with Bartolomeu Landeiro, asking him to eliminate the pirate who was ravaging the region, much like some powerful captain-merchants of Macau had done before64 . Actually, this episode seems to reflect a point of view which has been expressed in ever more grounded terms, or rather, the Chinese authorities allowed the Portuguese to stay in Macau, thus using their presence to patrol the coastal regions. The merchants of Macau played an important military role and managed even to pacify that region by fighting the pirates65 . Fighting the pirates was of interest to the Portuguese in a two-fold way: if on the one hand it ensured their presence in Macau and good diplomatic relations with Chinese authorities, on the other it eliminated possible competitors and trade enemies. On the other edge of the equation, from the Chinese point of view, the Portuguese possessed a military force with some importance, which patrolled the Chinese maritime shores and ensured the cessation of hostilities from pirates, while, at the same time, they were a vigorous commercial force, which had the capacity to feed the Chinese Empire with silver, to satisfy the Emperor’s need for amber and, in addition, through trade, to bring prosperity to the Chinese harbour cities and their mercantile communities. It was in this context that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, as the main merchant of Macau, was approached by the Chinese authorities. By resorting to the inquiry carried out in Manila, and more precisely its fifth question66 , we obtain

64 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau : antologia documental. Lisboa, Ministério da Educação, 1996. 65 Jin Guo Ping, Wu Zhiliang, Revisitar os primórdios de Macau: para uma nova abordagem da História, Macau, Fundação Oriente-IPOR, 2007. 66 Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de Abril de 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2 THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 32 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

more information on this event. In the kingdom of China a tyrant rose who carried out privateering with armed ships, bringing much evil and damage to all harbours and amongst the population wherever he reached out: this passage demonstrates that the pirate was of Chinese origin and not of any other nationality. The same question of the inquiry gives us another clue: the fighting between Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the pirate would have occurred in the seas of the Kingdom of Siam (present-day Thailand). In the testimony the Portuguese merchant reveals yet another important fact by declaring that he had gone after the pirate with two of his big ships, having thus spent a lot of money. The fifth question of the inquiry also reaffirms the fact that this merchant spent a large amount of gold on this military expedition. Surprisingly, this account matches an account by António Bocarro (1594- 1642)67 regarding a pirate of Chinese origin called Charempum Litauquien, who had devastated the Canton harbour, where the Portuguese acquired their merchandise. In an analogous account, he indicates that the Portuguese had been summoned by the mandarins to put out the threat. In his account, such task had been conducted and funded by the Portuguese:

In the past, a pirate named Charempum Litauquien2 had rebelled against the authorities of this province [Guangdong], and its king. He rebelled to conquer Canton. At that time, the authorities summoned the Portuguese to fight with them, with our silver, boats and weapons. Risking our lives and with no fear of the mentioned thieves given their great number, we attacked them, killed them and destroyed them, and seized nine boats with everything inside and delivered them to the authorities, without having gained any benefit therefrom save for a cap 68 which was given to the Ouvidor [judicial representative of the Portuguese State of India] and a plate of silver to the jurubaça [mixed-blood interpreter]. For this reason and for the services we have rendered to the authorities, they have deemed us to be good people; and all these services

67 António Bocarro, Década 13 da História da Índia, (ed. de Rodrigo José de Lima Felner), Lisboa, Academia Real das Ciências, 1876. 68 The cap (carapuça) may have been a metaphor and the silver plate as a sort of safe-conduct for him to be able to go to China on business. The Chinese sources make no reference to this. We thank Jin Guo Ping for his kind assistance on this matter. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates 33

rendered are written down in their registry.

In the Portuguese sources tiranno chimcheo or Charempum Litaquien is mentioned. On this point we would wish to give some explanation 69. Chincheo was the word used by the Portuguese with regard to those who were from the region of Zhangzhou and, extendedly, of Fujian. The name “Charempum” is a corruption from Zeng Yibeng 曾一本 and “Litauqiem” a Portuguese attempt to pronounce the name Lin Daoqian 林道乾. Contrary to what Bocarro said, these names correspond to those of two pirates and not to that of just one person. Zeng Yibeng was a widely mentioned personality in the Chinese sources, either in the History of the Ming 70, or in local gazetteers, researched by Zhou Shuoxun and by Yu Dayou71. He was from the province of Fujian in China, prefecture of Zhangzhou, and became involved, in the year of 1568, in violent armed clashes with the Chinese official army, having even laid siege to Canton, for a period of seven days. Following this episode, and given that Zeng Yibeng was not successful, he focused on reconquering Macau, having been defeated by the Portuguese. References to such fighting are included in a memorial to the Throne presented by Chen Wude, Secretary Inspector of the Section of Public Works:

I have managed to find out, by investigating, that the big pirates have in the past few years been causing enormous disaster, while the barbarians who are promiscuously living and occupying [Macau] are a much more worrying problem. The barbarians [of Macau]72 and the people from Malacca are brave by character, and their rifles are even better than those of the Wakō [Japanese pirates]. Last year [1568], pirate Zeng Yibeng led an assault against them, who were less than one thousand men. As the assailants suffered many casualties, they gave up

69 Information drawn from the article by Jin Guo Ping, “Combates a Piratas e a Fixação Portuguesa em Macau”, in Revista Militar, Europress, Lisboa, Jan. 1999, pp. 199-228. 70 On his biographical data and his activity as a pirate, please see: History of the Ming, pp. 255-256, 5607, 5610, 5621-5622, 5624-5625, 5911, 8356 e 8372. 71 Zhou Shuoxun, “Chaozhou Prefecture Gazetteer”, ed. 1761, Zhulan Bookstore, vol. 38, “Conquests and Appeasements”, pp. 32b-33a, 34b-35a, 37a; and “The Last Events in the Operations ‘Cleaning the Seas’”, by Yu Dayou, “Works from the Room of Probity”, facsimile edition published in 1934, vol. I. 72 Portuguese. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 34 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

their initial intent and fled to a far-away place, which well reveals their bravery [of the Folangji – the Portuguese of Macau].73

According to Jin Guo Ping74 , the attack by Zen Yibeng against Macau only signals the existence of armed conflict between the Europeans of Macau and Chinese pirates. This would not have happened only as the result of a request from the Canton authorities, but for survival purposes, since defending Macau also meant preserving an important commercial network which linked the Portuguese to Canton, Japan and countless harbours in Southeast Asia. It can be thus affirmed that such conflict was not the reason of Macau’s donation to the Portuguese by the Chinese Emperor. Bocarro’s source fails, however, to give any indication as to the individuals who led this mission; once again, Landeiro’s name is ignored. Bocarro, in his version, confused two pirates, who were in fact just one, named Lin Daoqian. In the Chinese sources, comparatively, references are found linked to this event and also to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, as well as to another European called Chema and to an Asian interpreter named Cai Dianquan75 . Other historical sources have been discovered and handed to us by Jin Guo Ping, and they demonstrate that both Landeiro’s report and the testimonies by the other European merchants on this pursuit are entirely trustworthy, as it did really happen. The first noteworthy reference to this is to be found in Wanli Wugonlu (Military Merits During the Reign of Wanli) which offers clear information regarding the participation of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and another European called Chema Rosa in the attack against the Chinese pirate:

On the eighth moon of year Gengchen [庚辰]76, Siam sent its tributary ambassador [....] At the time, Wu Zhang [吳章], from Xiangshan Bay [香山澳],77 the Folangji [佛郎機人] Chengma Luoshu [沉馬囉 ] [Chema Rosa] and shipowner Luoming [Bartolomeu] chong Wenshi [Vaes] nu [囉鳴沖呅 呶]

73 Chen Wude, “Memorial ao Trono com informações detalhadas sobre a parte oriental de Guangdong”, in Escritos Conservados de Xie Shan, (Ed. de 1870), vol. I, p. 31a. 74 Information drawn from the article by Jin Guo Ping, op cit, Jan. 1999, pp. 199-228. 75 沉馬囉 (Chema Rosa)及囉鳴(Bartolomeu) 沖呅 (Vaes) 呶.We thank Dr. Jin Guo Ping for his kind assistance in this matter. 76 June/July 1580. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates 35

(Bartolomeu Vaes), as well as jurubaça Cai Dianquan [蔡典全], amongst more than twenty other people, showed before the Viceroy asking him to allow them to organize an expedition on their own against Lin Daoqianjj [林道乾]. The Viceroy then summoned the ambassador from Siam to His tribunal and asked him a few questions. After that, the Viceroy offered him as gifts a silver plate [銀牌] and a few items of coloured brocade and said that he should strive for building up an expedition, together with our armed forces. The order was fulfilled.”78

Chema was probably an abbreviation for the name José Maria. These types of abbreviations are particularly used in Spain, which bring about the strong possibility that this commander may have been of Spanish and not Portuguese origin. A thorough analysis of the sources with regard to European vessels in Macau proves that crew members onboard Portuguese vessels were of different nationalities, whereby such hypothesis is quite plausible. One must also signal the fact that several Spaniards were part of the European society of Macau. At that time, besides the Spanish Jesuits, there was also a rich merchant who went by the name of Pedro Quintero Andaluz, and who held a high position in this region, having donated immense sums of money to the Society of Jesus. In the Chinese version of the Memorial to the Throne compiled by Diogo Pantoja, Sabatino Uris and others Jesuits, (Collection of Archives and Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties with Respect to Macau), a clear reference was in fact made to this event:

1 [...] The barbarian merchants of Xiangshan Bay, when did their business start? We do not know about that, and neither do they. We have heard that, at the time of the Lin Daoqian uprising, some merchants of Macau and others, who were ready to prepare boats, supplies and weapons on their own, strived to attack Lin Daoqian. The Viceroy showed His Majesty His military merits. We do not know exactly

77 Macau. 78 Qu Jiusi, Wanli Wugonglu (Military Merits During the Reign of Wanli), edition of 1612, p. 44. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 36 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

whether it was for this reason that they were allowed to stay [in Macau].”79

The Truthful Chronicle by Wanli also mentioned this confrontation:

“On the day renzi [壬子] 80[...] pirate Lin Daoqian [林道 乾] was hiding in the islands and was a threat and our generals and soldiers could not pursue him. He had Pattani and Siam as his hiding places and he forced Pattani to invade Siam. The jurubaça said that His country offered to capture him. The Viceroy of the two Guang [兩廣] Liu Yaohui [劉堯誨] decided to reward him with a great prize, for the purpose of victory. The Ministry [of War] responded favourably to this request and His Majesty authorized it.”81

Another Chinese memorial, with information obtained from the Portuguese, provided a few more details on the pirates who were ravaging Canton, and on the efforts by the authorities to eradicate them, mentioning in particular the names of Zeng Yibeng and Lin Daoqian:

“In the seas of Guangdong, merchants and people lived in great harmony, and yet there were many pirates. They all strived to defend their maritime domains. They managed to help capture pirate Zeng Yiben 82 in the seas and pursued and captured pirate Lin Daoqian83 , who had escaped into foreign seas.”84

79 Published in eds. Wu Zhiliang, Ming qing shiqi Aomen wenti dang’an wenxian huibian (Collection of Archives and Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties with Respect to Macau), Beijing, Publisher of the people, vol. V, p. 425. 80 26 May 1580. 81 Wanli Shilu (Truthful Chronicle by Wanli), The Institute of History and Philology (IHP) of Academia Sinica, Taipei, jan 99, p. 4. 82 “Charempum” of Bocarro. 83 “Litauqiem” of Bocarro. 84 Tang, Kaijian, Bao Xiao Shi Mo Shu (Memorial to the Throne on Rendered Services), quoted in Wei Li Duo Bao Xiao Shi Mo Shu Jian Zheng (Annex to the “Memorial to the Throne on Rendered Services” by the procurator of Macau), Guangzhou, Publisher of the People of Guangdong, 2004, p. 85. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton Pirates 37

The presence of the name Bartolomeu Vaz de Landeiro in the Chinese sources is interesting also because it proves that this episode was not a construction by the Portuguese merchant, who might have appropriated a famous episode for personal benefit. The arguments in support of this thesis demonstrate the existence of two ships. One of the captains of these two ships may indeed have been Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, and the other Chema. It is known that there were several captain-merchants who worked for Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro: it is possible to identify André Feio, Vicente Landeiro or Sebastião Jorge. Perhaps Chema was yet another of these captain-merchants at the service of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. The second argument is that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was at the time the greatest and most powerful European merchant, with enough capital to equip two big ships and fund a military enterprise with his own money. This fact demonstrates that Landeiro belonged to the mercantile elite of Macau and was not the average private merchant. The third argument is that there is information from Bartolomeu Landeiro himself indicating that the crew he took on his ships was made Portuguese and Spanish sailors, as well as of other nationalities, which corroborates the idea that Captain Chema worked for him85 . The fourth argument relates to the fact that the factor of the Philippines, Juan Baptista Román was in Macau little time after and that in the testimony conducted in Manila he indicated that this event was very well known in the city and that the role played by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro in destroying this pirate was public knowledge86 . The fifth argument is that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro may have organized and funded the expedition without having directly participated in the clashes. Irrespective of the arguments put forward, this event seems to have sprung up a new phase in Sino-Portuguese relations, as the hostility of the Canton authorities vis-à-vis the Portuguese community of Macau seems to have diminished.

85 Question number twelve and related answers: Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 April 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 86 Inquiry number 3, question number five. Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 April 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 38 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

As to the combat location, Siam, it is probable that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro may have been quite familiar with it. In this early period of European settlement in Macau, there existed, alongside the direct voyage from Macau the Japanese harbours, another voyage leaving from Macau, stopping over in Siam and thence leaving for Japan, with which Landeiro was certainly involved. With respect to this expedition, it is difficult to understand in what terms it may have taken place, whether annually or exceptionally. I do not possess much information on this voyage; hence it is difficult to understand whether it may have been conducted on a yearly basis or exceptionally. In any case, it seems that by the end of the sixteenth century with the foundation of the Royal Senate of Macau, this route would end up disappearing when Macau started to control, in an effective way, the silk trade, seeking to prevent the use of intermediate merchants and harbours to make them reach Japan:

In this year of 1587, the carrack which usually comes from China to Japan, spent the winter here [Nagasaki] as it did not manage to sell its merchandise, and, as this year no other carrack will come as it usually does, we are deprived from whatever consolation we expected to get from Your Excellency and from India and Europe. Nevertheless, Father Lourenço Mexia of Macau has sent a few chapters and a summary of what has come from Europe by way of a vessel which we call junk, which leaves from China [Macau] to Siam and which from there comes to Japan87 .

87 Jap Sin 10-II, Letter from Priest Gaspar Coelho to General Priest Claudio Acquaviva, from Hirado, on 2 October 1587, fl. 271. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 39

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez

After having finished his mission for the Chinese authorities of Canton, Bartolomeu Landeiro was found again in Macau organizing his numerous commercial investments. In the meantime, in Europe, with the death of King Henry of Portugal (1512-1580), King Philip II of Spain (1527-1598) became the closest successor to the Portuguese throne. On the 15th of April 1581, at the Courts of Tomar, this possibility became a reality, while in Spain, King Philip II was also consecrated King of Portugal. The former Portuguese hegemony was swiftly put into doubt. The news was then transmitted to all the Portuguese overseas fortified settlements, which were obliged to swear in Philip II as the King of the Portuguese Crown. This situation did not find an exception in the case of Macau. D. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, then Governor of the Philippines, sent the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez to Macau. It is proven, however, from existing correspondence, that Macau was not the only destination of the trip he was made to carry out. A secret letter from the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingos Salazar (1581-1594), to Philip II, dated 18 June 1583, reveals that Governor D. Gonzallo de Ronquillo (1580-1583) sent Jesuit Alonso Sánchez not only on the mission of informing the Portuguese of Macau of the succession, but also for the purpose of negotiating with the Governor of Canton a permit for Spanish vessels to trade in the Chinese harbours:

Governor D. Gonzalo Ronquillo sent Father Alonso Sánchez of the Society of Jesus to China to inform the Portuguese of Macau about the succession of His Majesty [King Philip II] to the throne of Portugal, and negotiate an agreement with the Governor of Canton which might allow us [Spaniards of the Philippines] to visit their harbours [Chinese harbours] the same way they [Chinese merchants] come to visit ours88.

88 Letter from the Bishop of the Philippines to the King, Manila, 18 June 1583. AGI, Patronato 25, Ramo 8. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 40 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

In spite of these intentions, during the trip the vessel which transported Alonso Sánchez appears to have been seized by the Chinese authorities and sent to Canton, where it remained under their hold. In another case which runs parallel to this one, a frigate with Franciscans onboard left Manila headed for China with the aim of starting up a new mission. This vessel was also intercepted by the Chinese authorities, and all those onboard were arrested and sent to Canton89 . By a system of informants, news of this event spread swiftly and quickly, thus reaching the Captain General and the inhabitants of Macau. Landeiro, together with the major Portuguese merchants, drew up a rescue plan by collecting more than two thousand Spanish ducados in order to bribe the authorities, and by sending Mattia Pennella, the Italian Jesuit Michele Ruggieri90 and Lopes Vieira91 to rescue the Jesuit fathers. Mattia Pennella was the first Procurator of the Senado da Câmara (City Council) of Macau, one of the most important individuals in the early stages of the European settlement, and the second most important in the city, right after the Captain General 92 . These three men, for their part, entered into negotiations with high Chinese officials in Canton and rescued those onboard. Interestingly, this rescue is also explained by the Governor of the Philippines himself, D. Gonzalo Ronquillo, in a letter he wrote on 10 February 158393 . An inquiry, conducted a little later, also reports the total cost for such rescue, which, considering that Macau had paid for the efforts of the three representatives in this delicate mission, as well as for their provisions and their lodging in Canton, would have been far in excess of two thousand Spanish ducados94 . The Portuguese ship-owner Bartolomeu Landeiro is alleged, in his biographical information, to have been the man behind the sending of Mattia

89 One of the fundamental documents for this event in particular was the Inquiry conducted on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, in Manila, on 28 April 1583. The witnesses gathered by Sebastião Jorge Moxar recount countless details on their recovery. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. 90 Carta del agustino Francisco Manrique sobre evangelización de China y Japón. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. 91 Participation of Lopes Vieira in this event is unknown from other sources. He alleged, however, having been one of the participants in this mission, which was composed of three individuals. Please see his answer to the fourth question of the Inquiry, recorded on 23 April 1583. 92 Jin Guo Ping, Wu Zhiliang, op. cit, 2007, pp. 395-402. 93 Colin-Pastells, op. cit. 1904, II, 302-303. 94 Inquiry conducted by Sebastião Moxar, on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, in Manila, on 28 April 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 41

Pennella, Michele Ruggieri and Lopes Vieira to Canton, to rescue Alonso Sánchez 95 . We have not found any document proving or disproving Landeiro’s direct participation in Sánchez’s rescue operation, as mentioned in his testimony. The sources above would tend to point, however, towards the Captain General of Macau, João de Almeida96 as the individual behind the rescuing operation. In any case, even if there is no reference in the official sources, this does not mean that Landeiro did not have a primary role in the process of decision-making, since one of the three representatives, Lopes Vieira, worked for Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro97 . Another clue which would point towards the involvement of this merchant in the rescue is the fact that the vessel transporting the representatives of Macau to Canton was Landeiro’s property98 . Freed from the Canton prison, the Jesuits and the Franciscans, as well as the Spanish and Filipino passengers were sent to Macau, where they arrived on 31 May 158299 . They were warmly received by the Portuguese authorities, having lodged at Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s house100 . In the Relación breve101 over Alonso Sánchez’s stay in this city, we are informed that, upon his arrival at Macau, he met Alessandro Valignano, Visitor of the Society of Jesus, to whom he had already written a letter, informing him of the reason for his visit. Cautiously, Alonso Sánchez revealed Portugal’s loss of sovereignty to a few important people, who, on oath, complied with the situation. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro may possibly have been amongst the

95 Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de Abril de 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 96 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904 Lib. II, Cap. III, Tomo I, p. 287. 97 See testimony by Lopes Vieira. Inquiry conducted by Sebastião Moxar, on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, in Manila, on 28 April 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. 98 Testimony by Rodrigo de Morales, question number six. Información..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 99 Luís Gonzaga Gomes, Macau: Um Município com História, (Org. António Aresta; Celina V. Oliveira), Leal Senado de Macau, 1997, p. 83. 100 Testimony by Rodrigo de Morales, question number six. Información..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 101 “Relación breve de la jornada que el P. Alonso Sánchez ... hizo por orden del Sr. Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa...”, first published by Francisco Cólin, S.J. (1592-1660) in Labor Evangé1ica (edic. Pastells, Barcelona, 1900-1902). THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 42 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

latter, as he was at the time the most important private merchant of Macau. The letter which the Captain General of Macau, D. João de Almeida, sent to the Governor of the Philippines, dated 24 June 1582, also demonstrates that the town élite already knew, just a few days after the arrival of Jesuit Alonso Sánchez, about the political changes which had occurred in Europe102. Nevertheless, the formal announcement of Philip II’s enthronement would only be revealed some time later, on a Sunday, after a meal on the premises of the Society of Jesus: amongst those present were the Patriarch Father of Ethiopia, the Bishop of Macau, the captain general, and four city representatives (aldermen), as well as the elder and most important people of the city.

Meeting at the Saint Paul College of the Society of Jesus 18 December 1582103 Alonso Sánchez Captain General Gonçalves de Almeida Patriarch of Ethiopia Melchior Carneiro Bishop of China D. Leonardo de Sá Visitor Alexandre Valignano Father Pedro Gómez (Provincial of Japan) Father Duarte Leitão (Rector of Malacca) Father Domingo Alvarez (Rector of Macau) Father Francisco Passio (Provincial of Japan) Other priests, learned men, and clergymen Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro104 Four men elected by the city. The aldermen. Ouvidor González (Damian Gonçalvez-representative of the King105 )

102 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 59. 103 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, Lib. II, Cap. III, Tomo I, pp. 286-287. Republished in: Padre Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua Diocese, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesiano, Macau, 1949, vol. 1, pp. 122-139. Luís Conzaga Gomes, Macau: Um Município com História, (Org. António Aresta; Celina V. Oliveira), Leal Senado de Macau, 1997, p. 86. 104 In Misiones de la Compañía de Jesús en las Filipinas, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro is referred to among the citizens of the city. Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 286. 105 Cf. Letter from D. Diego Ronquillo to the King, dated 8 April 1584, fl. 1v. AGI. Filip., 6, 5, n.º 62. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 43

(cont.) Melchior Correia (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Francisco Rodrigues (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Ignacio Moreira (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Amador da Cunha Domingo Segurado Pedro Quintero Andaluz106 (Castilian living in Macau) António Rabelo Bravo Procurator Mattia Pennella Michele Ruggieri Rodrigo Mesia (Notary)

Extant today is a copy of the letter which the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzallo de Ronquillo, sent to the Captain General of Macau107 , D. João de Almeida. There are also in existence three other copies of the letters sent to the Captain General of Maluco, Diego de Azambuja108 , to the then Captain General of Ambon, Sanchos de Vasconcelos109 and to the Captain of Malacca, D. João da Gama110 . In the case of Macau, written sources reveal the existence of other letters, since the Captain General of Macau, D. João de Almeida, in the letter he wrote to the Governor of the Philippines, dated 24 June 1582, advised him not to send an embassy to the Emperor of China (1572-1620, Wanli), alleging it would not be received and would cause serious problems to the mercantile community living in Macau111 . Concealing the invasion and the plundering of Lisbon by the Duke of Alba, Alonso Sánchez fulfilled his difficult diplomatic mission by emphasizing the benefits from the union of the Portuguese and Castilian crowns under the aegis of only a monarch, who was more Portuguese than Castilian:

106 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 286. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, Catálogo de los documentos relativos a las Islas Filipinas..., Barcelona, Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas, 1926, vol. II, pp. clxiv-clxv. 107 Carta ao Capitão-mor de Macau, 1582. AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 61. 108 Carta ao Capitão-mor de Maluco, 1582. AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 61. 109 Carta ao Capitão-mor de Amboino, 1582. AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 61. 110 Carta ao Capitão-mor de Malaca, 1582. AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 61. 111 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 59. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 44 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

And there he told them what God had fulfilled and how He had joined the kingdoms of Castile and Portugal, treading lightly on these events and dissimulating the wars and looting [the looting of Lisboa by the Duke of Alba]. For this purpose, I showed them a few documents I knew had nothing inconvenient, such as those which mentioned the important Portuguese who had been appointed and who had submissively paid their respects of loyalty to His Majesty [King Philip II] as his vassals, and the great rewards and donations which he gave to everyone, and the fairness which His Majesty had shown not only with respect to the university and the literati of almost all Christianity, whom he had consulted, but also with respect to King Henry himself and the judges of Portugal. I also told them how His Majesty had more Portuguese than Castilian blood and that he intended to hold His Court there [in Lisbon], as it had existed before, having received the attire used by clergymen from the Portuguese.112

According to some information, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, a very Christian and very rich man, a big benefactor of the Castilian crown and of Japan’s Christianity]113 , seems to stand out from amongst the most important citizens of Macau. In his biographical information, the Portuguese ship-owner also declares having sworn loyal allegiance to King Philip II, which seems to match Castilian information, in accordance with which he immediately declared himself to be very much a subject of the King 114. As for his role within the European community of Macau, Landeiro affirms to have been the person who, in a decisive way, influenced the positive outcome of the meeting of 18 December 1582 and the acceptance of allegiance by Macau to Philip II:

Order to seek him [Alonso Sánchez], at his expense [Bartolomeu Landeiro], and to bring him [Alonso Sánchez] to the harbour of Macau, where they pledged allegiance to Philip II as their King and Lord, the supplicant [Bartolomeu Landeiro]

112 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 286. 113 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 286. 114 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 286. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 45

as a loyal vassal to His Majesty having tried to have everyone do the same.

In another letter which the Jesuit Pedro Gómez writes to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, on 30 January 1583, the merchant Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro is not mentioned, the importance of this meeting’s success being ascribed to the Visitor of the Society of Jesus, Alessandro Valignano:

Your Lordship keeps all these people [Europeans of Macau] quiet, pacified and happy, and I believe happier at the service of His Majesty [King Philip II] than they were with their King, to whom the presence in the region of Father Alessandro Valignano of the Society [Society of Jesus] has been of great assistance. He is [...] a big authority in the region and was here when Father Alonso Sánchez arrived. As a very prudent Father, he found himself like these people [the Europeans of Macau] in the following way: he showed sadness with those who were sad, so that they might not deem him a stranger and might give credit to what he might say to them, and, after calling them and after they had come, he affirmed being Portuguese like all of them and preached a sermon in which he proved and concluded before those who heard him that they had great reason to rejoice with such great event and with such a King and Master.115

There are, however, two aspects which I would like to analyze, the first of which concerns Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. The aim of the ship-owner in writing the biographical note in which he assumed the central role in convincing the city to pay allegiance to King Philip II was that of inducing the Iberian government authorities into granting him a reward, a gesture which may possibly have elevated his function. The second aspect is connected to the letter by Pedro Gómez, who was a Jesuit and whose impartiality may also be put into doubt, given the fact that he belonged to the same Religious Order he was praising.

115 AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 13. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 46 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Nevertheless, irrespective of how biased these two documents may be, both individuals played a fundamental role in this acceptance, Bartolomeu Landeiro as a great merchant who had managed to pacify the relationship between the authorities of Canton and Macau, and, on the other hand, Visitor Valignano, the highest exponent of the Society of Jesus in Macau while the latter was seen as an economic authority. The former were regarded as a religious authority, however, we should also give some credit to the remaining participants at the meeting, irrespective of their presence in the found documentation. The favourable outcome of this mission appears to have been made possible by means of a concerted action of all the participants in the meeting held at the College of Saint Paul, amongst whom stand out Pedro Quintero Andaluz, an important Castilian who was living in Macau, and a Eurasian called Domingo Segurado. Nonetheless, it also seems important to emphasize that an official report of this meeting was recorded; so was the acceptance of Philip II as the King of Portugal by the noblemen and the merchants of Macau. The following names are mentioned in this report – or record of events occurred in the Meeting at the Saint Paul College held on the 18th of December:

Oath by the Noblemen of Macau, 1582116 Alonso Sánchez Captain General Gonçalves de Miranda Patriarch of Ethiopia Melchior Carneiro Bishop of China D. Leonardo de Sá Visitor Alessandro Valignano of the Society of Jesus Father Pedro Gómez (Provincial of Japan) Ouvidor González (Damian Gonçalvez117 ) Melchior Correia (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Francisco Rodrigues (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Ignacio Moreira (Four men elected by the city. The aldermen) Amador da Cunha Domingo Segurado Michele Ruggieri Rodrigo Mexia

116 AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 60. 117 Cf. Letter from D. Diego Ronquillo to the King, on 8 April 1584, fl. 1v. AG. Filip., 6, 5, n.º 62. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 47

Yet, and in spite of Landeiro’s importance, his standing was not recognized in the most important official report of Macau. This situation is all the more incongruous when one considers that the names of the most important noblemen and merchants of Macau are included therein. The following doubt therefore remains: would Landeiro have been officially considered an outlaw, a pariah, a persona non grata by the authorities of Goa and Portugal? What is the reason for this omission? Unlike what George Bryan de Souza has upheld by saying that Bartolomeu Landeiro would never have mentioned being from a noble family118 , the latter explicitly indicated, in several testimonies, that he was from the Portuguese nobility 119 . This unexplainable absence demonstrates that Captain Bartolomeu Landeiro was not of noble origin, one which he attempted to forge in several testimonies, a situation which was common amongst the Portuguese who lived outside Portugal. Indeed, some time before he arrived in India, after several vicissitudes, an important law was enacted, on 17 December 1558120 , which attempted to control the countless irregularities carried out by some Portuguese, who pretended being noblemen by acquiring positions and journeys which pertained to noblemen. Moreover, it is important to highlight here the fact that this law, and many others of the same type, aimed at legitimizing the very notion of nobility during the Portuguese Expansion whereby their political and economic clout overshadowed the role of important Portuguese merchants who circulated inside and outside the commercial network of the Empire. Nevertheless, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, although not a nobleman, was still the most important merchant in town. Why then were the names of other minor merchants included on the list of 1582 while his own was not included?

118 Landeiro, contrary to most of the Portuguese nobility, made no mention of his family’s position or his possible membership in any of Portugal’s military orders […] George Bryan de Souza, op. cit., (1986) 2004, p. 36. 119 Testimony by Landeiro and question number 14. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 120 Biblioteca Nacional em Lisboa, Códice 11176, Regimento da Jndia, Leys Alvaras, Cartas, e Jnstruções pertencentes ao mesmo Governo da Jndia, Lei sobre os que se chamão fidalgos e Senhores da casa real não o sendo 1558, fl. 21.

The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 49

The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau

In 1582, António Garcês was Captain General in the trade voyage to Japan. In the same year, the old timer André Feio also set sail with most of the merchandise of the citizens of Macau, as the captain of a large junk belonging to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. Only a small part of such merchandise would be taken on the vessel under António Garcês’s captainship. This fact demonstrates once again the importance of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro amongst the merchants of Macau. Despite the existence of an official commercial ship for the transportation of merchandise to Japan, the ship of the Portuguese merchant was chosen over it. This event also proves that Captain André Feio worked for Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. I also believe that Captain André Feio lived in Macau with his family, since there is a document which points to the fact that his wife cooked Bengal rice for the crew during the journey to Japan:

In particular the rice from Bengal, which the wife of the captain sent to the sailors, ever saturated, but, as it was cooked rice, it gave us life.151

Another aspect worthy of consideration is the fact that André Feio was probably a Eurasian, since his name is mentioned in a list of donations, together with other Macau locals, who were the result of mixed marriages. We believe that it is the same person, because of a widespread habit at the time amongst the Portuguese. When several descendants or coincidentally several individuals with no family ties had the same name, the eldest one was named Velho (old), or o Velho (the old) after the name, and the younger ones were named moço (lad), or o moço (the lad), hence they could be distinguished among the community. The fact that André Feio was not named this way

151 Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU – Monumenta Historica Japoniae I – Textus Catalogorum Japoniae 1553-1654, (ed. José Franz Schütte), Romae, Monumenta Histórica Societatis IESU a Patribus Eiusdem Societatis Edita, 1975, Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar... Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-V-3, Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, fl. 4v. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 50 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

demonstrates that most likely he was the same person. In this list, the name André Feio is also included amongst those of other individuals who were surely living in Macau in the 1580s, such as procurator António Rebelo Bravo, alderman Melchior Correia, merchant Domingos Segurado, or Bartolomeu Landeiro himself152 . After the final preparations, Landeiro’s vessel, under the leadership of Captain André Feio, was then loaded with merchandise. Surprisingly enough, among its crew there were Alonso Sánchez and the rest of the Spanish crew153 , who had opted for being on this ship and not aboard the vessel headed by Captain General António Garcês. As the weather was unpredictable, the apparent calm weather of the China seas quickly gave way to a great tempest. Both the official carrack and the non-official carrack critically risked sinking. Yet, in spite of serious problems in the high seas, the Captain General, António Garcês, managed to drive his vessel to the Kuchinotsu harbour. On this route he faced three typhoons. The other large junk, headed by André Feio, due to bad weather and the typhoons, deviated eventually from its original course and arrived at Formosa, present-day Taiwan, which the Portuguese had already been visiting for forty years154 . Not even the long experience on this route which Captain André Feio had by then, as he had been visiting the Japanese harbours since at least 1574, was enough to allow him to save the vessel and anchor it in the harbour which had been its destination:

Year of 1582 Chapter 35º On how the junk got lost in Formosa [Taiwan], and on what was done at Tacacu in this year of 1582 In the year of 1582 two junks had left from China to Japan, a big one onboard which Father Pedro Gomes came with his companions and of which was captain André Feio, and another smaller one, on which came Captain António Garcês and a few more Portuguese. The small one was to come across three typhoons on the way, having gotten lost. They arrived in

152 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-IV-66, fls. 93-94 Lista dos benfeitores menos principais do Colégio de Macau, Sécs. XVI e XVII. 153 AGI I-I-3/25, r.º 13 in: D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxv. 154 According to the Spaniard Alonso Sánchez. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 51

Kuchinotsu on the day of Santa Clara, the twelfth of August, and got rid of some of the merchandise so that they might be saved, and they entered this harbor with the masts broken. They took off the junk at night, barefooted, in procession, containing themselves and rumbling thanks-giving litanies for the great benefit which they had received from the powerful hand of God, who had given them their lives and had brought them safe and sound to that harbour.155

According to Father Francisco Pires’s testimony, after the ship was stranded on Formosa (present-day Taiwan), fearing that the vessel would have fallen apart due to the high waves, the crew eventually decided to built two rafts. Captain André Feio and other crew members, together with the Jesuits Pedro Gomes, Alonso Sánchez, Álvaro Dias and Francisco Pires eventually sought protection on one of them.156 . The following year, news of this event reached Macau, thus bringing great joy to the local European community, since they already believed that the carrack had sunk and that all those onboard and all the merchandise were irretrievably lost together with it157 . We know for a fact that there were altogether around two hundred people onboard, of which 80 were heathen Chinese, officials of the junk. This report reveals to us the existence of a high number of Chinese on the Macanese carracks, in this case in particular, 40% of the total crew of the junk. Aside this report, which was recorded by Luís Fróis, there is another account, written by Alonso Sánchez, where the numbers given are far higher. According to this Jesuit, there were around 290 persons onboard158 . This situation, though unusual, seems to be a constant factor with Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, as I shall prove later on. In the account of the Jesuit Francisco Pirez, on the other hand, we are informed that in the above- mentioned junk there were also Japanese travellers (mercenaries), whose leader seems to have been a Japanese named Moro João159 .

155 Luís Fróis, III, pp. 286-287. 156 Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, from Josef Franz Schütte, S.J., Monumenta Historica Japoniae, Roma : Instituto Histórico de la Compañia de Jesús, 1975, p. 387. Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-V-3, Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, fl. 4. 157 Luís Fróis, III, p. 287. 158 Colin-Pastells, op cit. 1904, II, p. 300. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 52 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Yet, we would like to underscore here the fact that Alonso Sánchez’s description of Taiwan is quite different from the one given by the Jesuit Francisco Pires. Nevertheless, the latter, besides describing Taiwan and its inhabitants in detail, does not reveal the same aggressiveness as it is found in Alonso Sánchez’s report. Another aspect of great interest lies in the fact that in 1596 the Portuguese sailed again to the area surrounding Taiwan. There is also information that in 1611 the daimyō of Arima sent a Japanese expedition160 . One must take into consideration the fact that Alonso Sánchez’s report was written soon after the Taiwan shipwreck occurred, while Francisco Pires’s description is dated many years later. After the shipwreck, crew members of the vessel belonging to Bartolomeu Landeiro, under orders of Captain André Feio, built another vessel availing themselves of the wood from the wrecked junk, and then returned to Macau. The investments by the city and the Jesuits were lost, thus causing great damage to the Japanese Mission and to the European community residing in Macau. Curiously enough, the Visitor Alessandro Valignano, S. J., had put on sale in Japan all the merchandise owned by the Jesuits. Valignano did so onboard André Feio’s junk and not on António Garcês’s official ship, thus showing his utmost trust in Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and in the men that were at his service. At the same time, though, this proves the good terms with which the Jesuits and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro were, especially given the fact that the Portuguese merchant had always financially, militarily, and diplomatically helped the Society of Jesus161. According to historian Taladriz, not only André Feio’s ship, but also António Garcês’s vessel belonged to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro; yet, I was unable to verify this statement162. We would like to highlight here something which, up until now, has never been noted, or rather, the fact that António Garcês, Capitão-Mor (Captain General), was also of Jewish origin163. This clearly demonstrates that, besides the restrictions usually imposed upon Jewish descendants in holding important

159 Francisco Pires S.J., op cit, 1975, p. 387. 160 Francisco Pires S.J., op cit, 1975. Or see Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-V-3, Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, fls. 4-6. 161 Francisco Pires S.J., op cit, 1975, p. 391. Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-V-3, Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, fl. 4. 162 Alessandro Valignano, Sumario de las cosas de Japon (1583), (ed. José Luis Alvarez-Taladriz), Tokyo, Sophia University, 1954, C. XXIX, p. 336, note 14. 163 James C. Boyajian, op cit, 1993, p. 80. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 53

positions in the Portuguese Empire, new-Christians/conversos managed to bypass these legal impediments, usually aided by an extraordinary network of contacts at key positions of power. Furthermore, if Macau was being informally governed by the new-Christian/converso Bartolomeu Landeiro, it was also officially governed by the new-Christian/converso António Garcês. This temporary political and economic configuration transformed Macau into a unique place for the Sephardic Diaspora within the Portuguese Empire in Asia. This loss seems to have haunted the Visitor Father Valignano, who, while writing his Sumario, recalled once again this event, one in which the Jesuits seem to have lost 8.000 ducados, besides the return profits from their investment, which according to the Jesuit, were expected to have been around 4.000 ducados164 . It should also be remembered that Valignano’s Sumario had the purpose of promoting his own agenda, given that the numbers reported most likely were considerably inferior to the real value of the total investments. In accordance with Alonso Sánchez in his Relación Breve, as soon as those onboard arrived to Macau, the Jesuit thought of returning to Spain with the outcome of his diplomatic mission, via Portuguese India, as at this time three Portuguese ships anchored in Canton were about to leave. Before the final decision, the Jesuit resorted to his last resource, that of talking to a very rich and prominent Portuguese of Macau, called Bartolome Baez, to whom the ship lost in the island of Formosa belonged165. Knowing how he protected the Society of Jesus and conscious of his aid in favour of conversion to Christianity in Kyūshū, they used one of the main representatives of the Jesuits as an intermediary, so that he might plead in favour of the Castilian passengers, thus helping them return to Manila. Although the source fails to mention the name of the intermediary, there is evidence pointing towards Alessandro Valignano:

We begged him [Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro], in the presence of the one he is devout to [Alessandro Valignano] and for whom he has done great good to the Christianity of Japan, to strengthen and prepare that ship from Formosa [Taiwan] and

164 Alessandro Valignano, op cit, C. XXIX, p. 336.. 165 Colin-Pastells, op cit. 1904, II, p. 300. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxv. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 54 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

to do the benefit to His Majesty of returning the official documents of Macau on the acceptance of Philip II as King of Portugal to Manila.166

On 14 December 1582, the Visitor of the Society of Jesus wrote a letter addressed to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo de Ronquillo, where he also mentioned this episode, and referred to Landeiro as Señor Capitan desta Ciudad (Lord Captain of this City)167 , which clearly demonstrates Landeiro’s standing within the European community of Macau. This same letter reveals that it was Valignano who interceded before the Portuguese captain so that a vessel might be prepared for Alonso Sánchez’s return to Manila:

As Your Lordship shall understand through them and through letters from others, I wished to be here now to help to the good return [of Alonso Sánchéz to the Philippines], as the mentioned priest has requested me. Given his insistence, the Lord Captain of this Town [Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro] is sending a ship, because, as it is Winter already and the seas are very dangerous, he [Alonso Sánchez] would not be able to travel there [Manila] on another frigate, and neither could the other discalced Fathers 168 without much danger and discomfort.169

This letter is worthy of note for the fact that it recommended Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, an aspect which also demonstrates the involvement of the Society of Jesus in Macau’s diplomacy. The contradiction put forward by Valignano is also surprising. If, on the one hand, in several letters he condemned contacts between the Philippines and Japan and the consequent infringement of the Rights of Patronage by Castilians from Manila, he showed

166 Colin-Pastells, op cit. 1904, II, p. 300. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxv. 167 Letter from Alessandro Valignano to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo de Ronquillo, of 14 December 1582. AGI., Patronato 24, Ramo 57. 168 This is a clear misinterpretation, since Alonso Sánchez’s entourage was made of Franciscans fathers. 169 Letter from Alessandro Valignano to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo de Ronquillo, of 14 December 1582. AGI., Sevilla, Patronato 24, Ramo 57. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 55

great interest in the commerce of the Europeans of Macau with the islands of the Philippines, despite the existence of royal prohibitions to any commercial contact between Manila and Macau. Most likely, Valignano viewed this commercial route as a new and auspicious economic possibility for the Society of Jesus, as the Jesuits might thus be able to diversify their economic investments through several crossings:

Captain Bartolomeu Vaz, who is going there [to Manila], is a person who needs to be very much favoured by Your Lordship, as much for the service he renders to Your Majesty, as he has willingly committed to take the Father there [to Manila], as for the costs he has incurred in with this Voyage, given the great loss he has suffered. Nevertheless, as he is a man of standing who does not know not to spend and wishes to render some service to His Majesty, he does not consider anything else, and so deserves that Your Lordship favour him, so that he can have a good detailed document proving his merits, and is willing to return there other times with ever greater ships.170

However, before the journey, a vessel was needed. Due to the situation of extreme urgency, Landeiro decided to repair the vessel which had arrived from Taiwan and to prepare it for the journey to Manila. In order to be able to do so, Landeiro needed an authorization from the Chinese authorities, besides the use of a very visible plate, which would allow the Spaniards to legally return to Manila. As the authorization was obtained, both the Portuguese and the Castilians received the plates which authorized their departure to the Philippines, thus protecting them in the event they came across Chinese patrolling junks171 . Yet, it appears that Alonso Sánchez was not able to accomplish his second mission, or rather, he failed to secure the authorization from the Chinese authorities that would have allowed him free trade between

170 Letter from Alessandro Valignano to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo de Ronquillo, of 14 December 1582. AGI., Patronato 24, Ramo 57. Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 298. Alessandro Valignano, Apología de la Compañía de Jesus de Japón y China (1598), (editor José Luís Alvarez-Taladriz), Osaka, Eikodo, 1998, p. 25, nota 6. 171 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxvi. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 56 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

the Philippines and China, thus giving him access to the Canton silk fairs. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, despite the loss he had suffered with the junk headed by André Feio, only received help from the Captain General of Macau. Moreover in order to repair the vessel, according to Alonso Sánchez, he spent around 3.000 pesos, a fairly reasonable amount for the time. It should also be stressed that the merchants of Macau were opposed to repairing and equipping this junk, since the sources refer that, in order to be able to build the junk, Landeiro got help from no-one else other than the Captain General, many having, on the contrary, opposed him 172 . This strong opposition is also minutely narrated in the 28 April 1583 Inquiry 173, as well as in the letter to the Governor of the Philippines to the King, dated 20 June 1583 174 . According to Portuguese witnesses, the crew of the vessel shipwrecked in Taiwan, together with the people of Macau, blamed the Spanish crew for this disaster. This would thus be the reason why the Portuguese refused to help the missionaries and the Spanish crew to eventually return to the Philippines175 . Although this information was greatly useful, it is not possible, however, to determine the reasons for these accusations and the animosity of the Portuguese against the Spanish passengers. Might the main point for their disagreement really have been the nationalist sentiment of the Portuguese, who hated being under the sovereignty of the Spanish Crown? Was it perhaps due to an overall inferiority complex felt by the Portuguese, thus accentuating the centuries-old grudges and rivalries between these two

172 Información de 20 de Abril de 1583. Solicited by the Portuguese Captain Sebastião Jorge, signed by Governor D. Diego de Ronquillo on 28 April 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. Colin-Pastells, 1904, II, p. 287. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxviii. Testimony by Rodrigo de Morales, question number six. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 173 Inquiry conducted by Sebastião Moxar in Manila, on 28 April 1583, on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. 174 Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King on Bartolomé Vaez Landeiro, Manila on 20 June 1583. AGI. Filipinas, 6. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxxxii. 175 Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King on Bartolomé Vaez Landeiro, Manila on 20 June 1583: AGI. Filipinas, 6. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxxxii. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 57

nations? Nevertheless, the resolute character of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, prevailed over the interests of the citizens of Macau, and, since he was a man of great wealth and will to help in whatever necessary to serve His Majesty, he thus followed this plan with determination to do the same end in similar situations 176 . That being said, we may conclude that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s action was an isolated attitude in the midst of the Macanese European community. On the other hand, this turn of events proves that he held a very strong economic position; since, despite having suffered high losses with the lack of the annual income from the shipping of merchandise to Japan, he still had enough capital or influence to collect the necessary money to repair and equip a vessel and send it to the Philippines. Another aspect which seems to stand out here is the high degree of independence which he seemed to enjoy with regard to the Portuguese community of Macau, which he did not even mind confronting and opposing. As to the new vessel headed for the Philippines, according to written sources available, it was provided with officials and seamen, who were of Chinese origin, excluding the pilot. This information highlights the idea that the crew in Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s junks was mainly composed of Chinese or Asian natives and not Europeans, who were in small numbers. This information is also very relevant because it demonstrates the existence of a Chinese crew in vessels of Macau, where it was thought that the Chinese only participated in commercial investments and not in sailing and warfare onboard the boats belonging to the Portuguese. Landeiro’s junk was also provided with soldiers, because, although it had a safe-conduct (plate), the crew had no protection. What was still unknown is that the soldiers were Chinese and not Portuguese. These sources also demonstrate the existence of a connection between Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Chinese trading companies of that time. This fact is all the more important when one thinks that there is no knowledge of any other associations of this kind between Europeans and Chinese. We can also prove the existence of privileged diplomatic connections between Captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Canton authorities as well as Chinese trading companies. In the abovementioned vessel, besides the merchants, Jesuits, Franciscans and

176 Inquiry conducted by Sebastião Moxar in Manila, on 28 April 1583, on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 58 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Spaniards who had been accompanying Alonso Sánchez in his trip to Macau, there were also Indian slaves, altogether thirty, who belonged to the Spaniards. In this description there is a hereto unknown personality trait of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, or rather, given that he had provided the crew with merchandise that would have sufficed for the entire voyage, he ordered that no one were to bring anything else onboard, lest it would have been thrown off the ship, given that he was de los mas francos y liverales hombres que ayamos visto, or rather, one of the most sincere and open-minded men that we had ever met 177 . Before leaving, Landeiro fell ill and granted full powers to Captain Sebastião Jorge Moxar, his nephew, for him to lead the journey. Moxar, still in Macau, was instructed to ask the Governor, upon arrival in Manila, to prepare a report on the basis of testimonies on the services rendered by the Portuguese ship-owner to the King of Spain178 , and, in addition, to carry out another important mission. On 13 February 1583, the vessel under the captainship of Sebastião Jorge, Landeiro’s nephew, left Macau headed towards Manila179 . Despite the bad weather which it encountered, the junk arrived at its destination after a 43-day journey, on 27 March 1583. Three of four days before the ship casted anchor, Alonso Sánchez boarded a small raft heading towards Manila with the aim of talking to the then-governor about the voyage and the imminent arrival of the Portuguese ship, thus securing a warm welcome by the local population, in other words, that they “mostrasen mucho amor y benevolencia por ser gente nueba y desconfiada de castellanos y por benir de parte de aquella ciudad á reconocer en su señoría la subjeccion y obediencia de su magestad”, namely, that they “had to show them respect and benevolence, since they were young and usually distrusted the Spanish; given that they had come from that city [Macau] to recognize the subjection and obedience of his Majesty [Filipe II]”. The 28 April 1583 inquiry includes a copy in Spanish of the proxy which Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro issued granting powers of representation to Sebastião Jorge de Moxar. It remains as yet to be explained , however, why this proxy

177 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 300. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxvi. 178 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 287. 179 The Jesuit Francisco Pires affirmed that the departure occurred in March and not in February. Francisco Pires S.J., Pontos do que me alembrar, from Josef Franz Schütte, S.J., op cit , 1975, p. 393. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 59

is dated 7 March 1580, around three years prior to Sebastião Jorge de Moxar’s arrival. Is the date of 1580 a mistake by the notary? Was this an earlier proxy, no newer one having been signed for this purpose? Be it as it may, the proxy shown in Manila is of great relevance for studying this area, as it is an isolated element which bears witness to the way in which the large Portuguese merchants of Macau were represented. The fact that this proxy includes altogether eleven procurators leads us to raise the possibility that this document was prepared not only for Sebastião Jorge Moxar, and for its exclusive use in the Philippines, but also in other harbours visited by Landeiro. The proxy which Sebastião Jorge Moxar showed to the Spanish authorities indicates therefore those who should have been Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s closest associates.

Procurators of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro 1- BastiánJorgeMoxar 2- AntónioVaz-ElViejo 3- Anrrique Borges 4- MelchiorCorrea 5- António Rrabelo Bravo 6- FernándeSoberas 7- FatherNuno Fernández 8- António Garces 9- AntónioTeixeraLobo 10- Damião Gonçalves 11- AntónioVieyra

In short, this document proves, once and for all, that despite the fact that Landeiro’s commercial business was family-based, since two of his nephews worked for it, namely Vicente Landeiro and Sebastião Jorge, there were also many others in his business with no family ties, whereby we cannot entirely refer to it as family-based. Amongst these Portuguese, one should highlight António Rebelo Bravo, Melchior Correia, or Damião Gonçalves, all of whom were present in the meeting between the most influent men of Macau and the Jesuit Alonso Sánchez. It is thus surprising to see the name of António Garcês also on this list of procurators. We can, from this fact, establish that there existed a very close connection between António Garcês, Captain General of the 1582 journey to Japan, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. On behalf of the Portuguese ship-owner, THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 60 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

these individuals were vested with full powers to receive and charge for merchandise, as well as to sell, barter, exchange, and use it. The same proxy mentions some of the merchandise commercialized by the Portuguese ship- owner:

Merchandise Hazienda [Cloth] Dinero (Money) Piezas (Items of artillery) Mercadorias [Merchandise] Horo [Gold] Plata [Silver] Esclavos [Slave men] Esclavas [Slave women] Todas las mas cossas que suyas fueren [All other things belonging to him]

We can thus clearly see that such merchandise also included gold and silver, as well as slaves, thus revealing the main sources of wealth of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. The sources I have consulted also suggest that Captain Sebastião Jorge, upon replacing his uncle, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, on the journey to Manila, was under a very important mission as well. This mission, which was economic in nature, was described in the letter which the Visitor of the Society of Jesus, Alessandro Valignano, wrote to the then Governador, Gonzalo Ronquillo: it was to establish commerce between Macau and the Philippines. The issue which is to be raised is whether the economic perspective upheld by the Portuguese ship-owner and by the Visitor can be framed within the context of Macanese policy, i.e., whether other merchants of Macau were excited with the prospect of creating a direct commercial route with the Philippines. Contrary to what asserted by Father Alessandro Valignano, S. J., regarding the Manila-Macau trade, the position held by the Bishop of China, Father Leonardo de Sá, appeared to be more cautious, since the latter tried his very best not to open this commercial route. This view appears very clearly in the 1582 letter he sent to the Governor of the Philippines:

I do not send Your Lordship anything from the land, given the uncertainty whether this news will reach Your Lordship. The Shipwreck in Taiwan and the Return to Macau 61

After Our Lord [God] has united us in trade, this [the fact that the Spaniards of Manila are to trade with the Portuguese] is not convenient now in any way to Your Lordship, because the Chinese are very restless and fearful as they know that Spain and Portugal are only one country and because they have been informed the Spaniards conquer kingdoms. For these reasons, it is convenient for now that the Chinese understand that we are at peace with them, because we do not have trade with such regions [the Philippines] of which Your Lordship is Governor and so that this land is not lost, in which we find ourselves with no king of defence. Should that happen, His Majesty would lose the taxes which his Majesty hold in India, which sustain most of the armies with which Portuguese India and the Japan trade are defended.180

In another letter which this same Bishop wrote to the Governor, on 10 January 1583, this position is even more obvious. Written in Spanish, this letter was taken by Alonso Sánchez. Unequivocally, D. Leonardo de Sá, pleads with the Governor of Manila not to allow any Spaniard, irrespective of his social condition, to travel to China, as such might cause great damage to the inhabitants of Macau:

Due to it being very meaningful, both to the service of God and to the spread of Christianity [...] that no Spaniard comes from that place [the Philippines], either a layman or a clergyman. Due to the particular obligation I have, both in the name of God and of His Sanctity [the Pope], and of His Majesty, I command that no one should come from the above-mentioned place [the Philippines] to this China, because undoubtedly, by coming [from the Philippines to China] this settlement [Macau]shall be lost and the door which His Majesty has open to enter [China] shall close.181

Another of the sources that I would like to mention here is a letter by the Rector Pedro Goméz to the Governor of the Philippines, dated 30 January

180 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 65. 181 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 65. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 62 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

1583, in which he laid down the position of the Jesuits regarding trade with the Philippines. Once again we find a tacit disapproval of any kind of direct or indirect intervention in China by Spaniards from the Philippines. This letter also offers a new fact. Pedro Gómez seems to have been informed of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s intention to establish a commercial agreement with the Philippines. Consequently, as he refers to the possibility of an informal commercial treaty between both cities, he upholds that such trade should only be carried out in one direction, or rather, from the harbour of Macau to Manila and not the other way round. Another aspect to be emphasized is the explicit reference in the letter to the idea that no Spaniard from that archipelago should come to China:

All the priests who go there [Manila], and the letters which Your Lordship sends to this City [Macau] I believe all say in unison that it is important for people not to come from that land [Manila] to this one [Macau], even if trade is arranged from this harbour [Macau] to that one [Manila], it is what I can say on the basis of the experience I have.182

The former Captain General D. João de Almeida, who lived in Macau at the time, was also opposed to this trade in the long letter he wrote from Macau, on 24 June 1582, to the Governor of the Philippines D. Gonzallo de Ronquillo:

It will be good to endure non-communication, so that this land [Macau] is not lost due to impediments from there [Manila], through some message. As to all the rest, Your Lordship shall know more in detail when Father Alonso Sánchez leaves from here [Macau].183

Although the Portuguese authorities of Macau felt a degree of mistrust vis-à-vis the Philippines, was Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s mercantile aim to become a reality? Let us then see the following chapter.

182 AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 13. 183 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 59. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 63

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin

George Bryan de Souza has suggested that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was of Jewish origin, although he later upheld the idea that his association with the Society of Jesus would have been impossible under such circumstances, whereby he would most probably have been of a humble origin121. In my view, the sole fact that Landeiro cooperated with the Jesuits is not a strong argument to destroy such a possibility. In Portuguese historiography, countless cases of Jews converted to Christianity and even joining religious orders in China and Japan have been identified. The four or five thousand cruzados paid by Luís de Almeida—recorded by the Superior of the Society of Jesus in China and Japan, Francisco Cabral (1570-1581), as well as by the Visitor of the Society of Jesus, Alessandro Valignano (1574-1606)122 , thus being the beginning of Jesuit investments in the so-called Viagem do Japão (Voyage to Japan, Japan trade)—is money from a Jewish descendant. Luís de Almeida is an important element of the so-called new-Christian/converso, Portuguese Presence in China. The terms cristão-novo (New-Christian), converso, and/or marrano (pig) applied to all Sephardic Jews, and their progeny, who either willingly or, as often it was the case, unwillingly were forced to convert to Catholicism. In Hebrew as well as in Judeo-Portuguese and Judeo-Spanish, instead, the term those who faked the conversion because they were forced“) ֲאנ וּ ִסים Anusim to do so”) was and is still preferred today. Luís de Almeida was born in Portugal in 1525. In 1546, he was declared fit by the Cirurgião-Mor (Surgeon General) of the Kingdom of Portugal,

121 Such claim suggests some impediment: either cristão-novo (New-Christian) Jewish blood which is improbable on account of his relation with Jesuits or most likely a humble familial past. George Bryan de Souza, op cit, 1986, p. 36. Luís Filipe Barreto, op cit, 2006, p. 135. 122 Valignano, in the Apología de la Compañía de Jesús de Japón y China (1598), chapter 16, folio 80, refers to an investment of 4000 cruzados. Francisco Cabral’s letter from Nagasaki (November 5, 1571), instead, mentions between 4000 and 5000 cruzados. MHJ, p. 465. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 64 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Mestre Gil123 , to practice Medicine and Surgery. In 1548, Almeida left for India, soon after joining the Society of Jesus in Yamaguchi (early 1550s), dedicating the rest of his life towards the establishment of a European/Europeanized medical system in Japan124 . His Jewish origin is mentioned by Francisco Cabral in his November 25, 1559, letter to Father Diego Lainez.

The Brother [Luís d’Almeida], of 24 years of age, 5 of which spent at the service of the Society of Jesus, was taken in, at a time when he had 5,000 or 6,000 pardaus; he appears to be in good health, he is a surgeon, I believe that he is a New-Christian, and is in great physical condition.125

The money donated to the Jesuits was invested by Almeida himself, via his Portuguese merchant friends who bought silk in China and they themselves would load it and sell it in Japan without the Fathers doing anything, except receiving from the Portuguese the end result of this business transaction.126 In his Historia, Alessandro Valignano, S.J., refers to this money as being the sustenance “y total remédio de Japón, porque no tenían outra cosa com que se sustentar,” (and a real miracle from Japan, since they did not have any other thing which they could use as a source of income).127 We thus strongly believe that the merchants used by Luís de Almeida were actually new-Christians/conversos doing trade in Asia/Southeast Asia. The capital invested by Almeida was extremely high, since the total expenditure of the Society of Jesus at this time rounded at ten thousand cruzados.128

123 Diego Pacheco S.J., “Luís de Almeida, Médico, Caminante, Apóstol”, in Studia, Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1969, vol. 26, pp. 57-114. 124 Frank Heynick, Jews and Medicine, New York: KTAV, 2002, p. 162. 125 Documenta Indica VI, No. 53, pp. 442-463, ARSI, Goa 24 I, ff. 10r.-15v., ff. 230-235, Monumenta Historica Japoniae I, No. 5, pp. 37-39, Documentos del Japón 1558-1562, No. 24, pp. 248-252. 126 Alessandro Valignano, op. cit., 1998, p. 189. 127 Alessandro Valignano, op. cit., 1944, chapter 11, fl. 51v.; Alessandro Valignano, op.cit., 1998, pp. 189- 190, nota 5. 128 BA, Jesuítas na Ásia, 49-IV-49, ff. 279r.-286v., BACL, Cartas do Japão vol. I, ff. 367v.-377r., ARSI, Goa 46, ff. 344r.-344v., Goa 31, ff. 62r.-73r. (Portuguese), Goa10 II, ff. 387r.-396v. (Spanish). Documenta Indica III, No. 94, pp. 522-564. Documentos del Japón 1547-1557, No. 125, pp. 668-671. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 65

There is speculation that also Fernão Mendes Pinto came from a Sephardic Jewish/new-Christian/converso background. Born in Montemor-o- Velho (ca. 1509), he was brought to Lisbon by an uncle. According to Rebecca Catz, Mendes Pinto descended from a poor branch of the Mendes, one of the most important Judeo-Portuguese families. Always according to Catz, this would explain why Mendes Pinto was placed by his uncle at the service of a noble family, of high lineage.129 Here Mendes Pinto would spend a year and a half until something really serious put his life in danger, thus he had no other solution but to escape. There are no records on what might have really happened; hence, the following remains in the realm of pure speculation. After passing through different moments of trial, Mendes Pinto is put at the service of D. Jorge de Lencastre (1501-1571), Duke of Coimbra, Master of the Order of Saint James,130 and illegitimate son of King John II of Portugal (1455-1495). Mendes remained at the service of this family for five years, two of which as moço de câmara (junior chamberlain) of D. Jorge de Lecanstre. In 1537, also for unknown reasons, Mendes left for India onboard the armada of D. Pedro da Silva da Gama who apparently had been educated with the new-Christian/ converso Jácome de Olivares, one of the greatest merchants in India and one of the first victims of the Inquisition outside Portugal. According to Olivares, he also served D. Jorge de Lencastre,131 as moço de capela132 (chaplain) and, later, his son133 , D. João de Lencastre, as moço de câmara134 (chamberlain). This privileged position gave him the possibility of receiving a great education and, most likely, of getting acquainted with the most influential members of the Portuguese élite. We do not know if also Olivares left Portugal for economic reasons or if he departed because of tightened screenings against new-Christians/ conversos and their descendants. Yet, we should not disregard it as being a coincidence the fact that, in the same year, Lisbon had its public first auto-

129 Rebecca Catz, The travels of Mendes Pinto, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1989, xxxvi. 130 Felgueiras Gayo, Nobiliário de Famílias de Portugal, Braga, 1939 (1989), vol. VI, p. 330. 131 Fernando de Castro da Silva Canedo, A descendência portuguesa de el-rei D. João II, Lisboa, Edições Gama, 1945-46. António Caetano de Sousa, História genealógica da casa real portuguesa, Coimbra, Atlântida, 1955. 132 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 5265, fol. 16, 20. 133 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 5265, fol. 38. 134 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 5265, fol. 16, 20. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 66 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

de-fé. Nevertheless, we know for sure that on March 25, 1540, he left for Goa aboard the Armada das quarto naus under the leadership of Captain Francisco de Sousa Tavares. Olivares was on the Nau São Filipe, sharing his space with the Feitor (Administrator) of Chaul135 . Like Fernão Mendes Pinto, Jácome de Olivares had his trade network in Malacca, the same place where Mendes Pinto worked for Captain Pedro de Faria. Fernão Mendes Pinto was admitted into the Society of Jesus at the same time when also the new-Christian/ converso Luís de Almeida was sworn in. Another aspect which is also worth mentioning is the relation between the Society of Jesus and the Jewish descendants forced to convert to Catholicism. This is a main point in understanding the equation Jesuits/new-Christians/Conversos within and without the Order in the Far East: a partnership that began during the second half of the 16th and 17th centuries. Religious tolerance towards Sephardic Jews and their descendants— particularly at a time of religious persecutions in the Iberian Peninsula—began with the very founder of the Jesuit Order, Father Ignatius of Loyola, S.J., (1491- 1556), who believed that it was an honour to descend from the ethnic group of Jesus Christ. The acceptance and recruitment of conversos, or new- Christians, is attested since the foundation of the Order. The Sephardic origin of Diogo Laínez (1512-1565), one of the first ten companions of Loyola and his successor in Rome as Father General (July 8, 1558) is fully documented. Laínez, grandson of Sephardic merchants136 , was instrumental for his role in the Council of Trento (Concilium Tridentinum, 1545-1563), thus gaining the reputation of being a brilliant theologian. One of his first accomplishments was actually related to the establishment of the Order in Portuguese India: the substitution of the Provincial of India, Father Gonçalo da Silveira, very conservative and controversial, with the more open-minded Father António Quadros137 . Alas, this tolerance would eventually end in 1593 with the V General Congregation of the Society of Jesus (Congregazione Generale) due to the pressures coming from the Spanish Crown and the Jesuits of Spanish origin. Prior to this, the so-called limpeza de sangue (purity of blood) question, or rather, the Jewish origin of their members, was never an issue, since it was

135 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 5265, fol. 49. 136 Jean Lacouture and Carlos Gómez González, Jesuitas, Barcelona; Buenos Aires; México, Paidós, 2006, p. 250. 137 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe , Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1994, p. 252. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 67

not deemed important by the founder of the Order; hence, no restrictions were imposed on new-Christians/conversos, and their descendants, wishing to join the Society of Jesus. Even after the pressure of renowned Dominican theologian Melchior Cano and the rest of the religious élite Loyola refused to embrace the policy of discriminating against Sephardic Jews and their descendants. Loyola did not believe that such a prohibition would in fact benefit the Lord. Needless to say, there was much disagreement among the brethren. Father Antonio de Araoz (Loyola’s cousin), the Portuguese Simão Rodrigues (1510-1579), and Francis Xavier (1506-1552), were against Loyola’s open-mindedness towards the “Sephardic” presence amongst themselves138. In fact, since 1546, Xavier is known for wanting the Inquisition in Goa139 . In 1551, Simão Rodrigues ordered that conversos or new-Christians be not accepted in India (decree also upheld by Xavier). Yet, upon learning of such interdiction, Loyola gave clear orders allowing conversos/new-Christians full acceptance into the Order. Hence, during a decade (1548-1558) the Jesuits received the descendants of Sephardic Jews into their midst. As for motivation for joining the Society of Jesus, besides the two reasons suggested by Thomas Michel, attesting that they could reflect the mere intention of entering the Order or just the desire to live a religious life140 , we believe that the desire to be part of the Society could equally rest upon other factors, namely: to cleanse the social stigma of being a converso/ new-Christian, thus being a way of enhancing one’s social prestige; to protect oneself from religious persecutions, as in the case of the Portuguese and Spanish Inquisitions. Yet, despite this apparent lack of anti-Semitism, there was discrimination within the Society of Jesus. Rarely were the descendants of Sephardic Jews chosen as Deans or Superiors of the Order. Almost half of the conversos/new-Christians of Portuguese origin entered the Society of Jesus as brothers, Luís de Almeida being one them; others, instead, after years of missionary service in India or Japan, were eventually ordained, as in the case of Bartolomeu dos Santos, António Fernandes, or António Dias141 . The religious career of the Spanish Pedro Gómez is a case in point, though exceptional, as to blatant discrimination against and tolerance towards

138 Thomas F. Michel, Friends on the Way, New York, Fordham Univ Press, 2007, p. 10. 139 João Lúcio de Azevedo, Historia dos christãos novos portugueses, Lisboa, Livraria clássica Editora de A.M. Teixeira, 1921, p. 230. 140 Thomas F. Michel, op cit, p. 11. 141 Ibid., p. 12. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 68 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

conversos/new-Christians within the Society of Jesus in China and in Japan. Pedro Gómez was born in Antequera, Spain, in 1535 and died in Japan on January 21, 1600. His Jewish background did not prevent him from entering the Order in 1553 and, as an eighteen-year old lad being sent to join his missionary brethren overseas. Gómez arrived in Japan on July 25, 1583; he was appointed by Father Valignano, S.J., to substitute the Vice Provincial Gaspar Correia on the same day of the demise of the latter: May 7, 1590. Despite his young age, Gómez was extremely well-read in Philosophy and Theology, thus his vital role in assisting Father Michele Ruggieri, S.J., in his edition of the first Catechism in Japanese. His experience on the pulpit, fine-tuned in Portugal, as well as his work “para convertir y confessar infieles” (to convert and confess unbelievers) make him one of the most important European members of the clergy residing in the Far East. A firm believer in the Accommodation principle—or rather, accommodating, yet not compromising the dogma, local practices to the Catholic faith in order to facilitate comprehension of and eventual conversion to Catholicism—Gómez’s experience as teacher and preacher is essential for perfecting the conversion techniques of the Society of Jesus142. In order to assist his brethren, priests, and dojukus, Gómez merges preaching techniques, theological principles, and Japanese customs into a preaching catechism called Avizos que podem ajudar aos que fazem officio de pregar em Japam (Recommendations for those who preach in Japan)143. According to Wicki, in 1565, of the 197 Jesuits living in India, 10%, or rather, 20, were of Jewish origin, 2 of which were Portuguese144 . This is interesting, since it allows us to draw a few conclusions and pose a few questions: e.g., the important participation of conversos/new-Christians in the Evangelization process of most parts of Asia and the Pacific area; the almost complete absence of conversos/new-Christians of Portuguese origin; were the Portuguese more reluctant in accepting individuals of Sephardic ancestry into a religious order? Given that the Portuguese Inquisition was instituted in

142 Juan Ruiz-de-Medina, s.u. “Gómez, Pedro”, in Maria Antónia Espadinha, and Leonor Diaz Seabra (org.), Missionação e Missionários na História de Macau, Macau, Universidade de Macau, 2005, pp. 170- 172. 143 BA, Jesuitas na Ásia, 49-VI-8, Avizos para os Pregadores em Japão do Pe. Pedro Gomes, 1597, fl.9f. 144 Josef Wicki S.J., Die “Cristãos-Novos” in der Indischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu von Ignatius bis Acquaviva, Roma, Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 1977. Thomas F. Michel, op. cit., p. 16. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 69

Portugal a few years later than in Spain, this would explain a different concept of conversion. Or perhaps the Portuguese were more intolerant when it came to assimilating new-Christians into their “Catholic” mold. Finally, which was the degree of collaboration between these religious men of Sephardic stock and the European Conversos/New-Christians who lived in Asia, almost all of them of Portuguese origin? My research thus proves Landeiro’s Jewish origins. Soon after his death Rui Pires145 and his two sons—Francisco Rodrigues (António Rodrigues) and Luís Rodrigues (Manuel Fernandes)—arrived in Macau. These conversos were eventually forced to take refuge in Japan, namely, in Nagasaki, where they remained two years. The fact that they were escaping the Inquisition Tribunals of Lisbon and Goa made them personae non gratae among the converso community in Macau, since the latter was obviously afraid of being the next target of the Portuguese authorities. Also in Nagasaki some of the main merchants of Jewish origin, as in the case of Francisco Rodrigues Pinto and Manuel Rodrigues (patrons and economic allies of the Society of Jesus), avoided any type of contact with this crypto-Jewish family. When the Captain General of Macau, Roque de Melo, arrived in Nagasaki (1590-1591), with orders to arrest them and seize their property, Rui Pires and his son Manuel Fernandes promptly escaped to Hirado and thence to Manila where Francisco Rodrigues had already taken refuge.146 In Manila they were received by the Portuguese Diego Hernandez Vitoria (Diogo Fernandes Vitória), the most important mercantile agent in Manila who, for obvious reasons, had up to that moment cleverly hidden his Jewish ancestry. When the Portuguese authorities finally traced Rui Pires’s new abode and protector, they swiftly proceeded to open a case against Diogo Hernandez Vitoria147 which eventually led to the discovery of a Sephardic network, all associates of Diogo Hernandez Vitoria, as in the case of Sebastião Jorge148 , nephew of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. This not only proves the Jewish origin of this family but it also highlights its ties with a

145 AGN, Inquisición, Testimonio y denuncia contra Rui Pérez, português, sospechoso de judio, Manila, 1596-97, vol. 237, fs. 443-477. 146 AGN, Inquisición, 1601, vol. 263, exp. 1U. 147 AGN, Inquisición, Proceso contra Diego Hernandez Victoria, Natural de Oporto, por judaizante. Manila, 1597, vols. 162, 163. 148 James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640, Baltimore: JHU Press, 2008, p. 77. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 70 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

very important trade network of Sephardic Jewish origin149 . Although Landeiro portrayed himself as being a nobleman at the peak of his power before the authorities of Manila, also highlighting his merits in the reports he sent to Spain, there is strong evidence to the contrary. His Jewish origin also explains his absence from the 1582 Report. Portuguese law explicitly forbade Jews and New-Christians from enjoying commercial voyages or from holding official posts within the administrative apparatus. This explains why his name was not included in such a list, in spite of the fact that he was the most influential merchant in Macau. As for George Bryan’s theory according to which Landeiro was probably of humble origin, it does not explain his exclusion from the 1582 Report, since other influential personalities of humble origin and even Eurasians are included therein. Landeiro’s family name itself seems to have been altered in order to make it sound Portuguese: most likely Landeiro may have come from Landecho. It is known that the large Portuguese Jewish community was, at the end of the fifteenth century, to provide shelter for the large number of Jews who were leaving neighbouring Spain. Many of these Spanish Jews, following religious persecution and the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal from 1536, were either forced to convert to Christianity (i.e., Catholicism) or to spontaneously do so, as a means of survival under Portuguese society. In Goa, the Inquisition was imposed from the 1560s; hence, possibly their Jewish predecessors were easily detected around town. These were also to be very troubling times for the Portuguese Jews or New-Christians in this region. News of the fact that many New-Christians were living in the State of India, thus engaging in a very successful trade business, incited jealousy and revenge. In 1557, three years before the Inquisition in Goa was officially founded, the major rich merchants of Cochin were arrested, an inquisitional court having even been created to judge them. From amongst them, Jácome de Olivares, Leonor Caldeira and their children, Simão Nunes and Clara Caldeira are also mentioned. Jácome de Olivares was one of the most prominent merchants of

149 Seymour B. Liebman, The Jews in New Spain: Faith, Flame, and the Inquisition, Florida: University of Miami Press, 1970, p. 171, 172, 201, 315. Martin A. Cohen, “The Autobiography of Luis de Carvajal, the Younger”; “The Letters and Last Will and Testament of Luis de Carvajal the Younger”, The Jewish Experience in Latin America: Selected Studies from the publication of the American Jewish Historical Society, New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1971, vol. I, pp. 229-230. Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Marie-José Capelle, L’Empire portugais d’Asie, 1500-1700, Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 1999, p. 157. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 71

Cochin, from where he travelled to several Indian and Southeast Asian harbours. His imprisonment, together with that of other New-Christians from Cochin, occurred in Malacca, a city port which was very much visited by the private merchants of Cochin. His trade partner in Malacca was a Jew from Cochin named Abraham. Jácome de Olivares was accused, amongst other things, of visiting an important Cochin Jew named Isaac de Cairo, as well as of having carried out several donations for the construction of the Kadavumbhagam synagogue in Cochin. The case of Jácome de Olivares and his family is particularly tragic, as they were stripped of all their belongings, eventually seized by the Church. They were later sent to Goa and then to Lisbon, where they were forced to pay for their own trials, as well as for their own food 150 . It was little after the Inquisition was founded in Goa that references emerge to the fact that some of Landeiro’s family members started travelling to Macau. It would not be surprising if that was the reason which may have led Landeiro and his family to settle in Macau and not in Goa, the centre of Portuguese trade in the East. This seems also to have been one of the reasons which may have contributed to the fact that Landeiro did not send a request of a reward for his services from Goa but from Manila. His Jewish origin must have been widely known in Goa, whereas the same may not have been the case in Manila. The same would have been true as for his involvement in commercial activities which were much too illegal to be mentioned, all the more so as they would surely have denounced some members of the clergy who were also involved with this trade, as I shall later prove. From the 1580s onward, several requests were sent to the authorities of Macau, aimed at setting up inquiries with respect to Jews or to Jews recently converted to Christianity (New-Christians), it being therefore possible to conclude that Goa had information on Jews or New-Christians who were living in Macau. Due to its privileged geographic location in relation to the Portuguese State of India, Macau was one of those ideal places where Portuguese with suspicious blood line could escape the Inquisition grip. In reality, Macau was inhabited to a great extent by un-adapted Europeans who were on the run from the Portuguese State of India, a reason why inquiries

150 Pius Malekandathil, Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India 1500-1663, Manohar, 2001, pp. 98-99, 109, 130. José Alberto Rodrigues da Silva Tavim, Judeus e Cristãos-Novos de Cochim: História e Memória (1500-1662), Braga, APPACDM, 2003. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 72 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

as to blood purity would never be carried out very thoroughly, let alone with regard to rich private merchants. Jewish presence in the area was known in Europe thanks to a letter from Father Fernando de Meneses to General Mercuriano, S.J., (November 15, 1579). This missive informs us that Portuguese of Jewish origin tried to negotiate with the Chinese authorities a place in Macau where they could erect a synagogue. This is extremely important since it shows that Judaism was still being practiced among the Judeo-Portuguese community of the Diaspora, eighty-two years after it was officially banned from Portugal. At the same time, though, it testifies to an overall sentiment of defiance/resistance as well as a strong feeling of Jewish identity among Christians. These immigrants had recently arrived from the Iberian Peninsula, carrying within the traditions of their ancestors. On the other hand, the Chinese authorities did not fully comprehend that this small assemblage of foreigners living in Macau did not form a homogenous group; hence, they were surprised when they received a request for an erection of place of worship other than a Catholic church. In other words, notwithstanding persecutions in Europe and India, in Macau the descendants of the Sephardic Jews tried to attain freedom of speech and kept their religious identity separate from Catholicism. Another interesting point is the fact that in China the descendants of these Sephardic Jews did not have to recur to clandestine measures in order to survive. We can thus surmise that the main posts of power were controlled by people of Jewish origin, since only a person of the European élite could have privileged access to the Chinese authorities. This letter is equally important since it demonstrates that of the almost 600 vezinhos (neighbours) who lived in Macau, almost three hundred were of Jewish origin, or rather, almost 50%:

In China (Macau) we have a population of 600 vezinhos [neighbours] […]. And especially they are marveled to see that there are Portuguese in your town who secretly ask the [Chinese] Governors for housing and a secret place where they could worship, since no one can erect in our city without the authorization of the Aitao, or rather, the supreme person at the Government. The Aitao has already asked who these men were who had asked permission to build places to worship [their God]. But I am not surprised at this since there are there more than 300 new-Christians who usually are not good Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Jewish Origin 73

Christians, yet every day they burn them [at the stake] as heretics in Portugal and in India [Goa].151

As proven in earlier chapters, the Society of Jesus itself, which had benefited so extensively from Landeiro’s activities, was also silent when it came to his background. In fact, by the time Landeiro died and thereafter, the Jesuits were to erase his name, the name of a person who in the past had helped this religious order so much and who had played such a crucial role towards the establishment of the Society of Jesus in Japan. This aspect, in my opinion, demonstrates that animosity against him lay not merely on the fact that Landeiro had cooperated with the authorities of Manila (actually in favour of the Portuguese of Macau), but rather, on his Jewish past. After the meeting at the Saint Paul College, on December 18, and since Sánchez’s vessel was not being returned, the only way he could have returned to Manila would have been by boarding the nau do trato, the “trade carrack”, which ran from Macau to Nagasaki, and then by leaving from Japan to the Philippines. This fact is also revealing of the possibility that commercial vessels run by Portuguese and following a route between Japan and Manila may have existed. Obviously, this route seems not to have been known at the time; yet, there is information of the arrival of a Japanese boat in Manila in 1577 and of two Portuguese vessels in the same city in 1580. One should underline, however, that the absence of vessels before 1577 and in 1579 does not mean that ships may not have arrived at this harbour. In such years no registration of arrivals of ships in Manila was conducted152 . Jesuit Pedro Gómez, in a letter he wrote to the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, on 30 January 1583, explains the reasons which may have led to a delay in Alonso Sánchez’s return to the Philippines: according to him, it was related to the fact that he had not managed to obtain a plate or a license from the Chinese authorities, allowing him to leave on a vessel from Macau to Manila. Thus, Alonso Sánchez and the remaining Spanish passengers would have to travel on the nau do trato to Nagasaki and, once in Japan, they would have to continue for Manila:

151 Joseph Wicki S.J., Documenta Indica (Apud Monumenta historica Soc. Iesu, 1966), XI, pp. 730-731. We thank António de Saldanha for his kind assistance on this matter. 152 George Bryan de Souza, op. cit., p. 67, (Chaunu, AGI, Filipines, leg.20 and B&R, XI and XVIII). THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 74 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

That Your Highness would receive, though delayed, or rather, at the return of Father [Alonso Sánchez] to this city [Manila] and You can also put some of the blame on the Fathers of the Society [of Jesus] here [in Macau] for not having negotiated his swift return; yet, the Chinese are very slow in doing things, particularly in their decision making. In fact, insomuch as we have tried to secure the return of Father [Alonso Sánchez] to this land, to this day this has not been possible. Furthermore, we also have not received the license from the Mandarins that would thus allow us to take there a boat that would then allow him to return. Actually, suspecting that we might have one, Father [Alonso Sánchez] attempted an impromptu escape to Japan, since he thought that it might have been easier to return to the Philippines from here [Macau].153

153 AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 13. Colin-Pastells, op. cit. 1904, II, p. 286. The Commercial Agreement between Sebastião Jorge de Moxar and Manila 75

The Commercial Agreement between Sebastião Jorge de Moxar and Manila

Upon his arrival in Manila, Alonso Sánchez was faced with a totally different city. In the meantime, D. Gonzalo Ronquillo had already passed away154 and been replaced by his nephew D. Diego de Ronquillo (1583- 1584)155 . He was informed as well of many casualties in the Castilian contingent, which had been caused by wars and by treacheries by Japanese, Chinese and Indians of the land. Having been burnt down, the city was at the time defenceless, and about to be invaded by local communities, which far outnumbered the reduced contingent of Castilians. The European community also suffered from a great shortage of food. News of the arrival of the Portuguese ship and the declaration of allegiance by the inhabitants of Macau to Philip II brought about great contentment amongst Castilians, who went out onto the streets to tell the news. According to Alonso Sánchez, the success of his diplomatic representation signified the union between the two cities, Macau being la llave de quanto se pretende en los rreynos de china [the key of all ambitions in the kingdoms of China]. This is to say that the fact that Macau had accepted to submit to Philip II rendered it possible to carry out existing political and commercial aspiration involving China. After having been enthusiastically received156 , the Portuguese stayed in the houses of the most important people in town. As for Captain Sebastião Jorge157 , he lodged at one of the best houses of Manila and took his meals every day with the Governor of the Philippines. On 19 April 1583, the Bishop of the Philippines at the time, Domingo de

154 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxvii. 155 Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo, 8 April 1584 . AGI. Filip., 6, 5, n.º 62. 156 Testimony of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo de Salazar, question number seven. 157 Manel Ollé, La empresa de China. De la Armada Invencible al Galeón de Manila, Barcelona, Alcantilado, 2002, p. 119. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 76 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Salazar, carried out an Ynformación sobre los impedimentos a la predicación en China para el Papa Gregorio XIII y el rey Felipe II (Information of the Impediments to Preaching in China to Pope Gregory XIII and King Philip II.). Taking advantage of Captain Sebastião Jorge’s presence and his passengers in Manila, he conducted an inquiry to determine Christianity in China.158 This document has a clearly military purpose, since it aims at legitimizing with Pope Gregory XIII and King Philip II an invasion of China under Castilian forces, the final aim of which would indeed be the expansion of Christianity. A few days after this inquest, on 28 April 1583, at Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s request, a petition was put forward by Sebastião Jorge Moxar before the authorities of Manila159. By cross referencing these two documents, together with miscellaneous correspondence recorded by the main participants, it is possible to sketch out an important framework with regard to the passengers, supplies and merchandise 160 which were transported by the Portuguese in their first contacts with Manila, as well as to verify the fundamental role of the Portuguese ship-owner in the survival and reconstruction of Manila.

Witnesses in the Inquiry Witnesses of the petition organized by Bishop Domingo put forward by Sebastião Jorge Salazar on 19 April 1583 Moxar on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro on 23 April 1583

158 Cartas de don fray Domingo de Salazar, obispo de Filipinas, al Rey, dándole cuenta de los progresos de la predicación del Evangelio en la China. Son dos cartas fechadas en Manila, 18 de junio de 1583. Información de don fray Domingo de Salazar, en la que comunica al papa Gregorio XIII y al rey Felipe II, la situación en que se hallaban los reinos de China. Manila, 19 de abril de 1583. AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 8. 159 Información hecha a petición de Bastián Jorge Moxar en nombre de Bartolomé Báez Landero sobre el servicio que hizo de traer de Macau a Manila al padre Alonso Sánchez y padres de la Compañía de Jesús y de la orden de San Francisco. Manila, 28 de abril de 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. 160 According to Alonso Sánchez, these were in large quantity. The Commercial Agreement between Sebastião Jorge de Moxar and Manila 77

Portuguese testimonies Bastián Jorge (Sebastião Jorge Moxar) Miguel Chaiño Gaspar Fernandes de Mederos Gaspar Fernandes de Mederos Lope Viera PedroSibal PedroCibao Çimon de Amarada CristovalCardoso CristovalCardoso Spanish testimonies JoamBautistaBarragán JoamBautistaBarragán Juan de la Feria Juan de la Feria Francisco de Dueñas Alonso Gómez

Both inquiries seem to play mainly three roles. First of all, they were a way of rewarding Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro for his investments, the latter eventually contributing to the establishing of a royal grant conferred by King Filipe II. Another goal was that of providing the Spanish authorities with as much information as possible on Macau and its ties with Mainland China, as well as on how the Spanish eventually succeeded at entering this political and commercial network. Thirdly, these documents legitimize Castilian incursions in China with specific commercial, evangelizing, and military purposes. Taken as a whole, these testimonies are the first steps in establishing strong China-Macau-Philippines political and commercial ties. At the same time, though, they legitimize a Philippine-based Spanish conquest of China. These new evangelization and colonial strategies, or vice versa, are not isolated cases, springing from military projects previously designed by Francisco Sande and Diego García de Palácios161 . However, this perception of China and the preparation of a possible military conquest clearly came to clash

161 Castilla y Leoìn (Spain); Sociedad V Centenario del Tratado de Tordesillas (Spain); Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses., Congreso Internacional de Historia, el Tratado de Tordesillas y su Epoca. ([Valladolid]; [Tordesillas]; [Setúbal]: Junta de Castilla y León; V Centenario del Tratado de Tordesillas; Comemorações Descobrimentos Portugeses, 1995, pp. 1421, 1536. Othón Arróniz and Octavio Castro López, El despertar cientìfico en América: la vida de Diego García de Palacio: documentos inéditos del Archivo de Sevilla, Ed. facsimilar, Xalapa-Enríquez Veracruz, México: Universidad Veracruzana: Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, 1994. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 78 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

with the Portuguese commercial network of Macau and its centre of power, the Portuguese State of India. One should also stress that, while the presence of the Philippines in China was precarious or almost nonexistent, the Portuguese of Macau were already going through a long process of legitimization and consolidation of their presence in China. On the part of the Spanish authorities in the Philippines, their lack and frailty of information on China, on its geographical, military and structural dimensions, is clearly demonstrated. The inquiry organized by the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, also demonstrates that Portuguese presence in Macau was still very weak and conditioned by a process of profitable mercantile mediation between the Canton silks and Japanese silver from Iwami 162 . This last description also matches the contents of the latter which Captain General D. João de Almeida, sent on 24 June 1582 to the already deceased Governor of the Philippines D. Gonzallo de Ronquillo163 . The beginning of political and commercial relations between Macau and Manila is marked by mutual interests. Moreover, the economic interests of the large private merchants seem to overrun royal legislation, which outlawed any type of contacts between Macau and the Philippines. Spanish sources give us some detail of the type of merchandise transported by this first Macanese junk:

Merchandise164 1- Vizcocho de China (biscuit from China) 2- Bino (Wine) 3- Azeite de Portugal (Olive oil from Portugal) 4- Muchas telas de algodón (many cotton cloths) 5- Lienzos ricos de la Índia (Rich handkerchiefs from India) 6- Alhombras de seda (Silk cloths) 7- Muchos tafetanes gorgorones rasos (many taffetas, soft grogram silks) 8- Damascos de finos colores (Damasks of fine colours)

162 Lúcio de Sousa, “The Jesuits and the Trade between China and Japan in the 16 th and 17th centuries” in Kagayaki Futatabi Iwami Ginzanten, Iwami Ginzanten Jiko Inkai, 15 th July, 2007.(日中間貿易 ), pp. 11-13. 163 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 59. 164 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, p. 301. D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op, cit, p. clxvii. The Commercial Agreement between Sebastião Jorge de Moxar and Manila 79

(cont.) 9- Cuernos y uñas de animales traponjona de mucho valor (Horns and nails of animals of high value) 10- Pedazos de madera para el mismo efeto165 (Pieces of wood for the same purpose) 11- Muchos esclavos ansi negros como de otras naciones (Many slaves, black as well as from other nations) 12- Otras menudencias particulares (Other small items)

During his stay, which lasted around one and a half months, Sebastião Jorge sold the merchandise onboard his junk, and resupplied the ship for its return to Macau. Castilian sources also indicate that all the passengers left very satisfied, having agreed to return every year with merchandise which the inhabitants of Manila needed the most:

They left very satisfied, with the intention and the determination to come back every year with the merchandise most needed here [Manila]166 .

This passage leaves no doubts as to the fact that an informal commercial agreement between Captain Sebastião Jorge and the authorities of Manila existed. This agreement, contravening rules established by King Philip II, demonstrates the importance which parallel trade had in the economy of these cities, as well as the autonomy which these cities enjoyed vis-à-vis the King despite royal rulings. This same source indicates that the Portuguese products acquired in Canton were in greater quantity, of a better quality and cheaper, in contrast with the products which Chinese vessels took, on an annual basis, to the Philippines:

Although the Chinese come every year with many ships, they do not match in either quantity or quality those which the Portuguese bring from Canton, and these Chinese, finding themselves alone with this commerce, only sell in exchange for gold 167 .

165 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. II, p. 301. 166 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 301. 167 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 301. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 80 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Nevertheless, this agreement between the biggest Portuguese ship- owner and Manila also raised other problems. Besides the above-mentioned infringement of royal legislation, it was a clear threat to the Chinese mercantile communities, which had up until then enjoyed a monopoly in trade between China and the Philippines. This situation gave rise to future problems in the relations between local interests and the central powers which regulated and administered both cities. It was also the source of an imbalance in the diplomatic relations between the Europeans of Macau and Canton itself, whose mercantile community was deeply involved in this trade. The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period 81

The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period

Friar Domingo Salazar’s Inquiry 168

As we have already mentioned, during Captain Sebastião Jorge de Moxar’s stay in Manila, the first Bishop of the Philippines, Friar Domingo Salazar, carried out an inquiry on China, which included the testimonies of the most important Portuguese who had arrived a few days earlier on the vessel belonging to ship-owner Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. Yet, my goal in analyzing this document is not, a military one, nor is it religious. Instead, I am interested in the biographical testimonies of four Portuguese: Captain Sebastião Jorge de Moxar, Pedro Sibal, Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros and Cristoval Cardoso. This inquiry is part of a military project of the conquest of China, specifically one of the main elements used to justify such project legally. It tries in fact to prove the legitimacy of a fair war, on the basis of the impossibility of entering China, a country barred to foreigners. In order to substantiate the veracity of this account, a very detailed account was thus provided describing how the missionaries were treated as well as the innumerous Chinese offenses perpetuated towards the Portuguese and the Spanish. The Chinese invasion is by far the main argument of most documents written at this time in the Philippines. This strategy anchored on conquest

168 Cartas de don fray Domingo de Salazar, obispo de Filipinas, al Rey, dándole cuenta de los progresos de la predicación del Evangelio en la China. Son dos cartas fechadas en Manila, 18 de junio de 1583. Información de don fray Domingo de Salazar, en la que comunica al papa Gregorio XIII y al rey Felipe II, la situación en que se hallaban los reinos de China. Manila, 19 de abril de 1583. AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 8. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 82 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

and based on force, has been analyzed and reassessed with great accuracy by historian Manel Ollé169. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s petition shows clear signs of the social and economic apprehension with which the Portuguese lived in Macau, as well as it brings to light important details on the mission of Father Alonso Sánchez, S. J., to China, the shipwreck in Taiwan, and the return trip to the Philippines. One must, however, bear in mind that the testimonies included in the Inquiry by Bishop Domingos Salazar and in Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s petition, recreate a great number of events which are unknown to the history of political and economic relations between the early Europeans and China. Before following in detail the biographical testimonies by the Portuguese and Spanish witnesses contained in the abovementioned Inquiry and petition, I would like to discuss in detail the idea of the conquest of Asia, included in some Iberian “projects”. The Project of the conquest of China was not an isolated chapter in the Europe-Asia relations of the sixteenth century. In reality, this Project was related to another plan which was the conquest of Japan. Its main author was a Jesuit, named Gaspar Coelho, who contacted the Macau, Goa and Manila authorities a few years later, so that they might provide him with soldiers and weaponry. As a result of such contacts, he was only to receive weapons from Goa170 . It must not be thought, however, that this behaviour by Gaspar Coelho was an isolated case since, on 15 October 1587, Father Pedro Ramón wrote from Ikitçuko to the Father General of the Society of Jesus in Rome, informing him that the Jesuits needed to have a military base in Japan so that they might be able to pursue their evangelizing enterprise171 . Father Melchior de Mora was also one of the individuals in favour of this military plan172 , and Italian Jesuit Organtino himself once said that it seemed to him that it would possibly be a good idea if King Philip were to take charge of the matter and were to subdue all these kingdoms

169 Manel Ollé, La empresa de China. De la Armada Invencible al Galeón de Manila, Barcelona : Alcantilado, 2002. 170 Charles Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan 1549-1650, University of California Press, 1974, p. 149. 171 Jap Sin 10-II, Letter from Father Pedro Ramón to Claudio Acquaviva sent from Ikitçuki, 15 October 1587, fls. 282-285v.

Iezusu-kai to Nihon 『[ 』], Takase KōICHIRō [高瀨弘一郎] tra. & ed., Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten [岩波書店], 1981 (Daikōkaijidai Sōsho [大航海時代叢書], Second Period, Vol. 6, letter 3). 172 Jap Sin 11-II, Letter from Alessandro Valignano to Claudio Acquaviva sent from Nagasaki, 12-14 October 1590, fl. 235f. The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period 83

with a great navy and army173 . Alessandro Valignano, who was against this project, described in detail all these military plans by the Jesuits (which were headed by Gaspar Coelho) to the Father General of the Society of Jesus, in a letter sent from Nagasaki on 10 October 1590174 . From this letter one gathers that Coelho sent Father Melchior de Mora to Macau in order to persuade Valignano to bring into motion a military plan in Japan:

But he [Gaspar Coelho], not pulling back on his decision, decided last year [1589] to send Father Belcior de Mora to China so that, as I was in China, he might persuade me not to return to Japan unless with two hundred soldiers and some weaponry and ammunition and to request King Philip II and the Governors of India and the Philippines to send help to Japan so that Christianity might be defended from such tyrant [Toyotomi Hideyoshi] 175

Years later, while referring to these events, Valignano did not fail to clearly express his fury: in truth, up until now I have always been outside myself when I make up my mind to think about it 176 . As to the Inquiry by Bishop Domingos Salazar, the biographical testimonies by four Portuguese are of particular interest: those by Captain Sebastião Jorge de Moxar, Pedro Sibal, Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros and Cristoval Cardoso. These Portuguese were the main leading figures on Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s junk, men whom he trusted, who worked for him, and who at this time were in Manila representing him. Sebastião Jorge Moxar presented himself as a soldier and a captain of ships. Futhermore, he indicated that he was Portuguese, having been born in Santa Iria, in the outskirts of Lisbon. He was

173 Jap Sin 11-I, Letter from Father Organtino to Father Claudio Acquaviva, sent from Nagasaki, 10 March 1589, fl. 67f. 174 Jap Sin 11-II, Letter from Father Alessandro Valignano to Claudio Acquaviva, sent from Nagasaki, 12- 14 October 1590, fls. 233-236.

Iezusu-kai to Nihon 『[ 』], Takase KōICHIRō [高瀨弘一郎] tra. & ed., Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten [岩波書店], 1981 (Daikōkaijidai Sōsho [大航海時代叢書], Second Period, Vol. 6, letter 7). Charles Boxer, op. cit., 1974, p. 469. MJAT, vol.III, n.º 9, pp. 99-106. 175 Jap Sin 11-II, Letter from Father Alessandro Valignano to Claudio Acquaviva, sent from Nagasaki, 12- 14 October 1590, fl. 235f. 176 Ibid, fl. 235f. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 84 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

38 years of age, having arrived in China around 19 years before (circa 1564). He also declared having since then been visiting that region and de ordinario a acudido a la çiudad de Macán (having visited several times Macau). He moreover also mentioned that he had visited Macau and Cambodia. Answering to the fourth question, he insisted once more on the fact that he had been visiting the port of Macau since 1564, where he had witnessed the presence of the Society of Jesus, which had a casa poblada en la dicha çiudad (well- attended house, or rather a seminary in the abovementioned city). This statement triggers some questions: e.g., did Sebastião Jorge Moxar arrive in India with his uncle on their 1559 India Run? Did his collaboration with Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s firm begin at this time? Did Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro arrive in Macau in 1564? If that were the case, why would there only be references to his presence in the late 1570s? During that time, would he have developed his commercial activities, only becoming really rich by the end of the 1570s? Another testimony is that of a Portuguese soldier named Pedro Sibal, born in Bragança, and of 56 years of age. This Portuguese man of Macau confirmed familiarity with China for 28 years, namely, since 1555, around the time of the foundation of the city itself (the official settlement of the Portuguese in Macau was to occur in 1557). This same person affirmed that, one year after being in China, he had been arrested and sentenced to death, with 13 other companions, and that he had remained for four years in that prison. The third witness is soldier Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros, also Portuguese, born in Vila Real, and of 46 years of age. According to his testimony, Gaspar de Medeiros had arrived in India 24 or 25 years prior, or rather, between 1558 and 1559 (at the same time as Bartolomeu Landeiro), having, during such period, been travelling from India to Macau, where he had been residing from around 1576 with his wife. The last Portuguese testimony was by soldier Cristoval Cardoso, born on the Island of São Miguel, age 25. This young soldier indicated that he had been residing in Macau for five years, namely, since 1578, and that he was therefore a newcomer. As to Spanish testimonies, one must highlight the one by Captain Francisco de Dueñas, who had participated in the first Franciscan mission to China, headed by Pedro Alfaro, in 1579. Born in Veles de Málaga, Francisco de Dueñas declared being of 40 years of age, having been in the Philippines for 12 years, during which time he had been a sergeant, a second-lieutenant, and a captain, and was right now Alcade Mayor of the province of Bulacán. The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period 85

The second Castilian testimony was that of soldier Juan de la Feria, born in Cartaya, 45 years old, who had accompanied the Franciscan mission to China. The third witness was Alonso Gómez, in his own words piloto dela carrera de España y de las Philipinas y del viaje de la China (pilot of the Spain and the Philippines Run, as well as of the China Voyage). Born in Tenerife, aged 28, he was the pilot of the ship which had transported Alonso Sánchez to China. The last Spanish witness was Juan Baptista Barragán, born in Seville and aged 27. This sailor had accompanied Alonso Sánchez to China.

The Witnesses of the Inquiry on Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition

The abovementioned inquiry, besides the testimonies of Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros, Pedro Sibal and Cristoval Cardoso, also includes three other testimonies by Portuguese individuals. As for the first witness, Manuel Chainho, who was around 25 years old at the time, we only know that he lived in Macau and had known Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Sebastião Jorge Moxar for about 10 years. The second, Lope Vieira, had been a resident in town for around 30 years. In his testimony, he only stated that he had known the two Portuguese captains for a long time, not specifying the years. The third Portuguese witness, named Sebastião Amarada, lived in Macau and was around 27 years of age, having met the Portuguese ship-owner and his nephew two years before. As for the Spanish witnesses, they are Juan Bautista Barragán and Juan de la Feria. The testimonies of these individuals are basically based upon Alonso Sánchez’s missions and the Franciscan’s missions to China, as well as the route from his prison back to Manila. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 86 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

The Chinese Fleets and the First Portuguese of Macau

The four Portuguese testimonies set forth by the Bishop of the Philippines, Friar Domingo Salazar, represent the first generations of the Portuguese of Macau, since its foundation to the moment in which new economic perspectives with regard to Manila were being portended. It is difficult, however, to prove the authenticity of the withnesses. These four men also seem to embody the type of European who was circulating in this region at the time: a mixture of merchant, soldier and mercenary, living as an outlaw, and where economic interest seemed to reign above all. It appears fundamental to dwell on the third question of this inquiry, which aims to clarify whether the Emperor Wanli (1572-1620) had, in his maritime coastline, fleets to defend it, and whether these government vessels killed or arrested those onboard foreign boats, paying five taels for each captured foreigner. All the Portuguese participating in this inquiry confirmed the existence of powerful Chinese fleets all over the coast. According to the youngest witness, Cristoval Cardoso, from the Island of Hainan, which is the beginning of China from the Indian side, to Ningbo, which is on the North confining with Japan, which in his words is six or seven hundred leagues of coast, and is all year round full of ships belonging to the King of China, and defending against the entrance of all nations headed to this kingdom, with the exception of the harbour of Macau. As Pedro Sibal explained, a rumour spread in Macau that Chinese soldiers received a prize if they were to capture a foreign thief. Unable to quantify the amount paid for this feat, Sibal declared having witnessed, while in Macau, the beheading of seven or eight Christianized locals by Chinese soldiers, because they had found them fishing on a nearby island. He also mentioned having seen the wives of the dead crying and lamenting their death. This situation, according to the Portuguese soldier, seemed generalized, as he affirmed that in Macau one felt, on a daily basis, that known people were missing, in his belief possibly because they might have been victims of the Chinese authorities. Sebastião Jorge de Moxar confirmed this situation, adding that it was common knowledge in Macau that the mandarins paid five taels The Inquiry of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s Petition: The China Conquest Project and Information on the First Macau Period 87

for each captured foreigner, and declaring that, due to that, many in Macau were missing: he himself had heard wives of the dead complain and say that their husbands had been killed by the Chinese soldiers. Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros, for his part, brought about some more information, by saying that, on capturing foreigners, the soldiers used to cut their hair off to show that they were foreigners and not Chinese. Medeiros referred that, while in Macau, he saw Christianized Japanese and Chinese women complain about the fate of their spouses, who, having gone fishing in the surroundings of Macau, they were captured by soldiers of the Chinese fleet and later beheaded. This Portuguese referred as well that the Portuguese authorities of Macau had complained about this situation to the mandarins, and that the latter had taken no measures against what had happened. Cristoval Cardoso’s testimony also confirmed this situation; though he mentioned a lower figure: three or four Chinese, who apparently were captured by the Canton authorities and later beheaded. Their wives, some of them already married, would appear to have complained publicly of what had happened, and this had been witnessed by the Portuguese. These testimonies outline an atmosphere of instability and great tension between the Macanese community and the Chinese authorities. It also demonstrates that, besides the Portuguese who were living in Macau, there were also Chinese and Japanese, which would hint at the shaping up of Macau as a place of great ethnic and cultural miscegenation. Chinese sources also confirm this information. As proof of this, we would like to report here three texts from the sixteenth century in which the number of executed victims is duly recorded, as well as the price given per head:

In 1632: “They informed that they beheaded 50 rebels, but 35 heads were of women and children.” 177 “Initially, when a head was cut off, a prize was given of 3 taels, later, that prize was raised to 5 taels.” 178 In 1633: “The district magistrate asked: ‘How can one

177 Dai Li, ed. Chen Xieqin, Liu Yian, Huailing Liukou Shizhonglu (Beginning and End of the Fugitive Rebels of Huailing, 懷陵流寇始終錄), Shenyang: Liaoshen Shushe, 1993, p. 29. 178 Chao Zhong Chen, Chong Zheng Dazhuang (Great Biography of Chong Zheng, 崇禎大傳), Jiuzhou Chubanshe, 2006, p. 139. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 88 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

ask for prizes with no heads?’ The general replied: ‘It is very easy! In no time, he exhibited more than one thousand heads, of which more than were of literati. ” 179

179 Dai Li, ed. Chen Xieqin, Liu Yian, Huailing Liukou Shizhonglu (Beginning and End of the Fugitive Rebels of Huailing, 懷陵流寇始終錄), Shenyang: Liaoshen Shushe, 1993, p. 46. The Mystery of Manuel Travassos’s Carrack 89

The Mystery of Manuel Travassos’s Carrack

Both Gaspar Fernandes de Medeiros and Cristoval Cardoso make reference to another unknown episode. As this soldier was travelling onboard the carrack headed by Captain General Manuel Travassos, they did not manage to call at their destination due to bad weather; thus, forced to travel slightly upwards from this city, to namely, Chincheo. Although they had shown the supplies which identified them and demonstrated that they were merchants from Macau, the Chinese fleet assaulted them, eventually arresting and killing mucha gente de los portugueses y gente de serviçio [many of the Portuguese and servants]. Manuel Travassos was an important merchant who, as Captain General, went on the commercial voyage between Macau and Japan in 1569 and 1570. In 1569, his vessel docked at Fukuda, and in 1570 it went past Shiki and Fukuda. During this period we have no reports of fighting between Manuel Travassos and the Chinese forces. Most likely it was a parallel, informal crossing. Upon cross referencing this information against Cristoval Cardoso’s testimony, it becomes evident that four or five years prior to this event, a few Portuguese ships were heading towards Japan and one of them, yet for reasons not referred to in the statement, eventually anchored off the cost of Liampó (Ningbo) where the crew members were beheaded, except for two young men who were later enslaved. According to Cristoval Cardoso’s account, around eight months before the journey to the Philippines, one of the abovementioned slaves had managed to flee, arrive in Macau and report what had happened. Cardoso underlines that he had often met and talked to the runaway, and that the latter had told him that he had witnessed the beheading of the 25 Portuguese crew members of the boat. According to the Portuguese soldier, he had met most of the crew members, and considered them friends and comrades. He alleges having gone to Japan the year before, where it came to be known that the junk had been lost, although the real cause which had led the authorities to kill the Portuguese was not known, if not because they were in their lands or for greed to kill them, and that the prize mentioned in the question is publically known in Macau, and even the slaves themselves of the Portuguese they want to behead to keep this prize. The year before, in 1582, only two known ships THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 90 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

set sail for Japan, one headed by André Feio, which shipwrecked in Taiwan, and one leaded by Captain General António Garcês, which made it to its final destination, calling at the port of Kuchinotsu. Given that Cristoval Cardoso affirmed having gained knowledge of the news of the execution of the Portuguese in Japan, we deduce that he may have travelled that year onboard Captain General António Garcês’s vessel. As to the event in relation to Captain Manuel Travassos’s vessel, this testimony would suggest that it was a recent one, or rather, one which would seem to have occurred at the end of the 1570s or at the beginning of the 1580s. Was this an unknown journey? Other sources hint at placing this journey in 1577, year in which a junk of Portuguese origin had been boarded close to the Korean shore. The Jesuit Luís Fróis mentions this event in chapter 116 of his História do Japam180 . The same content can be located in a letter written on 8 November 1578181 by Father António Prenestino from the port of Funai. Although this soldier alleged that he had reported the news about the outcome of this event, the Jesuits knew of what had happened since at least 1578:

On that Monday we understood that this was not the land of Japan, as we had thought, but Korea, where we had been travelling before, which, inhabited by barbarian and inhuman people, do not wish to have any kind of trade with us. In the past years, a junk with Portuguese has gone there, which was seized by these very ferocious people. They killed those who were travelling on it and burnt the vessel.

This description matches the outcome provided by soldier Cristoval Cardoso. There is, however, a clear difference with regard to the authors of the massacre, as well as to the time and place of these events. While Cristoval Cardoso explicitly says that the authors of the massacre were Chinese soldiers ─ the massacre having occurred right before their narration and near the Chinese town of Ningbo ─, Jesuit sources point towards a similar episode occurred on the Korean coast (ca. 1577), where the boat had been burnt and the people murdered. There is also the possibility that Cristoval Cardoso, still young and with little experience in the region, did not know yet how to

180 Luís Fróis, op cit, p. 512. 181 Cartas da Índia, vol. I, fl. 457f. The Mystery of Manuel Travassos’s Carrack 91

distinguish the mosaic of nations which composed Southeast Asia and the Far East, and may have confused the Korean and Chinese coasts. However, when the different sources are checked, other issues also arise: firstly, the fact that there was an explicit reference to Ningbo, a harbour which the Portuguese visited before and during the first period of the foundation of the European colony of Macau (1518-1542; 1557). The second question is, contrary to Cristoval Cardoso’s testimony (1583), whether only two young lads were saved, though later enslaved, or, according to Father António Prenestino’s testimony (1578), if the entire crew had been indeed massacred, thus leaving no survivors. Gaspar de Medeiros affirmed having travelled on the carrack belonging to Travassos, thus being a survivor of this event. Gaspar de Medeiros was also not a young man anymore, as in 1583 he was 46 years of age. Cross referencing official and private voyages of the time, no new data surfaces regarding another similar voyage. Hence, was this the same voyage to Korea (1577) or was it a later, hereto unknown voyage?

Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Galleon of Manila 93

Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Galleon of Manila

After the two Inquiries had been carried out, one on behalf of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and the other on behalf of the Portuguese ship-owner, Bartolomeu Landeiro, Captain Sebastião Vaz Moxar left Manila and returned to Macau with a letter from the Governor of the Philippines, D. Diego de Ronquillo, dated 28 April 1583, in which he recognized the good services rendered by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro to the Crown and also requested a royal reward182 . This was one of the many letters that the Governor of the Philippines, Diego Ronquillo, wrote to King Filipe II, whereby the latter praises Landeiro, highly recommending him for his loyal services. In another letter, dated 14 February 1583, D. Diego de Ronquillo reveals the nature of the services which Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had offered to carry out on behalf of the King:

This honoured Portuguese [Bartolomeu Landeiro] serves Your Majesty with much loyalty, and last year prepared a junk of his for Father Alonso Sánchez, of the Society of Jesus, who, upon an order by the Governor of the Philippines, D. Gonzallo Ronquillo, had travelled to Macau with news of the succession of Your Majesty to the Kingdoms of Portugal and offered his assistance with regard to anything which might be of service to Your Majesty. He is always at your service with much diligence and care [...] and now he offers his assistance by saying that he will go on the trip to Maluco onboard his own ship and will take some people along [...] May Your Majesty grant us the favour to accept what is now being offered to You, according to our merits [...], it shall be very well accepted amongst the Portuguese in this region, who will recognise the

182 Cf. end of the Inquiry of 28 April 1583 Inquiry conducted by Sebastião Moxar, on behalf of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, in Manila, on 28 April 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 94 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

greatness which Your Majesty usually bestows upon those who faithfully run to be of service.183

D. Diego de Ronquillo again emphasized the services rendered by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro on 20 June 1583, when referring to Alonso Sánchez’s journey to China184 and, once more, in a letter he wrote the following year, on 8 April 1584185 . The huge profits from this first commercial transaction between Macau and the Philippines changed the fate of the San Juan galleon. It is important to mention here that this galleon is referred to in the sources also as San Martín186 . This galleon, like many before it, was part of a complex commercial route which linked the islands of the Philippines to Nueva España (New Spain). Every year, galleons from the American continent arrived in Manila and galleons left Manila headed to Acapulco. The following is contemporaneous information on the construction of galleon San Juan:

Your Majesty has in this journey of the Philippines two ships, San Martin and Santa Ana which are those which Mr. Palacio built in Realejo [Porto de Realejo-Nueva España], and also another carrack called La Mora, which Mr. Sande built in the Philippines, and another small ship called San Joan, and another which Captain Francisco Gali took from here when, under orders from the Archbishop, he went to discover the whole coast of that land, which are altogether five.187

In Manila, on the other hand, Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade had been the person chosen to take the galleon back to Spanish America in 1583. In June of that year, the San Juan left for Nueva España, and it so

183 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, pp. clxxvi-clxxvii. AGI. Filip. 6. 184 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. clxxxii. 185 Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo, 8 April 1584. AGI. Filip., 6, 5, n.º 62. Juan Gil, op cit, pp. 28-29. 186 Manel Ollé, “Estrategias filipinas respecto a China: Alonso Sánchez y Domingo Salazar en la empresa de China (1581-1593)”, Doctoral Thesis, 2 vols., Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, 1998, vol. 1, p. 475. 187 Letter from the Viceroy of New Spain, the Marquis of Villa Manrique, to King Philip II, sent from Mexico, 24 January 1587. Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 362, n. 2. Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Galleon of Manila 95

happens that its crew, eager for greater profits, and knowing of the trading possibilities in Macau, convinced the captain to go through this city, where they might get more merchandise and then leave for their original destination, present-day Peru. However, the galleon suffered several vicissitudes and in the end arrived at the harbour of Macau in terrible condition, with the crew in mutiny and the captain ousted. The inefficiency of the captain in controlling the mutiny and in reacquiring control over the command of the galleon was one of the most famous episodes in establishing diplomatic relations between Macau and Manila. Having arrived in Macau, the insurgents were faced with the absence of their highest authority, the Captain General, who had left on a commercial journey to Japan. Thus, they started negotiations with the judicial magistrate of Macau at the time, Damião Gonçalves, bribing him with a great amount of gold, originating from investors in Manila and in the Americas. Damião Gonçalvez was a very important man in Macau. Besides being on a list of Bartolomeu Landeiro’s procurators, he had also participated in the famous 12 December 1582 meeting, in which Alonso Sánchez had officially announced the name of Philip II as the King of Portugal. The main instigator of this rebellion, and also the man behind the negotiations with Damião Gonçalvez, seems to have been D. Juan de Mendoza, who had arrived in Manila via Peru, in 1583, possibly wishing to flee the local authorities, since he had been accused of murder188 . In spite of his condition, the reason which had led him that year to leave again for New Spain is unknown. According to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro himself, upon the arrival of Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade’s galleon to Macau, and after being debriefed of what had occurred, the latter decided to aid his Castilian counterpart. These few words do not explain in what way Landeiro might have assisted the commander of the San Juan galleon. When one looks at the inquiry, as put forward to the captain, the latter only confirms what had happened, not adding any details to the incident. However, more information emerges in the inquiry as put forward to the factor of the Fazenda Real (Royal Treasury) of the Philippines, Juan Bautista Román. In question number eight, Román explains that the galleon had called for shelter in China, and had arrived shipwrecked in Macau. Landeiro had helped Francisco Mercado de Andrade

188 AGI, Filipinas, 6, 5, n.º 62. Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King, sent from Manila, 8 April 1584. Colin-Pastells, 1904, vol. I, p. 169, n. 4. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 96 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

by hosting him, as well as other Spaniards, in his own house, and by helping him and all those who represented the King in anything they might be entitled to as faithful subjects of His Majesty 189. Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade, a Portuguese man travelling on this vessel, and the remaining Spaniards had all requested his assistance190. Hence, Landeiro, gave them all [Francisco Mercado de Andrade and the Spaniards], at his own expenses, things to eat, as well as anything necessary for the mentioned journey and for after their arrival in this city [Manila] 191. Although they were welcomed by the Portuguese ship-owner, there is one question which, it seems, it would be important to answer: would this have been the same reaction as that of the Portuguese community residing in Macau? The answer seems to be negative. The Augustinian Friar Jesus de Rama, one of the individuals onboard the San Juan galleon, reveals that the Portuguese ship-owner was the only one to assist Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade and the remaining Spaniards who had parted with the galleon in mutiny. According to this testimony, the Portuguese community was against any sort of help, thus opposing Bartolomeu Landeiro’s wishes:

There was great contradiction amongst the Portuguese as to helping him with this, as well as with everything else, and always the above-mentioned Captain Bartolomeu Vaz helped in the services rendered to His Majesty 192

This passage is equally revealing of the environment in Macau, where Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro emerges as an isolated figure, defying the general

189 This testimony must be taken into account, insofar as Juan Bautista Román left for Macau prior to a possible escape of the mutineers. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 190 Diogo Ferreira, a Portuguese national residing in Manila, confirms this version como persona que fue en el navio que la pregunta dize (as someone who was on the ship to which the question refers). Testimony by Diogo Ferreira, question number eight. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 191 Testimony of Diogo Rodrigues, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 192 Testimony of Friar Jesus de Rama, question number eight. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. Bartolomeu Landeiro and the Galleon of Manila 97

will of the merchant community rersiding in Macau. This division is very significant, since it also demonstrates two political tendencies, one clearly opposed to any contact with the Castilian community residing in the Philippines, and another one favouring trade and interchange between both communities. There are two aspects here which I would like to analyze: the first one is related to the integration of the Portuguese crown in the Spanish crown. The Portuguese merchant community feared, and with good reason, that this might be the necessary pretext for the Spaniards of the Philippines to try and establish direct trade with China, ruining the future of the Portuguese merchants of Macau. On the other hand, this loss of hegemony could have had serious implications in terms of the permanence of the Portuguese in Macau, as the authorities of Canton would then have an excuse to expel the Europeans from this city, as they would belong to a new King, a new dynasty, and a new nation, with which they had no diplomatic relations. The second aspect is the turning point, occurred in 1583, in the history of Macau. That year, under the initiative of Bishop D. Leonardo de Sá and under his presidency, the Senate of Macau was formally founded. This administrative, political and judicial mechanism aimed at bringing greater stability to the city. Irrespective of this, one should highlight that military power continued to belong to the Captains General who carried out the annual mercantile journey from Macau to Japan193 . Despite such declared opposition, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro seems not to have yielded to the intentions of the mutineers and, after clashing with the judicial magistrate of Macau, Damião Gonçalvez, by condemning his support to the insurgents, sought restlessly to have the galleon returned to Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade and for the vessel’s original route to the Americas to be resumed. Yet, Ouvidor Damião Gonçalves, irked at the ship owner’s interference, defied Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro by supporting the mutineers. He thus forbade the captain to contact the authorities in Manila. Nevertheless, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was not immune to this kind of pressure and, as usual, disregarded orders and followed his own instincts194 .

193 Wu Zhiliang, Segredos da Sobrevivência de Macau: História Política de Macau, Macau, Associação de Educação de Adultos de Macau, 1999, p. 67. 194 AGI, Filipinas, 6, 5, n.º 62. Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King, sent from Manila, 8 April 1584. Colin-Pastells, 1904, vol. I, p. 169, n. 4.

Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Help to the Governor of the Philippines 99

Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Help to the Governor of the Philippines

According to the testimony of the factor of Manila, Juan Bautista Román195 , Sebastião Jorge Moxar, upon his return to Macau, took an important letter by the then-governor of the Philippines, D. Diego de Ronquillo. The letter supposedly asked Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro to urgently come to Manila to handle a few important things for the service of His Majesty. What was the content of such letter? Why was it urgent? The inquiry into the services rendered in the Philippines, Japan, China and Macau by Captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, carried out on 19 April 1586, does not answer this question196 . We shall thus have to look at, amongst the several witnesses, factor Juan Bautista Román, who alleges having seen the letter which D. Diego de Ronquilho had written to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro197 . This question is eventually answered by the judicial magistrate of the Philippines, Melchor Dávalos, who on 3 July 1584, sends an important letter to the King. This letter affirms unequivocally that Landeiro had been asked to go to Manila, on a military function, to defend the Spanish colony:

195 Testimony of Juan Bautista Román. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 196 Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 197 Miguel de Brito, for his part, when asked about this correspondence, also affirms having seen the letter which the Governor of the Philippines had sent to Landeiro. Diogo Ferreira also affirms that, as Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s vessel arrived in Macau, he heard that the Governor had written a few letters to the Portuguese shipowner asking him to go to Manila, and that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had then prepared two vessels with supplies, people and weaponry headed for Manila. Augustinian Jesus de Rama and captain Francisco de Mercado, for their part, affirm having witnessed Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro read the Governor’s letter and prepare two ships. The Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and the Rector of the Society of Jesus in Manila, Antonio Sedeño, amongst others, seem to be more cautious in their answers, by affirming having only listened to rumours. Curiously, these last two individuals would appear to be amongst the best positioned, (i.e., the closest to sovereign power) and the most likely to have had more information. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 100 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, a Portuguese, who, at the request from Governor Diego Ronquillo had come from Macau and was here to protect this land 198 , serving Your Majesty, with two vessels well equipped with artillery.199

According to the information provided by the ex-captain of the rebellious galleon, Francisco Mercado de Andrade, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had therefore two junks prepared to leave, a big one for India and another one, slightly smaller, for Timor. The first junk had cargo worth ten thousand cruzados and the second carried cargo worth three thousand 200 . This information is also confirmed by other testimonies201 . The Portuguese ship- owner himself, while referring to this event, claims to having lost thirty thousand cruzados with the change in destination of his vessels202 . After having received the letter, the Portuguese ship-owner203 was to travel with the two vessels to Manila, taking onboard Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade and the remaining Castilian members who had managed to escape the mutinied galleon204 . Who were, though, the captains of the ships which had travelled to Manila? The first one was certainly Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. What about the second? Although the inquiry 205 does not

198 Testimony given by Diogo Ferreira, question number nine, also confirmed this information. Diogo Ferreira declared having had knowlege of the letter and that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had brought two vessels prepared for the war. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 199 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, p. cclvi Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998., p. 25, nota 6. 200 Testimony given by Francisco Mercado de Andrade, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 201 Testemony given by Bartolomeu Landeiro. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 202 Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 203 Testimony given by Juan Bautista Román, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 204 Diogo Ferreira also confirms this version, being one of the privileged witnesses of this event. See his answer to question number nine of the Inquiry. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 205 Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Help to the Governor of the Philippines 101

reveal his name, Jesuit Antonio Sedeño, Rector of the Society of Jesus in Manila, has left a few important clues when affirming having witnessed a conversation between Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and a nephew of his on the profits he had lost by going to Manila206 . As I shall soon demonstrate, the captain of one of these two ships, after having completed the journey, was sent back to Macau by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. We presume thus that such captain may also have been the captain of the said ship in its return journey from Macau to Manila. Contrary to what historian Manel Ollé has held, only two ships originating in Macau visited Manila in 1584. None of these ships was headed by Francisco de Mercado, who was only a passenger207. Bartolomeu Landeiro’s arrival in Manila, occurred in March 1584, was seen as a second opportunity of survival for the city, which had by then been burnt down and had in its midst around 3000 Chinese, the sangleyes, from whom the authorities feared an imminent uprising208 . The Governor, D. Diego de Ronquillo, describes in a detailed manner the situation of the city at this time:

In February this year, God wished to start a fire at the Saint Augustine Monastery of this city [Manila], a monastery which was located at the beginning of town. This fire spread with the force of the wind, which was very strong, and thus expanded, it being impossible to resist it, in one blow throughout the whole city, through the wooden houses covered with palm leaves. Although I ran immediately to the fortress and commanded that the alcaide and other soldiers take all preventative measures and others necessary with regard to this fire, there was no solution, because, as the walls were also made of wood, they burnt together with all the ammunition of Your Majesty. We only saved eight barrels of gunpowder which I had people withdraw, quickly and at great danger, and throw on the river, since there was no other place which was safe from

206 Testimony of Father Antonio Sedeño, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 207 Manel Ollé, op cit, 1998, pp. 476-477. 208 On the Chinese community living in Manila, please see the work by Eufronio Melo Alip, The Chinese in Manila, Manila: National Historical Congress, 1974. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 102 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

fire, which was so huge that most pieces of artillery melted away. 209

According to Captain Francisco Mercado’s testimony, the large Chinese community living in Manila did not wish to revolt in isolation, having allied itself with the locals of the island, who, motivated by the reduced European contingent on the islands, aimed to shake off Castilian domination210. The credible testimony by the Bishop of the Philippines, Friar Domingo de Salazar, also confirms that the Spaniards of Manila feared the sangleyes might wish to rebel against the Europeans, and might just be waiting for the arrival of the many Chinese junks which arrived every year in the Philippines, with the support of which they had planned to murder all the Castilian residents211. This rumour amongst the Spaniards would cease with the arrival of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. Portuguese Diego Ferreira also corroborates this rumour, by informing that, upon arrival in Manila, he witnessed that the whole land was in an uprising, people saying that the Chinese as well as the locals wanted to uprise, and [Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro] pacified them all with the arrival of these ships212 . The Portuguese shipowner, together with his personal army, and the artillery of his two junks muy grandes e vien armados (very large and well armed) managed to placate the imminent uprising. It was by means of this visit that the authorities of Manila were informed of the whereabouts of the galleon which had left for Acapulco. Factor Juan Bautista Román, the same individual who bequeathed this information to us, left for Macau a short time after, together with Jesuit Alonso Sánchez, wishing to arrive in the Portuguese city before the escape of the mutineers. Although the rector of the Society of Jesus in Manila, Antonio Sedeño, was initially reluctant in allowing Alonso Sánchez to participate in this diplomatic mission,

209 Letter of D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King, from Manila, 20 June 1583. AGI. Filip. 6. 210 Testimony of the captain Francisco de Mercado, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 211 Testimony of the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo de Salazar, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 212 Inquiry of Diogo, question number nine. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Help to the Governor of the Philippines 103

as proven in the June 22, 1584, letter he wrote some time later, from Manila, to General Father Claudio Acquaviva, he later changed his mind. Sánchez himself seems also to have felt a strong need to explicate himself before General Father Acquaviva on the reasons leading him to accept that mission, in his June 18, 1583, letter from Manila. However, pressure from the Governor of the Philippines and Bishop Domingo Salazar eventually convinced him to leave, thus insuring his departure and thwarting Rector Antonio Sedeño’s attempts at boycotting Alonso Sánchez’s voyage. Yet, this mission was not as simple as it appears to be. In reality, both Governor Ronquillo and the Bishop of the Philippines Domingo de Salazar, wished Jesuit Alonso Sánchez to use his exceptional diplomatic abilities, not only to placate an uprising, but mainly to obtain from the Chinese authorities a commercial port identical to that one of Macau, so that the Spanish merchants of Manila might also benefit from the large profits which the silk trade offered213 . This situation would also allow the missionaries of other Religious Orders to avoid Macau, where the Society of Jesus enjoyed unquestionable religious, commercial and political power, an obvious obstacle for them. This aim also seems to unveil the motivation behind the April 19, 1583 inquiry organized by Bishop Domingo Salazar214. On 1st May, the factor of Manila, Juan Bautista Román, and Jesuit Alonso Sánchez, arrived in Macau, accompanied by a contigent of Spanish soldiers. Before the rebels could leave, Juan Bautista Román succeeded at subduing the insurrection, executing its leaders in the Rada de Macau (Macau’s Port). After having solved this situation, he hired a new crew, most of it consisting of Portuguese living in Macau, and sent the galleon to its initial destination, or rather, Acapulco. This journey began on 29 July 1584, and it is recorded in an anonymous document now held at the National Library of Portugal (Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa). This testimony emphasizes the fundamental role played by a Chinese pilot, who seems to have reported to the writer of this letter countless details on the people with which the crew of the ship came across. Interestingly, this testimony only mentions the journey’s route, and does not include any details on the transported merchandise, on the crew or on the social relations

213 H. de la Costa, S.J., op cit, 1967, pp. 52-53, 640. 214 Cartas de don fray Domingo de Salazar, obispo de Filipinas, al Rey, dándole cuenta de los progresos de la predicación del Evangelio en la China. Son dos cartas fechadas en Manila, 18 de junio de 1583. Información de don fray Domingo de Salazar, en la que comunica al papa Gregorio XIII y al rey Felipe II, la situación en que se hallaban los reinos de China. Manila, 19 de abril de 1583. AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 8. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 104 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

inside the carrack.215 The captain of this vessel was Francisco Gali, about whom there is very little information. The most elucidative source on how he arrived to Macau is a letter written from Mexico, on 24 January 1587, by the Viceroy of Nueva España, the Marquis of Villa Manrique, to King Philip II. In this letter the Viceroy declares that Captain Francisco Gali had been sent on a mission to discover maritime areas not explored by the Spaniards216 .

215 Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Códice 637, fls. 140f.-141v. 216 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 362, n. 2. Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Aid to the Governor of the Philippines, Doctor Santiago de Vera 105

Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Aid to the Governor of the Philippines, Doctor Santiago de Vera

The Molucca islands, also known as Spice Islands, were an important source of income from the time the Portuguese arrived in Southeast Asia. The term Maluku is of Arabic origin – Jazirat Al-Muluk (the Island of the Kings) – and it entered the Malay language as Maluku. The Portuguese learnt about them after their conquest of Malacca217 in 1511. In 1514, Tomé Pires in his Suma Oriental sent information to King Manuel I, describing the spice route. In 1522, the Portuguese began the construction of a fortress in Ternate, named S. João Baptista. Actually, António de Brito, as its first captain, ordered its construction. Portuguese decline in the Moluccas218 starts from the 1550s, culminating in 1575 with the loss of the Portuguese fortress in Ternate. Portuguese possessions were the target then of several attacks. In 1574, the sieges of Goa, Chaul and Chalé prevented the Portuguese Viceroys from assisting the Portuguese fortified settlements in the Moluccas, thus avoiding their fall. Once expelled by locals from Ternate, the Portuguese established a new fortress in Tidore from 1578. The head of this fortress is Diogo de Azambuja, its first captain. Manila’s ambitions in gaining access to this market, on the other hand, only received a strong impetus after the Iberian Union, solemnized at the Courts of Tomar in 1581219. In 1582, Captain Francisco de Dueñas headed the first of several Castilian expeditions to the Moluccan islands. Similar to what had happened to Alonso Sánchez in Macau, Captain Francisco de Dueñas had the diplomatic duty of informing the Portuguese fort in Tidore of the de facto Iberian Union220. By then Portuguese presence in

217 For an interesting representation of Malacca, please see: Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora. António Bocarro, Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da Índia Oriental, 1635. 218 For a representation of Ternate and Tidore, please see: Pedro Barreto de Resende, Livro do Estado da Índia Oriental, 1636, Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris. 219 Manuel Lobato, Política e Comércio dos Portugueses na Insulíndia, Lisboa, Instituto Português do Oriente, 1999, pp. 91-122. 220 Letter to the Captain General of Maluko, 1582. AGI, Patronato 24, Ramo 61. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 106 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

the region was very precarious, a fact which Captain Francisco de Dueñas could verify first hand. Back in Manila, the governor is informed, not only of the obedience sworn by the Portuguese to their new King Philip I, but also of the loss of Ternate, as well as of the precarious conditions in which the Portuguese lived in Tidore:

Letters from Captain General Diego de Azambuja, in which the will to serve Your Majesty was expressed, and in which they [the Portuguese from the fortress of Tidore] prepared to render due obedience and who, for that purpose, awaited confirmation of news from Spain by way of India, from which they had not been helped for a long time since the ships that were sent to rescue them by way of Malacca shipwrecked. For this reason, they had lost the fortress of Ternate, which they had surrendered, due to hunger, to the King of the island.221

Some time later, a Portuguese soldier named Manuel Ferreira de Villas Boas, arrived in Manila, bringing with him letters from the Captain of Tidore, Diogo de Azambuja, requesting urgent aid in terms of soldiers and supplies. In September 1582, the then Governor of the Philippines of the time, D. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, sent a second expedition to the Molucca islands, headed by his nephew Juan Ronquillo del Castillo. As they arrived in Tidore, the Spanish fleet was merged with another Portuguese fleet, headed by D. Álvaro de Castro, which had just arrived from India. Before these forces could even attack Ternate, D. Álvaro de Castro fell ill and eventually died, thus leaving one of his soldiers as his substitute. as his substitute. The abovementioned soldier entered into conflict with Captain Diego de Azambuja. The argument was solved through Captain Diogo de Azambuja’s stay in Tidore and the departure of the Portuguese fleet for Malacca. After that, the first attacks against Ternate began and, despite the initial success, a strong epidemic forced Juan Ronquillo del Castillo to withdraw and to return to the Philippines222 . In Manila, on the other hand, Portuguese Captain Sebastião Jorge Moxar

221 Letter from Diego Ronquillo to King Philip II, sent from Manila, 20 June 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 6. 222 Letter from Diego Ronquillo to King Philip II, sent from Manila, 20 June 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 6. Bartolomeu Landeiro and his Aid to the Governor of the Philippines, Doctor Santiago de Vera 107

is informed by the Governor of the recent expedition to Ternate. On 14 February 1583, a letter written by the Governor, D. Diego de Ronquillo to King Philip II, hints at the idea that the Portuguese ship-owner offered his military services for a future military expedition to the Moluccas223 . When, in March 1584, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and his two military vessels arrived in Manila, a third expedition, led by Captain Pedro Sarmiento, was prepared for the Molucca Islands. Indeed, the following month, it left for these islands, having returned without much of a result in November 1584. Also in April 1584, Governor D. Diego de Ronquillo writes to the King about Bartolomeu Vaz de Landeiro’s intention to lead a new expedition to the Molucca Islands, praising his services and approving this initiative:

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, Portuguese, neighbor of Macau, serves Your Majesty with much loyalty [...] he offers now to go on the trip to be held to Maluco, onboard a ship of his and taking some people along for service, a fact which made it necessary for me to inform Your Majesty about.224

On 21 June 1584, although Spanish military reinforcements had already left for the Moluccas, the Captain of Tidore, Diego de Azambuja, once again requested military help to fight the King of Ternate, affirming that an aid to Manila of between 80 e 100 soldiers, together with supplies, would only provide for a sustainment of that fortress until October or November of the same year. The new Governor of the Philippines, Santiago de Vera, prepared then a contingent of 400 men and 1000 Filipino locals for a fourth expedition. This time, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro decided to head the expedition, which, according to Melchor Dávalos, judicial representative of the Royal Audience of the Philippines (Real Audiencia), caused great discontent amongst the Castilian contingent. This situation was eventually solved with the election of two captains, a Spaniard and a Portuguese, and two military expeditions. The first one was to be carried out by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the second one in March 1585, under the leadership of Juan de Morón. Both captains

223 D. Pedro Torres y Lanzas, op cit, pp. clxxvi-clxxvii. AGI, Filipinas, 6. 224 Letter from D. Diego de Ronquillo to the King, sent from Manila, 8 April 1584. AGI, Filipinas, 6, 5, n.º 62. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 108 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

had as their duty to lead the crew members of their own nationality225 . This plan seems not have been carried through in its entirety, at least as far as the military expedition led by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was concerned, since many Spaniards went with him. Following that, the Portuguese ship-owner started preparing for the expedition to the Moluccas. Thus, one of the two ships he had brought to Manila was sent urgently to Macau226 . Such ship was eventually headed by his nephew, Vicente Landeiro, who was entrusted with the task of bringing soldiers, artillery and supplies for the journey227 .

225 Letter from Melchior Dávalos to the King, sent from Manila, 3 July 1584. Torre Lanzas, Catálogo II, p. cclvi. 226 Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade refers to this episode in his answer to question number 10 of the April 19, 1586, inquiry. Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 227 In April 19, 1586, inquiry, Rodrigo de Mora, Diogo Ferreira and Rodrigo Álvares, amongst others, mention sending to China a vessel with the mission of bringing soldiers and supplies to Manila. The Bishop of the Philippines, Friar Domingo de Salazar, also mentions artillery: Información ..., 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. Vicente Landeiro and the Arrival of the First Spaniards in Japan 109

Vicente Landeiro and the Arrival of the First Spaniards in Japan

After the agreement between this Portuguese ship-owner and the Governor of the Philippines, Vicente Landeiro, the captain of the second junk, was sent to Macau with precise instructions for his mission at Maluko/ Molucca Islands228. This action aimed at providing Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro with a junk provisioned with supplies, gunpowder and soldiers:

Because the ship on which they went belonged to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, a neighbour of Macau, a very old captain, who sent a nephew of his, Vicente Landeiro, to Macau from Manila; whereas his uncle remained [in Manila], waiting for him to bring him supplies, gunpowder and soldiers for Maluco [the Moluccas], all of this at the expense of the aforementioned Bartolomeu Vaz.229

Yet, the journey did not unfold as expected, and the vessel headed by Vicente Landeiro was eventually forced to call at the port of Hirado in Japan230 . This journey is described in detail in the letter which Pablo Rodríguez sent to the Governor of the Philippines, written in Hirado, on 7 October 1584:

When Your Lordship granted me the favour of allowing me to go to Macau, Your Lordship said that it might happen that the ship might arrive here, where it might get lost, and so it happened, as, due to ignorance and little knowledge of the pilot of the boat, instead of arriving in Macau, we arrived in this harbour of Hirado, which is in Japan.231

228 Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998, pp. 24-25. 229 AGI, Filipinas, 79, N. 17. Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., España y América, enero-febrero, 1905. Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998, p. 25, note 6, p. 26. 230 Josef Franz Schütte, S.J., op cit , 1975, p. 760, note 4. 231 Murakami Collection, HIUT Vol. I, p. 1. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 110 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

According to this testimony, the problems had started right at the beginning of the trip, due to the apparent inability of the pilot of the junk. Sometime after, the vessel was affected by a heavy storm and, although it would have been possible to conclude the voyage to China, Vicente Landeiro ordered that it be diverted to Japan. This decision disturbed Pablo Rodríguez, who claimed that they had supplies, as well as the plates of the Chinese authorities protecting them. A few days after this decision, and already on route to Japan, Vicente Landeiro came across at sea with the Captain General of Macau, Aires de Miranda, heading to Nagasaki on a carrack loaded with merchandise, a fact which did not escape our observant witness. Captain Aires de Miranda happily welcomed Vicente Landeiro and the crew, thus agreeing that they should travel together to Japan. This trip followed with no hindrance for three days, until an island which was supposedly known came to sight from Vicente Landeiro’s junk. The pilot232 alleged that, before arriving to Japan, it would be necessary to make repairs to the ship, as it was damaged. Vicente Landeiro, agreeing to mend the vessel, acceded to the request by the pilot, after which the vessel left to anchor at a Japanese harbour. What is intriguing about this account is that, having found a port, out of which a few vessels came to help them as they nearing the site, the sailors refused, because the local lord who was providing all this help had been a Christian but had later apostatized. One of the questions we ask is the following: if they wished only to find a harbour for their carrack, why were they being so selective? Nevertheless, the same situation seems not to have led to any objections when Vicente Landeiro entered the port of Hirado233, as Pablo Rodríguez recounted that the Lord of Hirado was a heathen, like the other Lord whose port the sailors refused to enter. It is known that several priests were sailing on this Portuguese junk, Manrique and Mateo Mendoza, as well as two famous Franciscans, Juan Pobre Díaz Pardo and Diego Bernal, who later contacted the local authorities in the port of Hirado. We can gain direct knowledge on this event from a letter sent on 7 October 1584 234, by Pablo Rodríguez to the Governor of the Philippines.

232 Murakami Collection. HIUT Vol. I, pp. 1-2. 233 Captain Francisco Mercado de Andrade refers to this in his answer to question number 10 of 19 April 1586 inquiry, where he mentions that the vessel headed for Macau for the purpose of bringing people and supplies was forced to change course, thus heading towards the Japanese coast due to a storm. 234 Murakami Collection. HIUT Vol. I Letter from Pablo Rodríguez to the Governor of the Philippines, 7 October 1584, sent from the port of Hirado. Vicente Landeiro and the Arrival of the First Spaniards in Japan 111

As they were received by the Lord of Hirado himself, Matsuura, the latter appeared particularly happy after having seen the priests and having understood that the vessel came from the Philippines, and that it was the first time they met in his territory. It seems to us that the underlying intention of this nobleman to establish commercial relations with the Castilians was not unrelated to this fact. This document reveals that at the time Hirado had around 1000 inhabitants and that it had a very warlike population which organized many attacks against the Chinese235. It also includes a fairly good description of the church, which was located in the best area of town, and a reference to two priests of the Society of Jesus who lived there and assisted the Christian community. The Superior of the Augustinians, Manrique, took advantage of this occasion to create the basis of a possible mission by the Franciscans in Japan:

Father Manrique, Prior of Manila, seeing such an interest by the King [the daimyō of Hirado], dealt with him upon certain faith matters which left him ready to accept them, and thus requested that priests from his Order be brought to that region, promising them a church and support and even a church for the monastic friars. He also agreed with other conditions in writing, and amongst them recognized being a vassal to His [Philip II], and confirmed [his recognition] through ceremonies usually held by the Japanese, so that it might be true, and right away wished the priests to stay there. He writes to Your Lordship, volunteering to render service, and sends I do not know which things with Vicente Landeiro. I understand that all this has been guided by God for some purpose with which He shall be served, and so shall His Majesty. I am also glad that this has been done during the time of Your Lordship, because His Majesty will value him a lot, being informed of the many things which this event may bring.236

235 This town had many pirates, who attacked the coastal areas of China. 236 Murakami Collection. HIUT Letter from Pablo Rodríguez to the Governor of the Philippines, 7 October 1584, Hirado. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 112 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Matsuura, as the document above indicates, wrote a letter to Philip II, in which he declared being his subject, and promised several privileges to the priests of the Philippines who went to his dominions in Japan. Such letter is extant in Castilian, written on 17th September 1584, thus agreeing with Pablo de Rodríguez’s report where it mentions Captain Vicente Landeiro:

Copy of the Letter from the King of Hirado. Very powerful and illustrious Lordship, On 4 August this year, a ship with Portuguese arrived at this harbour of my Kingdom [Hirado], with Captain Vicente Landeiro onboard, a person whom we knew about, and, because such saint Castilian saints came in His company, out of whom I particularly believe in Father Cosme de Torres, Castilian, who came to this land to Christianize, the priests of whose Order [Society of Jesus] I have and cherish, nowadays, in my Kingdom, and they Christianize whoever wishes to be a Christian. It has seemed very convenient to me to write this letter to Your Illustrious Lordship, as, under Your protection there are already so many Kings and Lords, vassals to the high and Catholic King of Spain, my Lord, whom I also value highly thus, in accordance with what I have learnt from the priests, as well as from Captain Vicente Landeiro, to whom I wish to show the wish of the things I have to serve. Yet, I cannot do them now to His Majesty, and so do them to Your Lordship, so that it be understood that I am no less a servant than any of His vassals and, as such, I ask to have me sent in everything which is to Your service and to that of His Majesty, and I affirm this now and will always with much pleasure and so will all the Castilians in my lands, as always there were vassals to the Catholic kings of Portugal, and so now I am much more obliged with regard to the Royal Person of His Majesty and thus I ask Your Illustrious Lordship to satisfy my wishes and to write about the health of His Majesty and Your Majesty [the Governor of the Philippines], for whom I will not lack the strength and will for things at Your service and thus beg You to write to me and to tell me what I should serve you with, and, as a token of this love, I send to Your Illustrious Lordship a spear from my kingdom with a box in which one goes as well as four fans so Vicente Landeiro and the Arrival of the First Spaniards in Japan 113

that You can see the things of my Kingdom and Your Lordship can see which of them seems better for Your service and that of the Royal Crown. From Hirado, 17 September 1584.237

Possibly not unrelated to this letter is the fact that the Lord of Hirado, Matsuura, since the opening up of Nagasaki, had lost much of the Portuguese trade which was handled in its harbour; hence, he was seeking to attract the Spaniards of the Philippines. After remaining for two months at Hirado, waiting for the adequate monsoon to return to Macau238 , Vicente Landeiro decided to leave. As the junk was in a bad condition, part of the crew wished to remain onshore and to go onboard the official Portuguese ship which stopped there on its annual journey between Japan and Macau. This situation caused some animosity between the Portuguese captain and the Spaniards, and the former obliged the latter to pay freight and other dues charged for the journey as if they had gone all the way to Macau. By fully charging the journey, he provoked opposition from the crew members. Neverthless, by resorting to force, Vincente Landeiro managed to obtain the money and, on 5 October 1584, left for Macau:

As Vicente Landeiro realized that we were staying [in Japan], he asked us for freight dues and [other] dues in full, as if he had taken us to Macau. He affirmed that he would not be able to receive us in Macau because he would not be in town. The reason for that was that he had to go to some islands I know not [Tidore] and from there to Siam, and it was not enough to offer him a guarantee or to use ourselves as a guarantee that we would give it to him if we owed him. He treated us as was to be expected from him, and complained to the King and to others, and dared act as a judge, having us arrested and swear under oath in his cause and our own. Finally, to avoid problems and difficulties, we deposit the money in Father

237 Murakami Collection. HIUT Letter from Matsuura to Philip II, sent from Hirado, 17 September 1584, p. 3. 238 Murakami Collection. HIUT Letter from Matsuura to Philip II, sent from Hirado, 17 September 1584, p. 3. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 114 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Manrique’s hand and it goes with him. With this order, a ship has been prepared and left again of October 5.239

239 Murakami Collection. HIUT Letter from Matsuura to Philip II, sent from Hirado, 17 September 1584, p. 4. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Military Expedition to the Molucca Islands 115

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Military Expedition to the Molucca Islands

Unaware of what had transpired in Japan, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, still in Manila, was indeed waiting for the ship that Vicente Landeiro was assigned to take back to Macau, as he was preparing the military expedition to Ternate. The Portuguese ship-owner aimed at starting this expedition as early as possible; hence, as Vicente Landeiro’s ship was late in coming, for the reasons stated above, he decided to follow another plan. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro purchased another ship in Maila/Manila and committed his money to acquire supplies and soldiers for the trip. The most complete description available of this event was written by the Bishop of the Philippines, Friar Domingo de Salazar, who affirms that, after having sent a ship to China aimed at bringing back supplies and ammunition, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had, on its not returning on time, built another one on the beach of Manila, under his initiative and at his own expenses240 . As the value of raw materials was very high, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro spent a large amount of money on its construction241 . Another of the witnesses, Miguel Rojo de Brito, indicates that both ships were steered by Portuguese and Spanish adventurers242 . This reference seems to run common to almost all witnesses who refer to Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, as they allege that the crew on this ship-owner’s vessels was made up of adventurers, or rather, mercenaries. A shortage of

240 Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Friar Domingo de Salazar, answer to question number 10. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2 241 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Rodrigo de Mora also refers to this in his answer to question number 10. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 242 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Miguel Rojo de Brito also refers to this in his answer to question number 10. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 116 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

people to fill the two ships up had led the Portuguese captain to hire Spaniards and locals from the Philippines. The factor of the Philippines, Juan Baptista Róman, describes how a Spanish infantry company, made up mostly of non- Christian adventurers, went with Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro to the Molucca Islands243 . This source demonstrates once again how the European vessels sailing through the China Seas, besides their use and improvement of previously discovered routes, used the existing technology in these regions, and that crew members were made up of a European minority and a majority of individuals from nations with which the Europeans negotiated. According to information provided by Landeiro himself244 , he arrived at the Island of Tidore as the Captain General245 off a boat with high sides and a galliot246 , and found the whole region in a state of war, as provoked by Captain General Duarte Pereira de Sampaio. The latter had arrived at the fortress of Tidore with royal documents appointing him as captain of the Portuguese fortress. At the time, Diogo de Azambuja ruled this fortress and had refused being replaced. This situation provoked a deep quarrel between Captains Duarte Pereira de Sampaio and Diogo de Azambuja247 and their supporters. As witnessed by Juan de Arçega, who had accompanied the Spanish Captain Pedro Sarmiento in the expedition of April 1584, the then Captain General Diogo de Azambuja had left the fortress with an army to fight against Duarte Pereira de Sampaio. Yet, the confrontation seems not to have occurred due to the mediation of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, who, together with his army of

243 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Juan Baptista Román also refers to this in his answer to question number 12. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 244 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, in the description of his merits. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 245 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Captain Rodrigo Alvarez also refers to this in his answer to question number 10. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2 246 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Miguel Rojo de Brito also refers to this in his answer to question number 10, by stating that Landeiro took two ships on this military expedition, a large boat with high sides and a galliot. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 247 Manuel Lobato, op cit, 1999, p. 357. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Military Expedition to the Molucca Islands 117

mercenaries, had convinced the two Portuguese captains not to take arms. Afterwards, protected and advised by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, Duarte Pereira de Sampaio took refuge onboard a ship not accessible to the captain of the fortress in Tidore, Diogo de Azambuja who at the time did not spare any effort to try and murder his rival. Having checked the royal provisions, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro came to the conclusion that Duarte Pereira de Sampaio’s intention to replace Diogo de Azambuja as captain of the fortress of Tidore was legitimate, since there was also a letter from the Viceroy of Portuguese India identifying Duarte Pereira de Sampaio as the captain of this Portuguese possession. Despite this evidence, Diego de Azambuja did not wish to renounce his position, and aimed at assassinating Duarte Pereira de Sampaio. A short time after, in order to avoid a tragic ending, the King of Tidore and other captains decided that Duarte Pereira de Sampaio should stay onboard Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s ship, protected by his guards248 . In order to reach an agreement and manage to pacify the island, Landeiro also took onto his ships the King of Tidore, the tribal chieftains and some island natives with whom he later negotiated and managed to obtain peace249 . As far as we know, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s trade ships circulated around this area, as well as around India, Timor, Siam, China, Japan and later, the Philippines. It would thus be natural that both captains had met before and probably traded, since captain Diogo de Azambuja had settled in Tidore in 1578. Therefore, Duarte Pereira Sampaio, who had initially remained on Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s ship, escorted by his mercenaries, ended up being transferred to the hands of Diogo de Azambuja, who kept him under arrest and escorted by his own soldiers250 . In the meantime, Landeiro, at his own expense, kept feeding the contingent of soldiers he brought with him, listening to, and deciding upon the many

248 In the inquiry of 19 April 1586, Captain Juan de Arçega refers to this in his answer to question number 11. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 249 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, where Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro describes his merits. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 250 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, Captain Juan de Arçega refers to this in his answer to question number 11. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 118 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

strives which emerged between the Spanish and the Portuguese251 . Captain Juan de Móron, who had left Manila on March 1585, joined at around this time the Spanish Captain Pedro Sarmiento and the Portuguese Captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. As this conflict was solved, at least temporarily, Diogo de Azambuja asked Captain Juan de Morón to leave behind a galley he had brought from the Philippines, as protection for the fortress of Tidore. Given that this galley belonged to Captain Estéban Rodríguez, Captain Juan Móron did not accede to this request. Little time before departing once again for Manila, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro decided, on verifying the frailty of Portuguese presence on the island, to leave behind a galliot belonging to Captain Estéban Rodríguez to protect the Portuguese fortress. On knowing about what had happened, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro appeared as a warrantor, by guaranteeing that he himself would pay the galley should the Royal Audience of Manila (Real Audiencia) refuse to pay it252 . His luck seems to have changed then: on the trip back to the Philippines he ended up losing one of his ships in a storm and, already in Manila, he was obliged to finance the galliot he had left on the island of Tidore, after the Royal Audience (Real Audiencia) refused to pay it. The powerful man, who once had had soldiers, weapons and horses in his houses, lost his fortune, gaining instead many debts which needed to be paid. In a last hope to recover part of his property, an Official Report ─ Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años ─ is carried out at his request, in Manila, on 19 April 1586253 . For his services he asked the King to grant the Fortress of Malacca, Chaul or Maluco to him, until his death, or to allow him to undertake two journeys from Macau to Japan. He also asked for three thousand Indians from the Philippines to be granted to him, as a reward for the services rendered to the Spanish colony. He requested that these rewards might be granted to him as soon as possible, given the extreme poverty he was living in, his advancement in years and the fact that he had two legitimate daughters at the

251 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, where Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro describes his merits and in question number 12. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 252 In the Inquiry of 19 April 1586, answer to question number 13. Información...1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. 253 AGI, Patronato, 53, R. 2. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and the Military Expedition to the Molucca Islands 119

age of marrying, and had no money for their dowries. Although his presence had been decisive in key moments of European presence in China, Japan, the Philippines and Moluccas, the central Luso- Spanish authorities was outlining a different profile for this mercantile, military and religious Diaspora, there clearly existing a divergence between the local ambitions of Manila, Macau and the Portuguese private merchants and the Portuguese and Spanish colonial systems. The letter written by the King, from Lisbon, on 21 January 1587, to D. Duarte de Meneses, then Viceroy of India, clearly demonstrates that he had gained knowledge of the attempts by the Philippines to commence commercial contacts with China and of the fact that the Portuguese of Macau had tried to trade with the Philippines. His position on this issue is unequivocal, as he condemned any contacts between both regions. On the other hand, the behaviour of the Captain of the fortress of Tidore, Diogo de Azambuja, who from 1578 to 1586 had coordinated the Portuguese commercial, military and religious interventions in that region was the target of a detailed investigation, as he was replaced by his enemy, Duarte Pereira de Sampaio:

And because in the Navy which in the year of 1585 left to those places, I asked you to write that I did not have my service that the Castilians did not trade anything in China and Maluco, nor did the Portuguese in the Philippines, as you shall understand that it is convenient to have not only a good correspondence between us [between Macau and Manila]; and so I [the King of Spain and Portugal] command to the Viceroy of India […] And, because I was informed that Duarte Pereira de Sampaio was going to be in charge of the Captainship of the Fortress of Tidore, in which he was invested, Diogo de Azambuja had had differences [problems] with him, who was then in such fortress. I order you to inquire as to the words and differences and, if Diogo de Azambuja is found guilty in the inquiry to be carried out, that guilt shall deserve prison and he shall be sent imprisoned to India [Goa], and of everything you find on this matter, inform me.254

254 APO, Fascículo 3, parte 1, p. 80-81. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 120 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

This condemnation is also subscribed by Diogo de Couto, who transcribed the orientations sent by Philip II to Captain General Domingos Monteiro, by forbidding once again that any commercial journey should be undertaken by the Spaniards from the Philippines to China 255. As a side note we should also mention that, without the help from Manila, the Portuguese presence in the Moluccan islands would certainly have ended more prematurely due to the chronic needs which the Portuguese contingent in the area faced. We should also highlight here the fact that from 1582 the Spanish presence in that region was fundamental for the spice route which followed from Malacca to Goa and eventually to Europe.

255 Da Ásia de Diogo do Couto. Dos feitos, que os portugueses fizeram na conquista, e descobrimento da terras, e mares do Oriente, década X (parte segunda, livro VI, capítulo V), Lisboa, Régia Oficina Tipográfica, 1788, pp. 38-39. José Manuel Garcia, Philippines in Portuguese XVIth Century Historiography, Lisbon, CEPESA, 2003. Bartolomeu Landeiro: the End of the King of the Portuguese 121

Bartolomeu Landeiro: the End of the King of the Portuguese

Much like a great part of his life, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s death remains a mystery. The last known reference to Landeiro as still being alive is by Friar Francisco Manrique, Prior of the Convent of Saint Augustine in Macau. We know that Landeiro, three years after his last expedition to the Moluccan Islands, was living in Macau. It is not without some emotion that Friar Manrique, in a letter he wrote to the King, dated 1 March 1588, summarily described his services rendered to the Iberian monarch, to the Philippines, to the Christian daimyōs and to the Religious Orders. This narration promoting Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s merits cannot fail to strike a contrast with his real situation, a plight ruled by illness and misery. The Portuguese ship-owner had not managed to recover from his high financial investments. According to Manrique, Landeiro was old and poor256 , possibly consumed by bitterness and still awaiting a real reward which was late in coming. In order to consolidate the veracity of this impressive account, Manrique sent the Información hecha a petición de Bastián Jorge Moxar en nombre de Bartolomé Báez Landero sobre el servicio que hizo de traer de Macau a Manila al padre Alonso Sánchez y padres de la Compañía de Jesús y de la orden de San Francisco. Manila, 28 de abril de 1583 to Europe. These testimonies by a controversial Portuguese captain superficially represent part of his life and experiences, which present, at the same time, a living narration of the European presence in unknown cultural locations. Trying to gather documents and clues, we are led to speculate that by then Landeiro’s houses in Macau, once rich in food, soldiers, weapons and horses, must have been empty. It is unknown if he was able to find suitable husbands for his two daughters, whom he loved dearly and about whom he expressed some concerns in a report he had previously sent to the King. As for his business associates, André Feio and Vicente Landeiro, nothing is known. It is possible, however, to locate André Feio’s name in the list of benefactors of the College of

256 AGI, Filipinas, 79, n.º 17. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 122 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Macau257 . Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro’s date of death is unknown; yet, his death left a big void in Macau, easily verifiable from the tumultuous events which occurred in the city from 1588 with the arrival of the Captain D. João da Gama. In trying to compose a brief biographical sketch, the lack of Portuguese documentation on his presence in the China Seas and on his help with regard to Japan, the Philippines and above all Macau, has lead us to uphold that Landeiro had become persona non grata and poorly liked amongst his peers. Irrespective of the historical attempts to minimize his value or erase his name, we know that this Portuguese merchant was a great benefactor of the College of the Society of Jesus in Macau, and as such his name was registered amongst those who contributed with money to its maintenance258; hence, his value within this city and amongst the Portuguese, Chinese, Japanese and Malay communities which lived therein. Being an unparalleled character, we shall therefore be finishing this biographical sketch with an exceptional passage which corroborates what we have up until now learned about Landeiro. It was written by the Spanish Jesuit Alonso Sánchez, for whom Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro era de los mas francos y liverales hombres que ayamos visto y assi los xapones donde el ba muchas bezes con sus navios le llaman el Rey de los portugueses y los Reys de alla lo tratan como a tal y el sabebien benderse porque trae siempre consigo ciertos portugueses sus paniguados y al pie de ochenta moros y esclavos259 con alabardas y Rodelas y lleva a las yglesias su alhombra de seda cogin y silla de terciopelo carmesi claveteada de oro260 (was one of the most sincere and liberal men we have ever known; thus, the Japanese, with whom he travelled often on his ships, call him the King of the Portuguese, and the Kings there treat him as such and he knows how to behave as such, because he always brings along a few Portuguese, his servants, and around eighty Muslims and slaves, with their halberds and shields, and, when going to church, wears silk clothes and takes his crimson chair set with gold).

257 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-IV-66, fl. 92v. Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998, p. 25, note 6. 258 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-IV-66, fl. 92v. ARSJ Jap. Sin. 23 fl. 7v. in fine. Alessandro Valignano, op cit, 1998., p. 25, note 6. 259 Both Charles Boxer and George Bryan de Souza have translated the word slaves as negro slaves, which does not match the original source. 260 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, II, pp. 300-301. João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain 123

João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain

In 1588, the famous Japan Journey was granted, as a royal reward, to a nobleman called Miguel da Gama. As he could not run it personally, he obtained from Philip II the necessary permit for two of his proxies to run it in his name. Hence, D. João da Gama and Duarte Pinto appeared in the pages of the history of Macau. The first one was the brother of Miguel da Gama, the second was a faithful servant of his. D. João da Gama was not exactly an unknown name in the Portuguese fortified settlements, since between 1579 and 1582 he had been captain of Malacca, a major emporium and a key Portuguese settlement in Southeast Asia. The captains of Malacca maintained since 1568 an apparently peaceful relationship with the Johor sultanate. By claiming that the Sultan of Johor had collaborated in the sieges of Aceh around Malacca, D. João da Gama assumed an aggressive external policy by attacking several coastal dependencies of Johor in 1582. This war-based policy tore down the advantageous commercial relations between the mercantile community of Malacca and the sultanate of Johor. Although D. João da Gama tried to provide a version that Johor was collaborating with the enemies of Malacca, it seems that this war was provoked by personal conveniences in detriment of the real interests of Malacca. His disastrous performance in the external politics of the captainship of Malacca was further consolidated by his countless internal irregularities which alienated the administrative entities of the city from him. His ways of proceeding were the target of harsh criticism by his peers, which resulted in a judicial procedure; eventually D. João da Gama was summoned to Lisbon to answer for his actions. In order to escape a fate which did not loom favourable, he left for China with the purpose of running the Japan Journey on behalf of his brother D. Miguel da Gama261. We believe that this permanent insistence on conducting illegal practices was quite common in the whole network of Portuguese fortifies settlements coordinated from Goa. The appeal of private interests clearly prevailed over royal

261 Manuel Lobato, op cit, 1999, p. 64. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 124 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

legislation. The governing élite itself played an important role, not only actively participating in but also instigating this type of activities. The successor to D. João da Gama in the captainship of Malacca, Captain D. João da Silva, was related to the then Viceroy of the State of India, D. Duarte de Meneses. As such, he was to be endowed with the commercial journeys which were associated with this government post, and with countless other commercial journeys which were carried out by the married householders of the region. The applicable Regulation was so scandalous that it even attributed to D. João da Silva the power to send his vessels wherever he wished to, with the exception of Banda, Maluco, and Japan, as well as the power to choose the captains of Solor, Siam and Sunda. Besides these benefits, he was also entitled to, tax-free, 10 bahars of Maluco clove, 25 bahars of Maluco clove and 80 bahars of Banda nut (under direct exploitation by the crown). This fact is quite revealing of the level of corruption which existed at the then Portuguese State of India (Estado da Índia), and of the existing competition between the State and the private interests of the officials of the Empire262 . As chronicler Diogo de Couto explains, D. João da Gama, while captain of Malacca, received countless commercial vessels from his father-in-law, D. Jorge de Meneses Baroche, captain of Cochin263 . D. João da Gama himself, when leaving for China, left his wife in Cochin, a location which seems to have been his main residence264 . The married householders of Cochin, to which D. João da Gama belonged, had an extremely important role to play in the economy of the State of India, in particular with regard to the pepper trade. It was they who ensured the purchase of pepper and its transportation to Europe. This trade, controlled by the King, started declining with the gradual involvement of the Cochin married householders in private transactions, which included, besides plundering activities, spice smuggling265. These European merchants of Cochin, married to women from important merchant families in the region, quickly started infiltrating the trade circles that were not under the control of the State of India. The married householders of Cochin were to become actively involved in the trade routes Bengal-Malacca, Coromandel-

262 BM, Add.28433, fls. 66-74v. Paulo Jorge de Sousa Pinto, Portugueses e Malaios. Malaca e os sultanatos de Johor e Achém 1575-1619, Fundação Oriente, Lisboa, 1997, p. 31. 263 Manuel Lobato, op cit, 1999, p. 64. 264 AGI, Mexico, 22, N. 16. 265 Pius Malekandathil, op cit , 2001, p. 25. João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain 125

Malacca and Cochin-Malacca266 . Their economic power from these activities provided them with the necessary capital for the Portuguese Army, initially funded by the King, which served to patrol the region and eliminate economic competitors to be gradually converted into a municipal army of Cochin, financially managed by the married householders themselves. The power and importance of these casados (married men, householders) in Goa was indisputable, since they held innumerous advantageous economic positions, private as well as official, with members of the city élite. It is in this context that one must read the importance of the Captain of Cochin, Jorge de Meneses Baroche, and of his son-in-law, D. João da Gama, as well as their political connections with the Viceroy of India, D. Duarte de Meneses. In 1587, the King sent a provisão (license) ordering an inquiry on D. João da Gama, which was undertaken by the Ouvidor Geral (main judicial magistrate), Diogo de Albuquerque, as well as the imprisonment of the captain of Malacca and his transferral to Lisbon. The Viceroy wrote to the King informing him that the abovementioned Diogo de Albuquerque continued with the inquiry of the so-called D. João da Gama, and that he had done the Voyage of China, in replacement of his brother, D. Miguel.

In the year of 1587, I ordered through a provisão [official document] of mine that you investigate D. João da Gama in particular by licensee [individual holding a license from the King enabling him to be at His service] Diogo de Albuquerque, main judicial magistrate of that State covers the issues of Cosmo de Ruão, and send him under arrest in the carracks which came thence last year, through which you write to me that the abovementioned Diogo de Albuquerque continued with the inquiry of the so-called D. João, and that he had done the Voyage of China, in replacement of his brother, D. Miguel.267

The King also denounced the action by Viceroy D. Duarte de Meneses, who had sent him the devassa (inquiry), which had been carried out by Diogo de Albuquerque, but had not arrested D. João da Gama, whose infringements

266 Pius Malekandathil, op cit, 2001, p. 121. 267 Written in Lisbon on 11 February 1589. King to D. Duarte de Meneses, Viceroy of India. APO, Fascicle 3, part 1, pp. 169-170. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 126 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

had been left unpunished. The Viceroy was once again explicitly instructed to arrest D. João da Gama upon his return from the China Journey, and all his property was seized, made an inventory of, and handed to a trustworthy person, while D. João, under arrest and shackled, left on the first carrack to leave from India headed for Europe:

As I [the King] ordered you to punish him for the crime he committed, because it was so serious and also so well known by the Portuguese, you did not act accordingly. And, by ignoring all this, as has happened up to now, this has allowed for more foul acts to be committed [the Japan Journey run by an outlaw, D. João da Gama]. For the sake of justice, its function lying in the speediness and shortness with which it is carried through, I command that, when the so-called D. João arrives from China, you have him arrested, and that he be shipped to this Kingdom [Europe] on the carracks of this navy ─ since he did not come in last year’s carracks ─ or onboard the first ones after his arrival from China, and that you have all his property seized and delivered to someone who is honest, wealthy and unsuspicious, by an inventory ─ which you will send me ─ to take care of it during the necessary time, which you will fulfill with no contradiction and with such demonstrations as his imprisonment [D. João da Gama’s] and notice of how he was arrested in such places.268

What the King still did not know was that D. João da Gama had managed to obtain or forge a permit269 from Viceroy D. Duarte de Meneses to complet a journey between China and New Spain, having headed for Macau with a quite different aim. However, in the meantime the Portuguese Viceroy died in Goa on 4 May 1588, having been replaced by the 31st Governor of India, D. Manuel de Sousa Coutinho. This nobleman was then appointed as captain of Malacca, where

268 Written in Lisbon on 11 February 1589. King to D. Duarte de Meneses, Viceroy of India. APO, Fascicle 3, part 1, pp. 169-170. 269 This permit shall be mentioned in greater detail later. It was impossible, however, to locate it in Portuguese sources; hence, it is difficult to prove its veracity. João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain 127

some time earlier D. João da Gama had had a post. He himself had not been free from irregular behaviour270 , and, as he came to know what had happened, he issued several provisions forbidding the journey. Two ships were quickly dispatched to Macau271 , one of which transported the judicial magistrate Rui Machado, in order to prevent the journey from being carried out272 . The judicial magistrate then travelled to Macau with Captain Inácio Nenes de Mancelos, who upon arrival in Macau was charged with the task of holding the post of Captain General until further notice by the Governor of the Portuguese State of India. This vessel also transported soldiers, whose aim was to attempt to put order in town273 . When D. João da Gama arrived in Macau, the atmosphere was probably not the most pleasant, as the crossing to Japan which was to be conducted every year had not been carried out, due to the sudden death of Captain General Jerónimo Pereira, which had been very damaging to the Portuguese merchants, who relied on this commercial route for their annual funding. Following the trade agreement between Landeiro and Macau, Jerónimo de Souza prepared also to send a trade vessel to the Philippines, a fact which is mentioned in the letter the Governor of the Portuguese State of India wrote on 3 April 1589274 . Apparently, Captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro had passed away and, with his disappearance, a clear political void had emerged in the city. On the other hand, the recent issuing of the anti-Christian edict in Japan put commercial relations between Macau and Nagasaki in a standstill, insofar as the Jesuits were the main commercial intermediaries between the Portuguese and the Japanese. In addition to this situation of discontent, one must consider the fact that the recently opened trade between Macau and the Philippines

270 D. Manuel de Sousa Coutinho was accused of corruption, having received from the Kingdom an order of inquest into his actions and of seizure of his property in Goa. D. Manuel Sousa Coutinho, for his part, followed his journey back to the Kingdom. The carrack on which he came ended up sinking in February 1592, in the lowlands of Garajau, and his three sons who went with him died. Only one daughter outlived him, later marrying the captain of Sopara. 271 3 April 1589. Letter from the Governor of the State of India. Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, Cleveland, Ohio: A.H. Clart, 1903-195, 55 vols, vol. VII, p. 80. 272 AGI, Contratación, 5110. 273 3 April 1589. Letter from the Governor of the State of India. Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, p. 79. 274 Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, p. 79. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 128 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

could provide a parallel trade route. D. João da Gama, eager to obtain a bigger profit margin and acting against all royal prohibitions, decided to perform the annual journey to Spanish America, instead of going to Nagasaki. This decision seems to have been welcomed with satisfaction amongst the Macanese mercantile community. Yet, there is a question: what caused D. João da Gama to instead opt for the journey to Spanish America? This situation may only have been enabled as a consequence of the arrival of the San Martin crew275, which in 1587 was visiting the Acapulco harbour and which, after a troubled journey, was preparing to leave once again for Macau. The San Martin was again bought by Captain Lope de Palácio, the brother of Doctor Palácio, judicial magistrate of the Royal Audience (Real Audiencia), to Marquez de Villa Manrique276 . According to a letter written in Manila on 25 June 1588 by the Spanish noblemen, Rivera, Davalos, Rojas and Vera, and addressed to King Philip II, we know that this ship had left New Spain headed for Macau, having docked at Chincheo, and then, with all the necessary supplies onboard, continued on with its journey. Before arriving at its destination, it was hit by a storm; yet, all its passengers and money were saved277 . Another letter from Manila, dated 27 June 1588, written by the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingo Salazar, and addressed to King Philip II, demonstrated that it had been the Viceroy of Spanish America who had decided to send the San Martin galleon, under Lope de Palácio’s captainship, to Macau278 . In order to carry out this trip, the Viceroy had even sold the Sant Ana for 30 thousand pesos. This galleon was

275 H. de la Costa, S.J., The Jesuits in the Philippines 1581-1768, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. MA, 1967, p. 52. Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 363. The 1588 letter written by the Bishop of the Philippines, Salazar, to King Philip II referred to three ships: The San Martín, onboard which Jesuit Alonso Sánchez arrived in Acapulco. The San Juan, this ship was destroyed while its crew was saved 1586. The Santa Ana, this ship succeeded the San Juan, which was seized. 1587. This letter does not indicate its precise date. It matches, however, the 27 June 1588 letter written by the Bishop of the Philippines to King Philip II, sent from Manila. Its English translation is found in: Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, pp. 64-76. 276 AGI, Mexico, 22, N. 16. 277 Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 363. 278 Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, pp. 72-73. João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain 129

part of the route Manila – New Spain; hence, such sale caused great loss to the trade between the Philippines and Spanish America279 . According to another letter from Macau, dated 18 November 1588, the shipwrecking of this large galleon from Spanish America near Macau precipitated the events, as it was decided that its crew and passengers should be onboard D. João da Gama’s carrack280 . Thus, the new crew of D. João da Gama’s carrack was made up of Castilians and Portuguese. This new configuration clearly presumed that an informal agreement between D. João da Gama and Lope de Palácio had been struck. However, it appears that the relationship between D. João da Gama and Captain Lope de Palácio was marked by some disagreement with regard to this trip, as I shall prove later on. On 30 June 1588, the Macau City Council (Câmara de Macau) sent a letter to the King requesting the prohibition of commercial journeys from Spanish America to Macau, in an indirect allusion to the San Martin galleon and the recent contacts with China from Manila. Yet, the greatest concern of the Macanese merchant community was that silver and gold might start flowing in a clandestine way and in large quantities, either directly from New Spain, or via Manila; hence, the price of products acquired by the Portuguese at the Canton fair might rise and the interests of Macau might thus be damaged. Collaterally, the City Council requested the monarch to allow its residents to carry out commercial journeys from Macau to Spanish America. The pretext used for this permit was that profit returns from these journeys would be used to support churches, the Santa Casa da Misericórdia (Holy House of Mercy- a charity institution of Portuguese origin) and two hospitals. However, the most surprising factor in this letter is the request by the Macau Council (Câmara de Macau) that this captainship might be granted for life to D. João da Gama, which clearly proves the support by the most important members of this city to this captain. This same letter also praises D. João da Gama at length, trying to show his qualities while head of this captainship as a pacifying element in Macau and one bringing political stability to it281 . It is

279 Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, p. 75. 280 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, [Carta do Capitão-mor da China] Carta de D.ingos (?) Segurado, capitão-mor da China, para o rei, Macau, 18 November 1588, fls. 536, 536 v., 547, 547 v. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 130 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

thus clear what was to happen later on. The merchants of Macau, expecting to obtain extraordinary profits from this journey, and ignoring the prohibitions form the Viceroys and all damage which might derive form this, not only to the Portuguese State of India but to Macau itself with the opening up of this trade, quickly laded their merchandise on the carrack. According to Valignano in his letter to General Father Claudio Acquaviva, on 28 July 1589, this ship was loaded quickly, while the ship that was being prepared for Japan was given a lesser priority. This letter shows the apprehensiveness which the Society of Jesus felt with regard to a new commercial route which was forbidden, [and] subject to heavy penalties by the Viceroys of India, given the harm which would result from to this state, as trade would follow this other route 282 . Later, Valignano, with his natural sense of humour, described the reason why the Society of Jesus was powerless to stop D. João da Gama, the caudillo, from carrying out such journey:

But, as greed can do much amongst men, he decided to do it [the journey to New Spain], although it was forbidden, and the people [of Macau], as they also expected exceptional profits, sent their merchandise there, and also wanted to load their carrack.283

It was decided that the ship headed for New Spain would leave two months before the ship headed for Japan284 , while the Portuguese merchants were neglecting to send, as they always did, their representatives to the Canton

281 Arq.Simancas - Sec. Provinciales - Cod. n. 1551 Letter from the City Coucil of the city of the name of God in China (Macau) to the king [Philip I]. [Macau], 30 June 1588. Damage from the journeys from New Spain to Macau and reasons why they should be forbidden, highlighting the danger that Spanish ships might be seized by the English; request of a permit for the Macau residents to take their cloth to New Spain, so as to use the earnings from the journey on sustaining churches, churches, the Holy House of Mercy (a charity institution of Portuguese origin) and two hospitals, one of them for lepers; praise to D. João da Gama, captain of Macau and Japan, and a request of the King to grant him this captainship for life; news of the presence of Englishmen near the coast of Mexico; the sending of an emissary to the King with the petitions from the city; news of persecutions of Christians in Japan. (Fls. 541, 541 v., 542, 542 v.). 282 MJAT, vol. I, n.º 9, p. 55. 283 MJAT, vol. I, n.º 9, p. 55. 284 MJAT, vol. I, n.º 9, pp. 54-55. João da Gama’s Carrack and the Journey to New Spain 131

fair, for purchases aimed for Japan. That year they only sent a representative to Canton to warn the Chinese sellers that, had they wished to sell their merchandise, they would have to go to Macau with their products if they wanted to include them amongst the cargo of the carrack headed for Japan285 . This fact, which was unprecedented and unheard of, reveals to what extent Macau was becoming a lawless place. D. João da Gama’s nature seems also to have been understood by Spanish Captain Lope de Palácio, which demonstrates that the decision by both captains on the journey to Spanish America was not the result of mutual agreement but, rather, to have been characterized by discord and conflict. This is substantiated by a note Captain Lope de Palácio wrote to the factor of Manila, from Macau on 24 June 1588, warning that the Portuguese boat would be leaving, and requesting the Castilian authorities to intercept the vessel para que no se deje llegar a Nueva España286 (so that it might not to be allowed to arrive in New Spain). This same year, the Bishop of the Philippines, Domingos Salazar, in the 27 June 1588 letter to King Philip II, form Manila, revealed that Captain Lope de Palácio had secretly sent a memorandum to the Philippines in which he declared that he feared he might be murdered by the Portuguese. Lope de Palácio also requested that the authorities allow him to leave Macau for the Philippines, a request which had to be kept a secret from the Portuguese who were in the Philippines, since, if it were to be discovered, Lope de Palácio could have been assassinated287 . Although the Manila authorities were swiftly warned of what was happening in Macau, they were incapable of preventing the trip. We would like to introduce here a few important details on D. João da Gama’s departure: extant today are two written versions of the event. The first one advocates that, when judicial magistrate Rui Machado Barbosa, sent by Governor D. Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, arrived in Macau, D. João da Gama’s carrack had already left, although it seems to have had some problems at the beginning of the journey, as it returned some time after to the port of Macau. At that moment, judicial magistrate Rui Machado went to greet him, notifying him of the royal provisions from the Governor of India, D. Manuel de Sousa Coutinho. The Portuguese captain, faced with this situation, seems

285 MJAT, vol. I, n.º 9, pp. 54-55. 286 AGI, Filip., 74, n.º 30, fol. 143r. 287 Emma Helen-Robertson Blair, James Alexander, op cit, vol. VII, pp. 73-74. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 132 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

not only to have ignored the royal notice but also se puso en armas288 [he took up arms against it]. Despite the warnings by the authorities of the city, João da Gama left for New Spain. The authorities declared that João da Gama and his crew as alevantados (mutinied), thus filing law suits against all those who had illegally sent merchandise onboard this vessel289 . This situation spread discord and panic throughout the whole town. The second version holds that, when judicial magistrate Rui Machado Barbosa arrived at Macau, D. João da Gama had already left, being substituted by someone else290. It is not for us to decide here which version is most trustworthy; yet, for this debate one needs to highlight a few details regarding the analyzed sources. The first version relies on indirect testimony, whereas the second version is based on a letter whose writer directly experienced these events. Furthermore, it seems important to remember that D. João da Gama assigned his Journey to Japan to an important merchant named Domingos Segurado, who drew the city into a sort of civil war. Nevertheless, we deem D. João da Gama’s behaviour to have been significant, since, despite having been captain of Malacca and having held one of the most important posts of the Portuguese Empire, he easily moved from being a captain general to being a smuggler. This transformation of D. João da Gama seems both noteworthy and revealing, as he changed from a being law-abiding individual into an outlaw; impervious to the damage he left behind, D. João da Gama left Macau bound for New Spain.

288 AGI, Contratación, 5110. 289 MJAT, vol. I, n.º 9, pp. 54-55. 290 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, undated, fl. 820v. Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau 133

Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau

With D. João da Gama’s departure from Macau, a merchant named Domingos Segurado rose to power. We know little or next to nothing about this individual and History would not remember him had he not been at the centre of the events which occurred a few months later. We have some recorded data highlighting the fact that Domingos Segurado had been living in Macau since at least the 1580s. His role within the social structure of this city was not peripheral. To prove it there is the meeting which Alonso Sánchez attended in 1582 which was convened for the purpose of notifying the city of Philip II’s enthronement as King of Spain and Portugal. His name appears in that meeting, which was attended by the most important personalities of the city; it is included also in the list of donors of the College of Macau291 . Hence, our assertion that Segurado was a relevant personality. After this brief reference, Segurado’s fate remains unknown. In the list of Eurasians his name also emerges; whereby we hold the view that he was an offspring from a mixed marriage. The fact that he lived in India for some time raises some doubts as to his place of birth. Nevertheless, in the documents found in Macau, Domingos Segurado is considered as a local. One knows nothing about his activities, be they political or commercial. We can also assert the fact that by 1588 he ought to have been quite a rich man. Only thus can the prominence he enjoyed vis-à-vis D. João da Gama be explained. As to the friendship between the two, we are not able to ascertain if it was forged at the time or if it had earlier roots. There is, however, a strong probability that they had known one another for quite some time. As we know, D. João da Gama had held the post of captain in Malacca while Segurado was in Macau. It is quite possible that they may have met around this time, since countless commercial vessels were travelling on the Macau-Malacca route. We also know that Segurado, before moving to Macau, had, in his own words, worked for many years in India, which certainly would have granted him enough opportunities to meet

291 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-IV-66, fl. 92v. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 134 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

the most important personalities of his time. In any case, irrespective of any earlier relation, the destinies of D. João da Gama and Segurado definitely crossed in Macau in 1588. Prior to D. João da Gama’s departure, there seems to have been an agreement between the two stipulating that Segurado would have been Captain General of the annual trade Voyage to Japan. This appointment, to be legal, would have required a proxy; yet, we do not possess any contemporaneous document alluding to this fact. We are not privy to the negotiations between João da Gama and Segurado. Yet, we know for a fact that this agreement was not well received by the main merchants of Macau, given that the Captain General of the Japan trade, on behalf of the King of Portugal, also held the title of Head of Macau. Yet, as this journey from China to Japan was exclusively granted to Portuguese noblemen as a reward for their services rendered in Portuguese India, only the latter could hold the post of captain general in Macau. The only exception was by means of a proxy to be issued by the detainers of the Journey to Japan to other individuals to carry it out on their behalf. However, legally, such a proxy could not be issued and transmitted by the representative appointed by the nobleman to another individual. Only the detainer of the royal reward had such a power. Hence, this means that D. João da Gama was vested with proxy powers granted to him by his brother, D. Miguel da Gama, to carry out the journey from China to Japan. Furthermore, he had no powers to grant his proxy to any other person for that purpose; only the holder of the Journey could grant it. However, it is very unlikely that D. Miguel da Gama opted instead for choosing Segurado to go on his behalf. We have very little information on the proceedings followed for this type of document but a proxy by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, from around the same time, gives us important information on how these big investors granted powers to their representatives. This proxy seems to follow a matrix, defining the holder, the type of merchandise, the individuals with whom to negotiate, the commercial representatives, and their functions292 . The fact that this granting of powers to Segurado by D. João da Gama did not follow the proceedings earlier analyzed was the cornerstone of the armed conflict and the struggle for power which ensued in Macau. One must also understand that one of the traits of political and religious power in Macau was its indissociable character. What had happened with D. João da Gama was precisely a split between the religious

292 BFUP, Arquivo General de Simancas, Secretarias Provinciales, Códice n.º 1477, Letter from the Macau City Council to Philip II, 30 June 1588, fls. 541f-542v. Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau 135

and the political power in Macau, whereby we can deduce that relations between the members of the Society of Jesus in this city and the aforementioned nobleman must have become irreconcilably strained. We can also mention the fact that the Society of Jesus in this region survived on the basis of trade between China and Japan. Not running the annual journey of the commercial carrack to Japan, as established by royal rule, would have caused high economic damages to the Jesuits and their China/Japan missions. After D. João da Gama’s departure, Segurado tried to act as captain general. This new situation was not accepted by the merchants of Macau, who dissociated themselves from Segurado and later confronted him. This rebellion was headed by two of the most important merchants of Macau: Domingos Monteiro and António Rebelo Bravo. Monteiro, an experienced merchant, had four times headed the Portuguese carrack which ran the trade between Macau and Japan. We thus find him acting as Captain General in 1576, 1577, 1578, and 1586. This important individual coexisted with Captains Manual Travassos and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, as well as succeeded them as the most powerful man in Macau. His life remains a mystery, since little or almost nothing is known about the time during which he was trading in this region. We would speculate that, much as had happened with Manuel Travassos and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, Monteiro managed an important mercantile enterprise. Contrary to what is upheld by a few authors, we believe that it was this merchant, more so than Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro himself or Manuel Travassos, who was the main architect of the negotiations between Macau and the Society of Jesus in 1578 thus allowing greater participation of the Jesuits in the commercial trade between Macau and Japan. On the other hand, António Rebelo Bravo was also an important citizen of Macau. Like Segurado and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, he also attended the famous meeting with Alonso Sánchez in 1582. The proxy which Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro issued during the first decades of the 1580s allows us to understand that he was one of the allies and trusted men of the Portuguese ship-owner. By means of this document, we also know that António Rebelo Bravo had been appointed Landeiro’s representative, and that he was therefore associated with this merchant’s enterprise. Yet, we do not know the link between António Rebelo Bravo and Captain Monteiro. Did António Rebelo Bravo ever work with this merchant? In any case, both Captain Monteiro and António Rebelo Bravo represent a generation of merchants who really ruled Macau and were obeyed by the other captains general. These merchants were the real designers of the diplomatic relations between the authorities of Canton THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 136 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

and Macau, as well as the creators of the commercial network which linked this city to countless mercantile entrepôts spread out throughout Asia. The captains general, who once in their lives went to this city just to enjoy the profits from the journey to Japan, were guided and controlled by these important men and their success profits from their business depended upon the relationship they established with them. Segurado, regardless of his status, does not seem to have belonged to this group, otherwise, both Domingos Monteiro and António Rebelo Bravo would not have turned against his rule. Thus, we can define two groups here: one headed by Domingos Monteiro and António Rebelo Bravo, and another one under the lead of Segurado. As far as we understand, after they rebelled against Segurado, these merchants, together with a few others on their side, seem to have sought refuge in António Rebelo Bravo’s lodgings e se acastelarão e fizerão fortes por não serem prezos293 [and to have barricaded themselves and strengthened their defence so as not to be arrested]. After a few months during which they remained in these fortified dwellings, Segurado sent a few justice officials to arrest them. Those officials, upon arriving to the surrounding area of the place where the rebels were hidden, were received with gunshots and wounded; hence, they were not able to arrest them. Meanwhile, the Bishop of China, D. Leonardo de Sá had announced that he would excommunicate the inhabitants of Macau should they participate in the strife. Segurado, upon seeing that his efforts to control the rebellion had been unsuccessful, decided to take new measures. This time, he asked the Bishop of the city, via judicial magistrate Estêvão Barreiros and his notary, to withdraw the excommunication order and fight against Domingos Monteiro, António Rebelo Bravo and their supporters. The Bishop, under the excuse that, by withdrawing the excommunication order he had imposed upon the city he would be giving his consent for greater illegal acts to be committed, refused to comply with Segurado’s request. In the interim the judicial magistrate of Macau, Estêvão Barreiros, came into conflict with some elements of the church, eventually arresting one of its members, Pêro Matoso. Since the judicial magistrate had no jurisdiction over the clergymen, he requested that he accompany him, hoping that the Bishop might punish him for defying judicial instructions. Ironically, the Bishop, instead of punishing the priest, excommunicated and arrested judicial magistrate Estêvão Barreiros himself for having arrested the

293 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, fl. 819f. Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau 137

clergyman294. This event unequivocally shows that Bishop D. Leonardo de Sá was partisan to the cause of Domingos Monteiro and António Rebelo Bravo. Thus, we can conclude that the Church was opposed to Segurado’s ambitions of becoming Captain General of Macau. On the other hand, Monteiro and his supporters wandered day and night throughout the city with many rifles and defence weapons, killing and wounding their opponents 295 . Notwithstanding Segurado’s insistence so that the Bishop could give orders to the city authorities to capture the mutineers, the Bishop eventually refused to do so. The authorities, for fear of being excommunicated or, even worse, of being imprisoned by Ouvidor Estêvão Barreiros, refused to obey Segurado. Hence, an ambush was also prepared against Captain Segurado. Monteiro, his companions and his slaves, upon being informed of a visit he would pay to a friend of his and knowing that he was unprotected, intercepted him with the aim of killing him, with Father Pêro Matoso himself in the forefront with a rifle in his hand. It seems that he was not the only member of the church using arms: the Provisor (commercial representative) of the city himself296 , Father Nicolau Silveira297 , brother of a rebel and a relative of others, carried a weapon with the purpose of killing Captain Segurado. Of the many shots fired, one eventually hit his chair. This was the only time when the life of Segurado appeared to be at risk298 . It is in this context that we are informed that Bishop D. Leonardo de Sá, besides being partisan to the cause of Monteiro and Bravo, was involved in commercial activities, possessing a galleon and a ship with which he trades everywhere and interferes with the jurisdiction of Your Majesty and does so publicly with no heed for the requests of Your Majesty.299

294 Father Pêro Matoso was a relative of one of the mutinied merchants. BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, fl. 819f. 295 Segurado acuses them of raping married women. This assertion is unsubstantiated. BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, undated, page not numbered. 296 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, undated, page not numbered. 297 Another letter from Segurado says that this clergyman was called Nicolau. BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October 1589, fl. 820f. 298 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October 1589, fl. 820f. 299 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Carta de Domingos Segurado ao Rei, undated, page not numbered. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 138 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

As judicial magistrate Estêvão Barreiros was under arrest, Segurado decided to appoint a Spanish official named Juan Xemenes Calderón for the same post. His behaviour seems to have met with the expectations of Segurado, as he issued a sentence against the rebels. Yet, the sentences were not carried out, due to the fact that Monteiro, Bravo and their supporters were armed and had barricaded themselves. They were also protected by the slaves they had at their service:

If he did not execute his verdict, it was because the mutineed were more fortified with weaponry and ammunition and captive and released slaves, sustained for their defence.300

This passage clearly shows the way in which these big captains of Macau were organized. Besides the private armies they possessed, they also had armies of slaves at their service, who protected them and fought on their behalf when necessary. The escravos de peleja (fighting slaves) can be found in the Portuguese sources and played a very important role in Macau. Around this time, the existing tension between Segurado and the city was at its peak. Disobedience to his orders by the justice officials of Macau made him hire a garrison of 30 Spaniards301 to help him with all necessary actions. This is important, since it proves that the Portuguese living in Macau were against Segurado and that the latter was forced to contact the Ouvidor — i.e., Juan Xemenes Calderón — and the Spanish military garrison. One should also note that the Castilian community living in Macau, at least from what can be inferred by the documents, should not be as minute as

300 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, undated, page not numbered. 301 foi me nesesario pera guarda de minha pesoa e resguardo da justisa tomar huã companhia de trinta soldados espanhóis [for my personal protection and for protection from justice, I needed to assemble a company of thirty Spanish soldiers] BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October 1589, fl. 820v. It is probable that these Spaniards residing in Macau may have been from carrack San Martín. See the 25 June 1588 letter, written in Manila by Spanish officials Rivera, Davalos, Rojas and Vera, addressed to King Philip II. Colin-Pastells, op, cit. 1904, vol. I, p. 363. Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau 139

Portuguese sources often tend to show. As to the origin of these Spaniards, it is difficult to say whether they were merchants or runaways, whether they had come in the carracks which had previously conducted trade between Macau and Manila or whether they had arrived from Spanish America. We are thus faced with a significant text in which the myth according to which Macau was formed by an organized society with interferences only from the Chinese is actually destroyed. Furthermore, these documents are also important since they diverge from the usual religious discourse, whereby the words are carefully chosen by Segurado himself, devoid of any missionary militancy, thus concentrating on the political and institutional organization of Macau (1589). It is thus imperative to rigorously ascertain the relation between the Portuguese and the Spanish political power in Macau. Hence, Segurado comes across as a person whose interests lie outside the Portuguese State of India, thus betraying a more pro-Spanish attitude. This disagreement among political factions sheds light on the general feeling of inferiority common among the Portuguese of Macau, whereby they felt that the Portuguese Crown was subaltern to its Spanish counterpart; hence, the attitude of defiance against a predominantly Spanish hegemony in positions of power in Macau. In any case, we deem it relevant to highlight the fact that Bishop D. Leonardo de Sá was more powerful than what religious correspondence reveals, and that he played a key role in protecting the claims of the rebels. One must also say that the Bishop was not an isolated religious figure in this fight and that the Society of Jesus also played a prominent role in this dispute. The pressure exercised by Macau’s citizens against Segurado eventually breaks down its allies, as in the case of Juan Xemenes Calderón who, alleging no income and requesting the King rewards for his services rendered, leaves the city. The attempts to substitute him are unproductive given that no one is willing to accept the post. Despite the many petitions to the King and to the Governor of Portuguese India, D. Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the government authorities acted in favour of the rebels. Unfortunately, the outcome of the apelações e devassas (judicial proceedings) prepared by Segurado did not help him get the position of Captain General of Macau. As we have mentioned before the Viceroy of Portuguese India sent main judicial magistrate Rui Machado de Barbosa to Macau for the purpose of arresting D. João da Gama and controlling the administrative chaos in which Macau seemed to be submerged. It should be noted, though, that according to Segurado, the arrival of Ouvidor Rui Machado caused some tension between the Chinese authorities and Macau. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 140 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Yet, it is difficult to ascertain whether this information is accurate or just the outcome of the existing incompatibility between the author of this document, Segurado, and the main judicial magistrate Rui Machado302 . We should also underscore the fact that the judicial magistrate considered the verdicts by the Spanish judicial magistrate Juan Xemenes Calderón as irregular and revoked them, issuing new verdicts declaring Domingos Monteiro, António Rebelo Bravo and their supporters as innocent. To these deliberations, as suggested by Segurado, we should also add an armed visit from Father Pêro Matoso to Ouvidor Rui Barborsa’s residence, whereby the latter was threatened with his life by the Portuguese prelate. Monteiro’s victory, partly due to the support of the Bishop and the Society of Jesus, consolidated the rising power of the Jesuits over the merchants of Macau:

As they were fortified for eight months, if Bishop D. Leonardo de Sá had not excommunicated all those who had not come to render assistance, favouring them [Monteiro]. The priests of the Society of Jesus, who want to rule in every respect, I would have arrested them, but none of this mattered to the governor, who had them released303 .

To this succession of unusual events which characterized the atmosphere of instability which was felt in Macau in 1589, one must add the removal of Segurado as Captain General and his replacement by Henrique da Costa, by royal provision from Governor Manuel de Sousa Coutinho. The following period is marked by a return to power of the great merchants of Macau, headed by Captain Domingos Monteiro, followed by a loss of autonomy of the Chamber of Macau, thus unable to handle the ensuing political pressure. Thus we can identify two periods, the first one between 1582 and 1589, the time when Alonso Sánchez was in Macau. In 1582, although

302 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October 1589, fl. 820f. 303 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October 1589, fl. 820f. Monteiro and Segurado and the 1589 Macau Uprising: The New King of Macau 141

the Leal Senado (Macau City Council) had still not been formally founded304, themeeting of acceptance of the enthronement of Philip II was held there. Indeed, it was attended by the four aldermen of the City. From that time onwards, the political power in Macau underwent a few changes, namely, the loss of influence of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, due to his commercial alliance with the Philippines and to the alliance between the Macau City Council and Captain D. João da Gama. After the 1589 confrontations, as the faction headed by Monteiro was victorious, the final blow to the power of the Macau City Council was struck, as it was subordinated to the interests of rich merchants. Before his death, the Viceroy of Portuguese India, D. Duarte de Menezes, having obtained a favourable opinion of the desembargadores (judges) thereto, sent a royal provision to the Macau City Council, allowing its aldermen to carry out an armação contract on the silk which they sent annually to Japan. This provision also reproved the sending of silk to Japan outside the framework of this contract, lest the investments made for the Ribeira de Goa might be lost. In 1589, Domingos Monteiro and his allies, together with Captain General Henrique da Costa and judicial magistrate Rui de Machado Barbosa, summoned the aldermen of the Macau City Council, or Council Senate, for a meeting in which they were informed that, despite the existing royal provision to the contrary, the Macau City Council ceased being vested with the power of entering into the armação contract on silk. Both the procurator of Macau and the aldermen argued that such situation was illegal and a clear usurpation of power, as they held in their hands a provision from Viceroy D. Duarte de Meneses granting them full powers to carry out the armação contract on silk. In the aforementioned document, dated April 10, 1586, the Viceroy of India, Duarte de Meneses, on behalf of King Filipe II, and modeled upon a similar concession conferred to Évora, bestowed upon Macau and its inhabitants all privileges and advantages305 . As a way of addressing this dispute, Captain Domingos Monteiro and his supporters detained the city’s aldermen whose complaints to Ouvidor Rui Barbosa went practically unanswered:

304 On the Loyal Senate of the Macau City Council, see: Luís Conzaga Gomes, op cit, Leal Senado de Macau, 1997, pp. 15-17. 305 Luís Conzaga Gomes, op cit, Leal Senado de Macau, 1997, p. 15. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 142 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

The mutineers, holding swords against the aldermen, and swearing, almost led to the city being lost because these men, the big private merchants, were used to acting in such a violent way in all their meetings. And the aldermen were arrested and humiliated and a petition to the judicial magistrate was handed out so that they might be punished. This did not happen, since the magistrate of King did nothing, as he feared to be subject to reprisals [from the powerful private captains of Macau].306

By the end of the 1580s Captain Domingos Monteiro thus emerged as the indisputable captain of Macau, replacing the King of the Portuguese, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. More than a history of success, Portuguese presence in Macau in the 1580s was a history of disputes, with many difficulties arising, as proven, not from exclusively cultural cleavages, but rather, and predominantly, from conditions of a political nature, which derived from the fusion of the Spanish and Portuguese crowns under the aegis of Philip II. We are thus witnessing the birth of new structures in Macau which had as its climax the Leal Senado, all representative of a social development that soon became entangled with internal and external struggles for power. This general background, still outlined and grounded upon a certain spirit of conquest, recurrently calling for force in detriment of the law, does not fail to confirm the ultimate attachment of its citizens to the power of profit and money, allied to weaponry and religion as its main legitimators.

306 BFUP, Archivo General de Simancas, Códice 1551, Letter from Domingos Segurado to the King, 6 October, 1589, fl. 821f. CONCLUSION 143

CONCLUSION

This work is a first attempt at reconstructing one of the most important yet unknown periods of European presence in China, with a special focus on the Sephardic Jewish community in Macau, the latter perhaps best embodied in the alas still unknown figure of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. By reconstructing his life and whereabouts in the region and beyond, we have thus unearthed some of the key moments of European expansion in China, as well as of the History of the Jewish communities in Asia and the Pacific area. As a whole, the persecutions, expulsions, and forced conversions to Catholicism imposed upon Sephardic Jews should be considered as one of the darkest chapters in the History of the entire Iberian Peninsula, from Catalonia to the independent Kingdom of Portugal. Yet, it is also a History of resistance, survival, adaptation, and, most of all, resilience. Soon after the establishment of the Inquisition in Goa in 1560, places like Cochin and Malacca became very dangerous cities for all Sephardic Jews and their descendants passing by, residing in, and/or doing business within Portuguese India. The main leaders who formed clandestine, escape networks from Europe and the Ottoman Empire to India and beyond, who helped the persecuted marranos (anusim) start anew, through loans, endowments, and new job opportunities, were oftentimes caught and imprisoned; their assets were confiscated, and their families were eventually destroyed. It is thus very difficult to fully comprehend the panic and fear that this intricate and extremely complex wave of persecutions that the descendants of these Iberian Jews felt and lived with on a daily basis. Macau, one of the last frontiers founded on the fringes of the Portuguese Empire, located in a very distant and still unknown China to many Europeans, including the Portuguese, thus became a safe haven for these diasporic Sephardic Jews. In his acclaimed work O Soldado Prático (the Practical Soldier), Diogo do Couto, (1542-1616), in fact declares that Macau had become a “valhacouto dos tocados da enfermidade da Santa Inquisição” — a safeguard for all those infected by the sickness called Holy Inquisition, (the refuge for those THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 144 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

persecuted by the Holy Inquisition) —, 307 an obvious metaphor for the Iberian crypto-Jews and their descendants throughout the world. Macau was a place governed by rich merchants and financed by fugitives; a place where the judicial power of Portugal represented a real and constant threat; a place where no one wanted that the Law worked; a place where the Society of Jesus, in order to accomplish its evangelization plans, had to make concessions and collaborate with people with a dubious past, or rather, the new-Christians/conversos of the Sephardic Diaspora. Bartolomeu Landeiro was an extraordinary and unavoidable character in the history of Macau. He was also one of the first Europeans of the Modern Era who had contacts with the Middle Kingdom. As this work demonstrates, Landeiro had a vital role amidst the European society living in Macau, fundamental for the survival of the latter. It was thanks to his help that the Society of Jesus developed the second phase of its Mission in Japan. The King of the Portuguese, as Landeiro was known in Kyūshū, contributed in a decisive way to the standardization of trade between Macau and Japan, mainly through the intermediary role of the Society of Jesus. The fact that Bartolomeu Landeiro, a very powerful merchant, was able to anchor his fleet at ports “suggested” by the Jesuits, had a great impact on the daimyo, thus contributing to the unfounded rumor that the Japanese built their power with the help of the Society of Jesus. For these merchants of Jewish extraction, collaborating with the Religious Orders and the missionaries working in the Portuguese Empire meant great personal advantages and public recognition of the “correct “and “true” adaptation to the Catholic faith, at times also holding high positions within the religious ranks of their respective orders. Hence, it is thus understandable that, as “revolving” Christians/Jews, the Sephardim of the Diaspora behaved according to the sociopolitical and religious climate of the moment. As it is evident from Landeiro’s case and the many disparate sources hereto discovered and analyzed, as well as given their geographic mobility, it is often hard to pinpoint the exact networks and the actual amplitude of this Sephardic (under)world. The attested usage of adopting different names by merchants of Jewish ancestry, thus sidetracking the Inquisition tentacles in their attempts at

307 Diogo do Couto, O Primeiro Soldado Prático (int. António Coimbra Martins), Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Lisboa, 2001, pp. 539-540. CONCLUSION 145

hunting them down in the four corners of the world, make our task even more complex. The example of Bartoloneu Landeiro’s nephew is a living proof to this: for the Portuguese authorities he was known as Sebastião Jorge, whereas the Spanish knew him as Bastián Moxar. Yet, one of the most significant contributions of this work is the fact that the author was able to demonstrate that the Sephardic community residing and doing business in this area was not a minority, given that almost 50% of the merchants living in Macau during the final years of the 1570s was of Sephardic Jewish origin and that, though “illegal”, Jewish/converso presence was allowed/tolerated by the Portuguese authorities. Their status, anchored in their political and financial weight, was thus reason enough to ask the Chinese authorities permission to built a synagogue in Macau; hence, the “boldness”, or perhaps “arrogance”, of wanting to worship Adonai publicly and defiantly. The timeframe is the same in which Barolomeu Vaz Landeiro operated in and gravitated around. In fact, when problems arose in Canton, mainly due to the attacks by the Chinese pirate Lin Daoqian, the Chinese authorities sought the help of the Portuguese merchant Landeiro, thus seeing him as the representative of the European community residing or doing business in Macau. The assistance rendered by Landeiro to the Canton authorities in their battle against Lin Daoqian mainly demonstrates that the Europeans of/residing in Macau were not only a mere commercial power, based on the distribution of products to several markets, but they were also an important military force and a base of support for Canton interests. This was a new reality in the trade warehouse which Macau had become. Its foundation was not merely the outcome of economic factors, but also the result of military interests. The Portuguese entry and settlement in this region served as a buffer against possible external invasions, and contributed to security and peace along the whole Guangdong bay. We should also make reference to the issue that the defeat of Lin Daoqian was a turning point in the relations between the Europeans of Macau and the Canton authorities. Totally unexpected was the relationship between Landeiro and António Garcês, the latter also of Sephardic Jewish origin. In 1582, the political and the economic powers were in the hands of Iberian Jews and their descendants. Private merchants operated under the aegis of Landeiro; whereas the political and judicial powers were in the hands of Garcês, then Captain General of THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 146 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Macau. This collaboration was not a mere superficial connection, given that Garcês was Landeiro’s representative and commercial agent, having the power of attorney to receive fabrics, money, arms, merchandise, gold, silver, slaves, and anything which rightly belonged to Landeiro. Furthermore, Garcês could also sell, exchange, alter, and invest everywhere, by land or sea, any and all of Landeiro’s goods. By simply glancing at Bartolomeu Landeiro’s biography, the key role played by this important merchant in the Macau-Philippines trade relations becomes very apparent. It was thanks to his mercantile vision that for the first time a Macau-Philippines trade route was created, one which was to be decisive for the survival of Macau after the severing of all Portuguese- Japanese trade relations. This is undeniable proof, attesting to the fact that the descendants of the Sephardic Jews in China represented an important economic contribution to the development of trade in the area, as well as in establishing European economic interests in the Far East. As for the Macau-Philippines connection, it was actually created and controlled by the Sephardic Diaspora. The fragile Spanish presence in the Philippines was also anchored, on two occasions, on Landeiro’s military power. The first one occurred in 1583, whereas the second one took place in 1584, when his vessels and crew thwarted two imminent native and Chinese uprisings against the Spanish contingent. It was also onboard one of his many vessels, headed by his nephew Vicente Landeiro, that the earliest official relations between the Philippines and Japan were eventually established. This aspect, little known or thus far ignored by scholars in the field, reveals a total unawareness of Academia regarding private trade networks undertaken by 16th century, leading Macau merchants. Landeiro’s military mission to Tidore had a double impact on Macau: first, the expedition ruined financially the Portuguese merchant, thus opening the door to a fierce race for power in Macau; second, it intensified Spanish presence in Tidore, which led to the 1598 debacle eventually contributing to the Ibero-Dutch war in Asia. In 1598, the Dutch vessel Trowe left Rotterdam headed for the Spanish possessions in South America. After a battle in Chile, this ship, with its 24 crew members, crossed the Pacific Ocean en route to the Moluccas. Once in Tidore, they were welcomingly received by the Portuguese garrison residing on this island. In this region, however, the Portuguese were not an isolated CONCLUSION 147

military force. Following Manuel Ferreira Vilas Boas’s request in 1582, the Spaniards of the Philippines began holding economic and military relations with the region of Tidore. In the same year, after the friendly welcome by the Portuguese garrison of Tidore, the Dutch were captured by the Portuguese- Spanish authorities of the region and were eventually executed. In 1601, Captain Jacob van Neck of the Oude Compagnie of Amsterdam, after various successful journeys to the Cape of Good Hope and the Strait of Magellan, travelled to Ternate. In this region van Neck was informed of the massacre of the Dutch crew. Trying to seek revenge against the Portuguese, Captain van Neck attacked Tidore with his two ships, fighting against three ships and two galleys. After a heavy defeat, Captain van Neck travelled to Pattani; yet, after having lost both ships and having been caught in the middle of a typhoon, the Dutch headed for Macau. On the Macanese coast, van Neck sent a vessel with eleven sailors and the factor Martinus Apius to negotiate the purchase of supplies; instead, they were immediately arrested. The second boat sent by van Neck was also captured; thus, all contacts with the Portuguese authorities in Macau failed. Eventually van Neck headed towards Pattani, later returning to the Netherlands, where news of Portuguese hostility was to justify military retribution, as well as the loss of preferential treatment granted to the Spaniards. It was in this context that the attack by Captain Jacob van Heemskerk against the carrack Santa Catarina was to occur in 1603 308. Landeiro’s economic decline in the last few years before his death threw Macau into a period of great political turmoil. As for this matter, there are still a few points which are yet to be verified: e.g., the exact date and the circumstances that led to Landeiro’s death and what happened to his wife and two daughters. As for the Sephardic community, given that there are no extant marriage certificates, it is still unknown if its members married with Sephardic women of the Diaspora, as it was usually the case, or if they married local women or women of mixed ancestry. Landeiro’s decline during the last years of his life launched Macau in a state of great political instability. The arrival of Captain General João da Gama, and his illegal business dealings in the Americas, in detriment of his official assignment in the Japan trade, had a disastrous effect on Macau merchants.

308 Leonard Blussé and George Winius, “The Origin and Rhythm of Dutch Aggression Against the Estado da India, 1601-1661” in Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions (ed. Teotonio R. de Souza), New Delhi, 1985, pp. 73-77. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 148 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

If, one hand the economic investment was not showing immediate results, on the other hand a huge size of it was being confiscated by the Spanish authorities in the Americas. Immediately after João da Gama’s departure, a rich merchant named Segurado took Landeiro’s place as “ruler” of the city. Hence, the mercantile élite, led by the experienced and very rich Monteiro and by an old collaborator of Landeiro’s, António Rebelo Bravo, soon challenged the new ruling authority in town. With the help of the clergymen and the authorities which had recently arrived from Goa, Segurado was discharged from his post and Monteiro became the successor to Bartolomeu Landeiro as the most important merchant in town. This merchant held the monopoly of the Japan trade between 1576-1578; whereas in 1586 he was nominated Captain General of the entire fleet. Domingos Monteiro’s last will and testament shows clear signs of commercial and family ties with Cochin, not Goa309 . Is this tied to religious persecutions and to the fact that also Monteiro was of Sephardic background? Was he yet another of the many new-Christians/conversos who transformed and eventually molded Macau during the 16th and the 17th centuries? Obviously, there are many coincidences. His family in Portugal was divided between Vila Maior (Mesão Frio 310 ) and Castro Daire, an area which, since the birth of the Portuguese Kingdom, had an important Sephardic community, which doubled its size when their Spanish brethren were expelled in 1492 and crossed over into Portugal. Yet, one of the greatest mysteries is the following: how can a small place, so far away from everything, become ever so important? Case in point is the new-Christian/converso João Nunes Correia, born in Castro Daire (ca. 1547) 311 , who eventually transformed the sugar industry in Brazil, thus becoming one of its major supporters. Nunes Correia had a very vast and diversified financial portfolio, with investments in Brazil, Europe, Africa, and Asia. His family, mainly through his nephew João Antunes Saraiva, was one

309 AHSCMP(Arquivo Histórico da Santa Casa da Misericórdia do Porto)/ H, Bco. 6, nº 17, fl. 280v – 286. 310 ANTT, Corpo Cronológico, Parte II, mç. 160, nº 6. 311 For more information on the history of João Nunes Correia, please see: Angelo A. F. Assis, Um ‘rabi’ escatológico na Nova Lusitânia: Sociedade colonial e Inquisição no Nordeste quinhentista - o caso João Nunes, M.A. thesis, Universidade Federal Fluminense, Niterói, 1998; Elias Lipiner, Os judaizantes nas capitanias de cima (estudos sobre os cristãos-novos do Brasil nos séculos XVI e XVII), São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1969. CONCLUSION 149

of the financial backers of the Luso-Spanish Crown during the 1623 crisis. Also hailing from Castro Daire was Isaac Aboab da Fonseca, whose Christian name was Simão da Fonseca. Isaac Aboab was the great grandson of the last Gaon from Castile who arrived in Portugal in 1492 after the Expulsion and who later became rabbi of the first synagogue founded in the Americas: Kahal Kadosh Zur Israel (Holy Rock of Israel)312 , and who also founded the Portuguese Synagogue of Amsterdam. Obviously, these events per se do not substantiate the hypothesis that Domingos Monteiro was of Sephardic extraction. Nevertheless, there are still other aspects of his life that remain unsolved, such as his sudden appearance in Macau, though it is known that he came from Cochin, site of the largest and most important Portuguese, new-Christian/converso community, with commercial ties with Malacca and China, even before the establishment of Macau. Domingos Monteiro’s sudden appearance in China, as well as his rapid increase of wealth, are not attested in the trade networks of the time. As mentioned above, there was among new-Christians/conversos a code, or rather, a kind of brotherhood that aided the destitute and persecuted. Case in point are the many who fell victim of the Portuguese Inquisition, as the Rodrigues313 and the Olivares314 families, who were eventually captured in Malacca315 , right before the establishment of the Inquisition Tribunal in Goa. In India, Sephardic Jews were usually clustered in endogenous groups. This would seem to fit Domingos Monteiro’s family background. Monteiro’s presence in Macau perhaps dates as far back as 1576 316 , time of the first Japan trade; yet, his name does not appear in the roster of the great merchants and noblemen of Macau when Filipe II was sworn in as King of Portugal. Obviously, had Monteiro been absent from Macau, his name would not have been listed; yet, the opposite could also have happened, or rather, being in Macau, his Jewish origin would have prevented him from appearing in official documents.

312 José Antônio de Mello, Gente da Nação: Cristãos-novos e judeus em Pernambuco, 1542-1654, 2nd ed. Recife: FUNDAJ, Editora Massangana, 1996. 313 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 12292. 314 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 5265 315 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 12292, fol. 101. 316 Luís Fróis, Historia do Japam…, Lisboa, Biblioteca Virtual dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Biblioteca Nacional, 2002, CD-ROM. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 150 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Present at the reading of Monteiro’s last will and testament was Pêro Martins Gaio317 , his best friend and business partner. Pêro Martins Gaio would eventually become the new political and economic leader of Macau. As one of Domingos Monteiro’s main associates, Gaio’s leadership practically became a fait accompli after the 1609 shipwreck of Captain General André Pessoa’s vessel, event that practically left most of the merchants living or doing business in Macau completely ruined. His cautiousness in choosing his investments thus proved to be a lifesaver. In 1611, his alleged Sephardic origin was denounced in the finta (surcharge) imposed on new-Christians/ conversos in Mac1318 . The finta was a hefty tariff levied by the Portuguese Crown on all Jews and their descendants. The finta aos cidadãos mais honrados (levy forced upon the most honorable citizens), which Gaio had to pay, was eventually condemned by the very King of Portugal, perhaps fearing the economic consequences that such a limpeza de sangue (cleansing of the blood) law could actually cause more damage, not only to Macau, but also to the entire trade network throughout Asia. All these characters thus fit perfectly the mold embodied by the merchant Bartolomeu Landeiro: they were active members of trade networks and they were not affected by religious persecutions; hence, they became faceless figures of History. It is important to highlight here that, soon after Domingos Monteiro’s death, the Holy Inquisition in Goa is successful at capturing a new-Christian/ converso woman accused of reverting to Judaism in Macau. It is during these troubled times that Leonor da Fonseca was sent to Goa and eventually trialed for Judaizing319 . Obviously the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Goa was not merely interested in the religious “transgressions” of the accused woman, but also in obtaining vital and damaging information on the Sephardic community living in and/or operating from Macau. Leonor’s trial was uneventful and nothing damaging was discovered about the crypto-Jewish community of Macau. Leonor was not physically tortured, her punishment consisting merely in abjuring her ancestral faith by

317 Archivo Português Oriental (J.H. da Cunha Rivara), Nova Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1875, vol.6, pp. 930- 932. 318 Archivo Português Oriental (J.H. da Cunha Rivara), Nova Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1875, vol.6, pp. 930- 932. 319 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 13360. CONCLUSION 151

incarceration and wearing the penitential frock, or rather, de vehementi com cárcere e hábito a arbítrio320 . Incidentally, when Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro lost his power in Macau, also a new-Christian/converso woman, Francisca Teixeira, was arrested by the Inquisition for allegedly reverting to Judaism. She was later sentenced to life in prison as well as to wearing the penitential frock, namely, the hábito e cárcere perpétuo321 . These two cases, together with the 1611 finta levied in Macau, followed by a political turmoil, prove that the Holy Inquisition in Goa was only successful at capturing crypto-Jews residing in the city, especially when the latter was under great social instability. Macau is thus the classic example of a territory that defies all stereotypes. If the State of India tried to integrate it within its administrative network, there was also direct and indirect intervention by the Canton authorities, which also integrated Macau in their administrative network. Careful analysis of sources of the time demonstrates that both systems, either the Portuguese or the Chinese, failed to control the Eurasian society of Macau, which was actually ruled by rich, private merchants. During the whole sixteenth century, the Portuguese Viceroys sent several Captain Generals and ouvidors (judicial magistrates) from Goa to Macau. While the former combined their political functions with mercantile tasks, the latter had as their function the mission of clarifying complex cases of corruption, abuse of power, or non-fulfillment of the laws in force. Despite Goa’s numerous attempts at imposing on Macau a strong political control, during the 16th century both the Ouvidors and the Captain Generals were actually controlled and manipulated by the local mercantile élite. This is clearly evident when there is a transfer of power within this leading group, given the inability of the Portuguese administration in Goa to impose its authority. It must also be borne in mind that the same thing happened vis-à-vis the Canton authorities, who frequently cut supplies to Macau so that the political priorities of the local Cantonese leaders could be followed.

320 ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Inquisição de Lisboa, proc. 13360. Miguel José Rodrigues Lourenço, “O Comissariado do Santo Ofício em Macau (1582-1644) A Cidade do Nome de Deus na China e a articulação no distrito da Inquisição de Goa”, M.A. thesis vols., Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, Lisboa, 2007, vol. 2, 31-69. 321 Ibid., p. 549. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 152 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Failing to understand these dynamics would inevitably allow historians to misread events, thus drawing to erroneous conclusions. Apparently, this was the case with Macau’s history, oftentimes seen through the eyes of untrained, unskilled, and/or somewhat biased record keepers, as in the case of the Jesuits, more too often preoccupied with religious zeal than with actual facts. Hence, the novelty of the present work, since it compares religious texts with administrative documents about Macau, highlighting the discrepancies and the obvious gaps. This work also demonstrates that the private merchants of Macau were of great political importance in various key points in Asia. With regard to these private merchants, it seems fundamental to distinguish between those who were from Europe and the Eurasians, the latter the result of mixed marriages born in Asia, such as André Feio or Segurado. After a first successful stage where the intermediaries were trusted Asian merchants used by both European and Asian traders, the role of the trade agents was transferred to the Eurasians or the offspring of mixed marriages. These Eurasians played an important role in the Portuguese expansion in Asia, alas not fully recognized by European historians. Yet, despite this gross omission in 16th and 17th History of Maritime Asia, Eurasians not only were responsible for setting up all political and economic negotiations between Europeans and the various Asian authorities, but also, and more importantly, they were the actual mentors of this informal trade. It is thanks to these Eurasians and their descendants that Portuguese presence in Asia remained undeterred well past the fall of the State of India. Additionally, Eurasians were not faced with the linguistic limitations which merchants born in Europe obviously had, given the former’s deep knowledge of both Eastern and Western cultures, thus serving as a bridge between the interests of the European merchants and those of their Asian counterparts. The fact that they managed to establish these important connections was a big advantage in economic networks such as the competitive Asian markets. These individuals travelled either in commercial routes not used by the Europeans or in commercial circles exclusively used by Europeans. Oftentimes there are descriptions of these merchants and of their transactions. Yet, it is still impossible to pinpoint their exact number, particularly due to the fact that the offspring of mixed marriages were given Portuguese names. Nevertheless, a detailed analysis and scrupulous cross reference of the documents thus far discovered, give us a clear picture of the European society CONCLUSION 153

living in Asia at this time, thus allowing us to identify many of these individuals erroneously assumed as Europeans322 . Apparently, a characteristic of Portuguese presence in Asia is the tie among these private European and Eurasian merchants, on one hand, and the Portuguese political power, on the other. Governors, captains of forts, factories, and cities, alongside the official trade, maintained strong ties with these freelance traders. Hence, products that were under the monopoly of the Portuguese Crown were easily smuggled; thus their quality was adulterated by the very officials that were supposed to protect them from smuggling. Even the equipment financed by the Crown, as ships, merchandise, and arms, including the soldiers, were easily redirected towards this informal trade. The vitality and capability of survival of this informal system of contraband-trade was extraordinary, given the exorbitant amount of laws published to control and limit this illegal practice. Nevertheless, what is more remarkable is its persistence even before the disintegration of the official trade routes. This is further proof that European involvement in this informal trade was endemic and it embraced all social classes, from the élite to the common soldier. Hence, a new perspective should be used when analyzing Portuguese presence in Asia. Rather than viewing informal trade as a parallel economic system, the former should instead be integrated into the canon and accepted as a characteristic of Portuguese presence in Asia, thus legitimizing it as a true, formal trade, worthy of being recorded down into History.

322 BADE (Biblioteca e Arquivo Distrital de Évora), D. Francisco Mascarenhas Collection – Papéis de D. Francisco Mascarenhas, cod. CXVI/2-5, Lista de la gente efectiva que hay en esta ciudad así vesinos como extravagantes y gente de ella, fols 225-234v.

Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 155

PART II

DOCUMENTS CONCERNING THE EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1555-1586

Conclusion 157

Document 1 Document: Letter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583. Information about Macau, China and Taiwan, 19 April, 1583.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 25, R.8

Original title:

“Cartas de don fray Domingo de Salazar, obispo de Filipinas, al Rey, dándole cuenta de los progresos de la predicación del Evangelio en la China. Son dos cartas fechadas en Manila, 18 de junio de 1583. Hay también un traslado de una información de don fray Domingo de Salazar, en la que comunica al papa Gregorio XIII y al rey Felipe II, la situación en que se hallaban los reinos de China. Manila, 19 de abril de 1583”

Observations: This document has already been published by Manel Ollé in his Ph.D. thesis: Manel Ollé, “Estrategias filipinas respecto a China: Alonso Sánchez y Domingo Salazar en la empresa de China (1581-1593)”, Doctoral Thesis, 2 vols., Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, 1998.

Document 2 Document: Information on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April, 1583.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias , FILIPINAS,79,N.17

Original title:

“Información hecha a petición de Bastián Jorge Moxar en nombre de Bartolomé Báez Landero sobre el servicio que THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 158 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

hizo de traer de Macau a Manila al padre Alonso Sánchez y padres de la Compañía de Jesús y de la orden de San Francisco. Manila, 28 de abril de 1583.”

Document 3 Document: Information on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 53, R. 2.

Original title:

“Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586.” Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 159

Document 1 Document: Letter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583. Information about Macau, China and Taiwan, 19 April, 1583.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 25, R. 8.

Original title:

“Cartas de don fray Domingo de Salazar, obispo de Filipinas, al Rey, dándole cuenta de los progresos de la predicación del Evangelio en la China. Son dos cartas fechadas en Manila, 18 de junio de 1583. Hay también un traslado de una información de don fray Domingo de Salazar, en la que comunica al papa Gregorio XIII y al rey Felipe II, la situación en que se hallaban los reinos de China. Manila, 19 de abril de 1583.”

Catolica Real Majestad

En dos cartas muy largas que a Vuestra Magestad escribo doy quenta en la una de lo tocante al estado desta republica y en la otra de las cosas tocantes a la yglesia y doctrina de los yndios en esta quiero dar a Vuestra Magestad quenta de las cosas de la china que por ser tan grandes piden carta de por si y tanbiem por no hazer las otras tan largas.

En las cartas de aora un año escrebi a Vuestra Magestad como el governador don gonçalo ronquillo embio a la china al padre alonso Sánchez de la conpañia de Jhesus para hazer saber a los Portugueses de macan la suçesion de Vuestra Magestad en los estados de portugal y tratar con el governador de canton que permitiese yr a tratar los nuestros en sus Puertos como los suyos bienem a tratar en los nuestros, detubose este padre mas de un año en hazer esta embaxada y bolvio con Relaçion de que los Portugueses de macan avian jurado y recibido a Vuestra Magestad por su Rey y quel governador de canton a quien el governador y yo escribimos con el mesmo Padre no avia echo caso de nuestras cartas ni queria trato ni contrato ni THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 160 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

conmunicaçion con nosotros ni que honbre de nuestra naçion entrase en aquellos reynos, yo no tengo para que dar a Vuestra Magestad relaçion del suçeso desta enbaxada por entender quel padre que la hizo la enbiara a Vuestra Magestad muy larga, a quien Vuestra Magestad puede dar credito en todo lo quescribiere Por ques honbre muy docto muy christiano y religioso y de mucha Prudençia y como tal hizo su ofiçio en esta enbaxada que se le encargo y traxo muy buen recaudo en todo y con su mucha prudençia y destreça en los negoçios sirbio mucho a Vuestra Magestad y allano los animos de los portugueses que no lo estaban mucho (p. 1)

Lo que a mi toca es dar noticia a Vuestra Magestad de lo suçedido despues quel dicho padre bino a esta ciudad.

Despues quel padre Alonso Sánchez dio la respuesta de su embaxada y por relaçion suia supimos el estado en que estaban las cosas de la china luego se trato de quera neçesario dar a Vuestra Magestad notiçia dellas como cosa que saberlas perteneçia mucho al serviçio de Vuestra Magestad y entre todos se determino que ninguno podia yr que mejor la pudiese dar quel mesmo que avia echo la enbaxada y ansi de parte del governador y mia y de todo el cavildo rogamos e insestimos al rector de la conpañia que aca esta mandase al dicho padre que se encargase desta legaçia, el rector viendo que lo que se le pedia era cosa muy justa y razonable y que a las personas que se lo pedian ni podia ny devia dezirles de no tratole al dicho padre lo que por nuestra parte se le pedia y que convenia se hiziese, hizose al prinçipio muy dificultoso de açetar la jornada pero al fin bino a dezir de si con una condiçion quella vino despues a estorbar la yda y fue que por quanto el negoçio a que yba era de la mayor inportançia que hasta aora se avia ofreçido desde los apostoles aca y el no se sintia bastante ni sufiçiente para podello tratar que embiasen con el una persona que autoriçase la suya y a quien se pudiese dar credito y que del punto a que se yba a tratar tuviese bastante notiçia y supiese fundar el derecho de Vuestra Magestad y responder a los que lo contradixesen y vinose a declarar quera yo el que avia de yr y convenia que fuese al prinçipio quando oi esto pareciome disparate pero despues que dimos y tomamos sobrello y vimos lo quel negocio ynportaba y la razon quel padre para no yr so lo tenia hizo el governador juntar cavildo y diose parte a los perlados de las ordenes y todos vinieron en que convenia quel padre alonso Sánchez y yo fuesemos a tratar este negocio con Vuestra Magestad y aunque yo puse por delante el Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 161

aver de dexar mi obispado y mi mucha edad porque paso ya de cinquenta años y la mucha distançia y dificultad del camino y Prinçipalmente no tener yo liçençia de Vuestra Magestad para salir de aca a todas estas y otras dificultades que yo Puse çeraron los ojos y todos sin quedar uno ni ninguno se resolvieron y determinaron quel dicho padre y yo fuesemos ny las causas que para esto se traxeron y razones que se dieron fueron sin duda tan urgentes que a mi me hizieron dezir de si y quedo firmado de todos que asi se hiziese y luego se comen (p. 2)

ço a tratar de nuestra yda y porque si por menudo viniese de dar de todo lo que açerca desto paso quenta a Vuestra Magestad seria hazer esta carta tan larga como las otras. La resoluçion es que yo e dexado la yda y po dexarlaa yo la dexado el padre Alonso Sánchez porque nunca se a podido acabar con el que baya solo haziendo siempre hincapie en ques cosa inpertinente y de ningun fruto el yr el solo y que por eso no podia ni le convenia yr. Podiaseme poner aora a mi una ojeçión diziendo que no que no me puedo escusar de libiandad o entonçes por aver dicho de si o aora por dezir de no y sin duda aunque inporta poco que a mi se me ponga culpa pero que ni entonçes uvo liviandad en dezir de si ni aora mutabilidad en dezir de no, porque a dezir de si me movio un negoçio tan grande, que no solamente a un obispo pero al sumo pontifiçe que aqui estubiera conpeliera a yr a tratar dello sin hazer contra su autoridad ni contra, a lo que a su ofiçio devia, ni a sido libiandad dexar la yda pues se a dexado con razon y aunque para esto e tenido nuebas de que Vuestra Magestad no puedo ny debo por ser carta hazer minçion basta no tener liçençia de Vuestra Magestad para hazer esta ausencia ni ser yo tan libre de conçiençia para atreverme a dexar mis ovejas sin liçençia de quien me la podia dar aunque sin duda yo yva açerca desto muy sactisfecho porque les dexava tan buen recaudo que sin escrupulo de que mi ausençia les hiziera daño pudia yr seguro y pues nuestra yda, a çesado y el negoçio a que ybamos no a perdido su gravedad y peso ny las razones que nos movian a yr no an perdido su fuerça, aunque me alargue un poco mas de lo que tenia pensado quiero dar a Vuestra Magestad alguna notiçia del intento que llebabamos.

Ya Vuestra Magestad save con quanto escrupulo se tratan estos negoçios de yndias condenando casi todos los letrados despaña y aun los de las indias las conquistas que contra yndios se an echo obligando a THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 162 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

restituiçion de todos los daños y muertes y robos que en ellas se hazian a los que las mandaban hazer y se hallaban en ellas, deste pareçer fui yo en algun tiempo porque me crie con la doctrina del obispo de chiapa y deste pareçer fuy en mas de veinte y tres años questube en la nueba españa pero despues que a estas yslas vine con el cargo que Vuestra Magestad save por el qual aunque yo sea indigno aviendo lo primero consultado con personas doctas y temerosas de dios nos a dado dios a entender lo que açerca desto se deve tener con lo qual se an quietado aca muchas conçiençias que andaban muy ynquietas y afligi (p. 3)

das porque no hallavan quien los confesase y algun dia no los confesara yo por todo el mundo pero dexando aora de tratar esto con la generalidad que aca se a tratado el punto que con Vuestra Magestad yvamos a tratar es que supuesto el titulo y derecho que Vuestra Magestad en todas las indias tiene y por ser Rey de portugal el que tiene a la china y reynos a ella comarcanos y a todo lo de la yndia oriental, puede Vuestra Magestad ynbiar su exercito tan grande que sea bastante para que todo el poder de la china no les pueda dañar y este exerçito puede entrar en los reynos y por los reynos de la china a pesar de quien se lo quisiere estobar y conpeler al rey y governadores de aquel reyno a que dexen predicar el evangelio y asegurar los predicadores que no reçivan mal dellos y mandar y conpeler a los vezinos de aquel reyno a que paguen a Vuestra Magestad todos los gastos que uviere hecho y no queriendolos pagar tomarselos por fuerça guardando siempre la equidad y moderaçion que pide este fim que alla nos lleva ques la conversion y no la destruyçion de aquellos naturales.

Yten. Podra Vuestra Magestad imponer tributos sobre todos aquellos reynos y dar parte dellos a los soldados que los fueren a paçificar y reserban para si lo que bien bisto le fuere guardando siempre la equidad y moderaçion cristiana ariba dicha.

Yten si el rey de la china fuese tan proterbo que no pudiese ser induçido a que dexase predicar en su reyno el evangelio aviendose con el hecho bastantes diligençias le podria Vuestra Magestad quitar el reyno y aunque la verdad desta proposiçion es tan çierta como la de las proposiçiones preçedentes pero porque en el quando y como esto se pueda y deba hazer ay mucha dificultad y pide mas largo tratado que para carta se sufre quedar sea Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 163

hasta que Vuestra Magestad mande que se trate dello.

Esto es lo que con Vuestra Magestad ybamos a tratar y suplicar a Vuestra Magestad que dexados todos los otros negocios aunque fuesen de reduçir a mill flandes y ganar la casa santa pusiese los ojos en solo esto porque en lo temporal ni a julio çesar ny al magno alexandro se les ofreçio otro tan grande ni en lo espiritual desde los apostoles aca otro mayor.

Y porque yo se que no a de faltar en españa y fuera della quien con buen zelo contradiga esta verdad y entender esto hizo al padre alonso Sánchez no querer yr solo y a mi determinarme entonçes a yr con el, si Vuestra Magestad es servido (p. 4)

Questa verdad salga a luz sealo tanbien en darnos liçençia para yr a españa, que faltar esta fue la prinçipal causa porque yo dexe de yr, para que nosotros que desde aca la afirmamos demos alla la razon que para afirmarla tenemos porque no me atreviera yo afirmar una cosa tan grande como esta si no la tuviera por tan çierta y verdadera que ningun rastro de duda me quedara, y tengo por çierto que lo mismo diran y sentiran los que aora la contradizen saviendo los fundamentos en questriba y es inposible por carta poderme yo explicar tanto que el que siente lo contrario no le quede alguna razon o aparençia de satisfaçiendo a las objeçiones que se opusieren, que supuesta la verdad seran muy façiles de deshazer, y suplico humillmente a Vuestra Magestad que dezir yo esto no se me inpute a arogançia o que quiero mostrar obstentaçion porquesto ba tan lexos de nuestro sentir quanto es razon le este de hombres que tan gravisimo negoçio tratan y con el mayor prinçipe del mundo nuestro intento es desengañar a muchos que açerca desto viven muy engañados y por no tener notiçia del hecho no saven aplicar el derecho y ansi tienen çerada la puerta a negoçio tan grande como es entrar el evangelio en la china y en otros reynos poco menores quella que entrando alli se difundira por todos los demas, digo que tienen çerada la puerta, porque como Vuestra Magestad es tan catolico y cristianisimo prinçipe que ninguna ynpresa quiere intentar sin primero estar siguro y muy satisfecho que se puede hazer justa y legitimamente como se a pareçido contar raro exemplo de moderaçion para todos los siglos que siendo Vuestra Magestad legitimo suçesor del reyno de portugal y pudiendo tan facilmente apoderarse del nunca lo tomo ni THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 164 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

consintio tomar hasta que a todo el mundo constase questaba la justiçia de parte de Vuestra Magestad, pues ansi nunca Vuestra Magestad se determinara a embiar sus gentes al reyno de la china sin estar primero çierto y satisfechos que justamente y con buena conçiençia se puede hazer y porque yo se lo que açerca desto sienten los mas y aun creo que todos los que alla estan queste cren por ynjusta esta manera de predicar el Evangelio porque unos poniendo los ojos en la libertad con que la fe a de ser reçevida que segun la verdadera sentençia ninguno puede a ella ser conpelido, otros ponien (p. 5)

dolas en los robos muertes y daños que se siguen a entrar exercito armado por reyno ageno fundados en lo que San Pablo dize que non sunt façienda mala ut veniant bona unos y otros condenan esta manera de predicar diziendo ques mas conforme a la ley de mahoma que al evangelio lo contrario desto es lo que yo afirmo en las proposiçiones ariba dichas y tengo por tan çierta su verdad que como e dicho ninguna duda me queda ni quedara a hombre que entienda sus fundamentos.

Esta verdad es la que digo que si alguno contradize o duda della y alla no uviere quien salga a la defensa dandome Vuestra Magestad liçençia la yre yo a defender y sin maldito el temor de ser vençido no confiando en mi sino en la misericordia de dios y verdad que defiendo aunque sean muchos los contraditores y no repare Vuestra Magestad en la edad que tengo ni en la mucha distançia del camino ni en los muchos trabajos y peligros del porque todo esto se me represento quando dixe de si y ninguna cosa dellas ni de otras mayores bastaran a que no lo dixera y si sola la çiençia de Vuestra Magestad no faltara yo fuera en lugar desta que aora escribo y entendiera hazer a dios y a Vuestra Magestad uno de los mayores serviçios que basallo a echo a su rey y esto tan sin ynterese humano que dios que juzga mi coraçon sabe bien que otra cosa no me muebe ni pretendo sino ver que por no aver quien lo mire e se dexa de hazer un negoçio mayor y de mas importançia que ay en el mundo y que si Vuestra Magestad supiese la justiçia y razon que tiene para yntentar esta jornada y la façilidad que ay en salir con ella ninguna duda tengo sino que dexados todos los negoçios a solo este atenderia y aunque turcos y moros y luteranos çercasen a Vuestra Magestad no dexaria de mandar que en esto se prosiguiese porque aqui no ay que temer gastos pues la mesma tierra donde bamos a de dar dineros para el gasto della y aun sobraran para que con ellos pueda Vuestra Magestad hazer guera en otras Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 165

partes ni ay que temer falta de bastimentos sino solo prover la gente que viniere hasta llegar a la china porque llegados la primira ciudad de aquel reyno bastara sustentar qualquier grande exerçito sin quen ella se sienta falta, de manera queste negoçio no tiene otra falta sino faltar quien con verdad de a Vuestra Magestad notiçia del y con la mesma verdad façilite las dificultades que muchos por no entenderlo ni saverlo ques an de poner y este es el serviçio que a Vuestra Magestad hago en escrevirle esta carta y el que pretendo hazer en disponerme a yr en persona a tratar del siendo Vuestra Magestad servido (p. 6)

y aunque una de las cosas que para salir con este negoçio mas ynporta es la brebedad porque los chinos no entiendan ni sientan lo que tratamos y se prebengan pero tienpo abra siendo el señor serbido de darme salud para poder yr yo alla y tratar dello porque yo escribo a la nueba españa que un duplicado desta carta invien a Vuestra Magestad en el primero o segundo navio de abiso y llegara alla por hebrero y si bisto por Vuestra Magestad lo que aqui escribo fuere servido mandar que yo baya puede mandar al birey de nueba españa que salga con brebedad el navio que a esta tierra a de venir y auntes de oy en año esta aqui al respuesta y ansi no se abra perdido mas que un año porque mi conpañero ques el padre alonso Sánchez y yo luego nos partiremos y en lo de dexar el obispado como ariba e dicho no repare Vuestra Magestad porque yo tengo un compañero que se llama fray christoval de Salbatierra, a quien yo saque de salamanca que tiene tan buenas partes para el govierno del que antes en esto hara Vuestra Magestad buena obra a esta tierra quedando el a governarla que mala en sacarme a mi della allende quel padre antonio sedeño rector de la compañia ques hombre muy docto y de mucha cristiandad y prudençia y fray pablo de Jhesus custodio de la orden de los descalços de sant francisco que tiene las mesmas partes quedaban encargados y que darian aora si yo mi fuese de ayudar al dicho padre y el abisado de no hazer cosa de ynportançia sin su consejo y pareçer.

Cosas son las que aqui e tratado que no se como an de pareçer a Vuestra Magestad porque no sabiendose alla las causas y razones que aca emos tenido de tratar destos negoçios podria ser tenerse a muy grande atrevimiento y locura mia tratarlos con Vuestra Magestad de la manera que aqui los trato porque si se supiesen ninguna duda tengo sino que Vuestra Magestad se tendria por muy servido desta diligençia que yo (tachado: he) hecho pero al fin salga como saliere que yo quedo muy contento de averme declarado tanto THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 166 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

con Vuestra Magestad porque sin duda yo quedaba con grandisimo escrupulo por aver dexado esta jornada temiendome que por aver yo dexado de yr no se inpidiese un negoçio tan grande y con esta deligençia yo quedo muy seguro y sin escrupulo porque ya el negoçio no se perdera por mi ni ynporta tanpoco que (p. 7)

Vuestra Magestad se olbide del si dios por sus secretos juyçios no tiene ordenado otra cosa nuestro señor la catolica real persona de Vuestra Magestad por muchos años guarde para bien de su santa yglesia y conservaçion de tantos y tan grandes reynos como a puesto debajo del amparo de Vuestra Magestad amen de manila y de junio 18 de 1583 años. Catolica Real Magestad Besa las reales manos de Vuestra Magestad su menor siervo y capellan Fray Domingo Obispo de las Filpinas (P. 8)

Catolica Real Majestad El intento que tuve en hazer esta informaçion por la caveza del proceso pareçe que es dar notiçia a Vuestra Magestad del estorvo que por parte de los que goviernan la China se pone a la predicaçion del evangelio que es el mas legitimo titulo que Vuestra Magestad puede tener para entrar con mano armada en aquel Reyno, y aunque por sola esta informaçion no se les puede hazer guerra a los chinas por ser hecha sin parte, porque hazer guerra como dize Santo Tomas es como executar la sentençia de un pleito que a avido entre dos partes como entre dos litigantes y por esto antes de hazer guerra es menester justificar la causa porque se haze y savido ser justa rrequerir la parte que haga su justificaçion, y no queriendo entra, el poder hazer guerra y qualquiera de estas dos cosas que falte seria injusta pues como estos chinas no se les aya dado parte desta informaçion ni dado notiçia de las cosas que se les pruevan darles por lo que aqui va provado guerra seria como condenar un juez a una de las partes sin averle dado notiçia de lo que le piden ni oydos sus descargos mas no por eso dexa de ser muy grande efecto por las razones siguientes.

la primera por lo que los testigos deponen y de la publica boz que aqui va provada consta que los governadores de la china tienen tan cerrada la puerta de aquel Reyno que ningun predicador a de poder entrar en el ni se lo Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 167

permitiran aunque lo intente.

la segunda que por razon de lo que contiene la preçedente proposiçion ni Vuestra magestad deve enbiar predicadores a la china ni ellos ir a ella sin bastante numero de gente (p. 9)

Que los guarde y tenga siguros para que aquellos barvaros no los maten ni puedan hazerles mal, la razon es porque aunque el evangelio no se a de dexar de predicar por manifiesto peligro de muerte que se ofrezca como lo hizieron los apostoles y martires pero visto que de entrar solos en aquel reyno (segun lo que humanamente podemos juzgar) no es de otro efeto mas de que maten al que entrare o le hechen en carçel perpetua, o que a vien libiar muy bien açotado y maltratado lo echen del no seria birtud sino temeridad entrar solos a tan manifiesto peligro sin esperanca de fruto.

La terçera que supuesta la obligaçion que Vuestra magestad tiene de embiar predicadores a todas las indias y constando por esta informaçion que embiarlos solos es temeridad o por lo menos cosa bana y de ningun efeto, puede Vuestra Magestad y aun estara a ello obligado embiar los predicadores aconpañados con tanto numero de gente armada que basten a defenderlos de todos los que los quisieren matar o hazer mal, o les quisieren estorvar que no prediquen.

La quarta si puestos los predicadores en la China acompanados de la manera arriva dicha y los chinas aora sea por temor de la gente que con ellos va o porque de verdad se quisiesen convertir no por eso perdia Vuestra magestad el derecho de pedirles que pagasen y conpelerles a pagar todas las costas i gastos y salarios de soldados y rriesgos de navios y todo lo demas que se suele apreçiar. Lo qual Vuestra Magestad no pudiera o a lo menos no esta tan claro que lo podia llevar en caso que en ellos no se hallase rresistençia no aviendo tenido Vuestra magestad çertidumbre o mucha provavilidad que matarian o maltratarian a los predicadores si los embiase solos y para tener esta provavilidad basta la publica boz que de esto ay y va provada en esta informaçion, y mas los dichos de ocho testigos fidedignos que aqui van.

La quinta en el caso de la preçedente preposiçion que los governadores chinas biendo la potençia con que Vuestra Magestad entra en su rreino no THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 168 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

hiziesen rresistençia y dixesen que se bolviese la gente armada que ellos aseguravan los predicadores y pagasen las costas hasta alli hechas ni por eso estava Vuesta Magestad obligado a sacar de alli su gente ni aun lo podria hazer, sino que puede mandar que sus gentes hagan asiento en aquel Reyno para el efeto arriva dicho, y deven los chinas conoçer a Vuestra magestad como supremo señor pagando los tributos como en la (p. 10)

Carta de que arriba hago mençion se dize.

Enpero es de adveitir que lo que toca a la jurisdiçion çivil y criminal por ser los chinas de tanta rrazon y puliçia como nosotros y en muchas cosas nos hazen ventaja no se podria hazer con ellos como se haze en la nueva españa y piru y en estas islas que todo lo tienen tomado los que en nonbre de vuestra magestad goviernan las indias, sin dexar que los indios entiendan en nada mas de lo que ellos les permiten.

Y porque este es un punto muy sustançial y que a la rreal conçiençia de Vuestra magestad toca mucho yo tengo hecho un tratado en que declaro todo lo que açerca deste punto y de lo contenido en la carta arriva dicha se deve declarar si Vuestra magestad fuere servido mandarlo ver aqui estoy para ovedescçer lo que Vuestra magestad me mandare, esto e dicho no porque entienda que de parte de los chinas a de aver comedimiento ni an de dexar entrar a nadie en su Reino, digo los governadores por que confian tanto en la multitud de gente que en aquel Reyno ay que se rrien quando les dizen que los españoles los an de sujetar, porque dizen que aunque no tubiesen armas con que se defender de solos los cuerpos muertos harian muralla para que nadie les entrase pero estos barbaros no an provado para lo que son los españoles ni saven que pocos arcabuçeros de ellos bastan a desbaratar millones de chinas pero e lo dicho para descubrir el punto del derecho y que en qualquier suçeso de paz o de guerra puede Vuestra magestad entrar en la china y que quieran que no, haver que le ovedezcan.

Restava para cumplimiento de lo que para esta jornada convenia embiar a Vuestra Magestad informaçion y Relaçion çierta de que tanta gente es menester embiar para entrar seguramente en la China y poder permaneçer en ella mientras yo hazia esta informaçion que fue qundo los portugueses de macan estavan aqui dixe al governador que iziese el por su parte informaçion Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 169

desto y de la parte por donde convenia entrar y de los bastimentos que se podian aparejar para el sustento de la gente que viniere y en que puesto se a de poner dixome que de todo aria larga rrelaçion no se si lo haze.

Lo que yo a Vuestra Magestad puedo aqui afirmar es que si con brevedad se haze la jornada sera menester arto menos gente de lo que seria si esperamos a que los chinas nos entiendan y se rreparen contra nosotros y para que en esto aya mas (p. 11)

Façilidad es bien que Vuestra Magestad sepa que los japones que estan muy çerca de la china son grandes enemigos de los chinas y entraran de muy buena gana en aquel rreino al tienpo que entren los españoles y para que esto ya efecto el mejor medio es mandar Vuestra magestad al general de la conpañia que mande a los Religiosos de su orden que estan en el Japon que digan a los japones lo que acerca desto an de hazer y hazerlo an sin falta por la orden que ellos les dieren y terna Vuestra Magestad por esta parte una muy grande ayuda.

Otro si de los naturales de esta tierra se podra sacar sacar una buena copia de gente que para con los chinas seran de grande efeto, podran ir en los navios chinas que cada año vienen a este puerto que siempre son de quinçe a veinte por quitar a Vuestra Magestad de costa aunque de esta no ay que hazer caso porque en la primera çiudad que entren hallaran thesoros para pagar todo lo que hasta alli y adelante se gastare y de lo que sobrare enbiar a Vuestra magestad haito

Allende de lo arriva dicho aprovechara esta informaçion para desengañar a Vuestra Magestad de la falsa informaçion que le an hecho de que para tener entrada en aquel rreino combenia embiar al rrey del un gran presente el qual estando yo en esa corte mando Vuestra magestad embiar y yo por estar en el mesmo engano di mucha priesa a que se traxese aunque no ubo efecto. Por esta informaçion vera Vuestra magestad quan indigna cosa de su Real gradeza es embiar presente a un tan barbaro y sobervio rrey que no solamente no lo a de rreçevir pero aun de verlo se desdeñara ni permitira que que el que lo llevare lo vea. En la mesma locura y arrogançia estan sus virreies y governadores que no pueden creer que aya prinçipe en el mundo que se pueda igualar con su rrey y asi por esta via no ay que intentar la entrada de THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 170 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

la china.

Aprovechara otro si que Vuestra Magestadad vea quanto conviene la brevedad si en algun tiempo se a de hazer jornada a la china porque hasta aqui an estado como dormidos y no podian creer que por esta parte les puede venir mal pensando que tenian las espaldas seguras por nunca aver tenido notiçia de gentes que por esta parte les pudiese hazer mal, y ansi como cosa muy segura tienen en las ciudades de la costa que confinan con nosotros las torres donde se guardan los tesoros del rrey que a lo que (p. 12)

Todos dizen son inumerables y toda la guarda y recaudo penen açia la parte de los tartaros para rreparo de los quales y de sus inquisisiones hyzieron aquella tan famosa muralla de que todos los que tratan de la china hazen tanta mençion y las naos de armada que andan guardando la costa no es por miedo de gentes estrañas sino para guardarse de los japones y de los mesmos chinos cosarios que andavan por aquella costa a robar, aunque despues que tienen notiçia de nosotros y an visto que algunos desta isla an ido alla andan con mas rreçelo y como pareçe por la informaçion van rreformando cada dia las armadas començandose ya a rreçelar de nosotros y si abren los ojos a lo que se les anda urdiendo no sera tan facil la entrada quanto seria aora que no estan prevenidos.

Por esta causa no quise tomar nengun testigo chino de los que avia en esta çiudad aunque al prinçipio pensava tomarlos como pareçe por el auto que esta al prinçipio de la informaçion, porque no sintiesen algo de lo que pretendemos y avisasen en su tierra. Tambien pensava embiar un treslado desta informaçion a su santidad como a quien tanto incumbe, procurar la conversion destos Reynos pero despues considerado que este cuidado lo tiene ya dado la iglesia romana a los reyes despaña, y que lo que Vuestra magestad hiziere lo da ella por hecho, pareciome que bastaria embiar la informaçion a Vuestra magestad solo, como de quien a de venir el remedio destos rreinos.

El obispo de macan me escrive que su jurisdiçion se estiende a toda la china y japon y a todas las demas islas a ella comarcanas y abra çinco o seis dias que llego a esta çiudad un canonigo de malaca con comision del obispo de aquella ciudad en que le da poder para visitar a burney y al maluco y a las demas islas adjaçentes y para poner ministros en todas las partes que le Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 171

pareçiere yo como a Vuestra Magestad en otra carta escrivo no pretendo ensanchar mi jurisdiçion antes querria y asi lo suplico a Vuestra magestad que enbie mas obispos a estas islas que a mi esta de Luzon me vasta y sobra, pero por quitar dudas e inconvenientes Vuestra magestad sera servido de señalarme los limites de mi obispado y lo mesmo a los obispos de macan i malaca porque si por via de cercanias va segun yo entiendo maluco y burney mas çerca estan de aqui que de malaca y mucho mas que de macan y la isla de japon mucho mas aun, y la tierra firme de la china aunque el obispo de macan esta junto a canton, lo que cae de chincheo açia el norte mas çerca esta de aqui que de macan y aun la navegacion arto mas façil (p. 13)

Pero tierras ay en lo que yo e dicho para veinte obispos y no bastara. Nuestro Señor la Catolica Real persona de Vuestra magestad nos guarde por muchos años para bien de su iglesia y aumento y conservaçion de la religion christiana de manila 18 de junio de 1583. Catolica Real Magestad Besa las manos reales de su magestad su menor siervo y capellan Fray Domingo obispo de las Filipinas (p. 14)

1 Este es un treslado bien y fielmente sacado de una ynformaçion original que hizo el muy Illustre y reverendisimo señor don frai domingo de salazar primero obispo de las philipinas del consejo de su magestad para ynformar a nuestro muy sancto padre gregorio dezimo terçio y a la magestad Real del Rey don Phelipe nuestro señor. Su tenor de la qual es como se sigue.

En la çiudad de manila a diez y nueve dias del mes de abril de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años. El Muy Illustre y Reverendissimo Señor don frai domingo de salazar. Primero obispo de las philipinas y del consejo de su magestad, etcetera. Dixo que por quanto al serviçio de dios y aumento de nuestra sancta fe y Religion cristiana conbiene que nuestro sanctisímo padre y el Rey don phelipe nuestro señor sean ynformados del estado en que al presente estan los Reynos de la china y de los estorvos e ynpedimentos que los que aquellos tan grandes Reynos goviernan an puesto y ponen a los vezinos y naturales de ellos para que no se conviertan ni rreçivan nuestra santa fe ni puedan oyr la predicaçion del sancto evangelio y al presente ay en THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 172 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

esta dicha çiudad muchas personas asi portugueses como castellanos que an estado y contratado en el dicho Reyno de la china y muchos naturales del que saben y entienden lo que açerca de esto pasa. Por tanto que mandava y mando se haga de ello ynformaçion para que por su sanctidad y magestad visto y la verdad savida manden poner el remedio que mas convenga al serviçio de nuestro señor y suyo y al bien de tan ynnumerables animas que en el dicho Reyno careçen de la luz del Evangelio mediante la qual si los dichos ynpedimentos se quitasen vernian a ser salvas y para que la verdad sea mejor savida y los dichos y deposiçiones vayan mas claros y distintos mando que los testigos que en esta causa ubieren de dezir y declarar sean examinados por las preguntas siguientes:

1 Primeramente digan y declaren como se llaman de donde son y que edad y ofiçio tienen.

2 Yten si an estado en la china y que tanto tiempo

3 Yten si saben, vieron e oyeron que el Rey de la China tiene por la costa mucha cantidad de navios de (p. 15)

Armada que a nadie dexan entrar en aquel Reyno y a todos los que hallan o enquentran en la dicha costa los matan o prenden y les hazen muchos malos tratamientos aunque lleguen por alli derrotados o digan que van a tratar o contratar a otras cosas en que unos Reynos con otros suelen comunicar y que para que los dichos soldados hagan esto con mas deligençia por cada cabeça que lleban, a los governadores de las personas que asi enquentran les tienen prometidos sinco taes que cada uno vale un ducado.

4 Yten si sabe estos que a mas de veinte y çinco años que los padres de la compañia an estado y estan en la çiudad de macan que es çerca de la çiudad de canton y en este dicho tiempo an yntentado por muchas vias y medios de predicar el evangelio en la dicha çiudad y otras partes de aquel Reyno y los governadores del nunca lo an permitido y espeçialmente se a visto la dureça de los que goviernan la dicha çiudad de canton en que yendo a ella los portugueses en çierto tiempo del año a hazer sus empleos y entonçes permiten que algunos de los dichos padres vayan con ellos porque con ellos los dichos portugueses evitan algunas contiendas que entre ellos y los naturales suele Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 173

aver mas nunca an permitido que los dichos padres entren en la çiudad ni les an dexado hazer casa ni yglesia ni predicar el Santo Evangelio y si alguno lo a yntentado lo an querido açotar.

5 yten si saben estos que los governadores a quien ellos llaman mantelines estan tan lejos de reçevir los predicadores del Evangelio que quando los admiten a que les hablen les hazen que esten de rrodillas con el rrostro en tierra y de otra manera no los quieren oyr o los conpelen con açotes a que lo hagan

6 Yten Si saben estos que los ynterpretes que tienen para tratar con los estranxeros o porque entienden de los dichos mantelines el odio que tienen a nuestra fe o por la sobervia que en ellos ven, nunca se a podido acavar con ellos que les digan cosa alguna de nuestra fe ni que toque a su converçion sino que todo lo mudan y Va enmendado yten, vala (p. 16)

2 Dizen al Reves y que sea entendido que los dichos ynterpretes declarasen lo que los predicadores les dizen a unos y a otros matarian a açotes por lo qual aunque los dichos predicadores les digan alguna cosa de nuestra fe los ynterpretes fingen otras rrazones y hazen entender que aquello es lo que los predicadores dizen y asi no ay remedio para poderles deçir cosa alguna de las tocantes a su salvaçion.

7 Yten si saven estos que los ynterpretes chinos que los padres y portugueses llevan para hablar con los mantelines quando ellos los ven con vestidos o señales de cristiano los açotan con la crueldad que ellos suelen llamandoles de traidores a su Rey y patria por lo qual quando los padres van a tratar con los dichos mantelines los ynterpretes cristianos no osan yr con ellos o si van no quieren ni atreven a declarar cosa de nuestra fe ni que toque a su salvaçion.

8 Yten si saben estos que si los virreyes y governadores de aquel Reyno dexasen predicar el sancto evangelio en el avria ynnumerables gentes que lo oyesen de muy buena gana y muchos dellos rreçivírian nuestra santa fe y sino la reçiven es porque los governadores los tienen tan amedrentados y THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 174 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

aterroriçados que aunque claramente vean la diferençía que ay de nuestra sancta ley a la vana y supertiçiosa que ellos siguen no lo osarian Recevir.

9 Yten si saben estos que si alguno se atreviese a entrar en el Reyno de la china a predicar el evangelio sin liçençia de los mantelines y governadores seria luego mandado matar o echado en carçel perpetua o por lo menos muy bien açotado le echarian del Reyno y no se podra acavar con los dichos governadores a que den lisençia para que se les pueda predicar la fe por mucho que se lo rueguen y por mas de lisençia y medios que para ello se ponga.

10 Yten si saben estos que de pocos años a esta parte an ido desta ysla de luçon a la china algunos Religiosos de los descalços de san francisco en navios pequeños (p. 17)

Sin armas ni otros peltrechos de guerra de que se pudiese tomar sospecha y en llegando a un puerto de aquel Reyno fueron preços por los que estavan en guarda del y fueron muy maltratados y se vieron en peligro de muerte y que si los portugueses de macan no los rescataran por mucha suma de dinero o los mataran o los hizieran esclavos.

11 Yten si saben estos que el año pasado de ochenta y dos el señor obispo y el señor governador enbiaron desta çiudad de manila al dicho Reyno al padre alonso Sánchez Religioso de la conpañia de jesus con enbaxada a la dicha çiudad de canton y fue preço antes de llegar a ella y sino fuera por la mucha diligençia de los padres de la dicha conpañia y Portugueses de la dicha çiudad de Canton que pusieron por sacarle de su poder corriera mucho rriesgo su persona y finalmente despues de aver pasado muchos peligros y travajos entre ellos le dejaron yr a macan y le enbiaron sin respuesta de la enbaxada que les avia llevado.

12 Yten si saben estos que en la lisençia que los matelines de canton dieron a los portugueses de macan para que pudiesen traer a manila al dicho alonso Sánchez y a otros Religiosos y españoles que alla avian ydo se contiene que no vaya mas gente destas yslas a la china porque a todos los que fueren los mataran las guardas que estan puestas en la costa. Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 175

13 Yten si saben estos que si los naturales de aquellos rreynos viesen que algun prinçípe cristiano les hazia espaldas y les dava fabor muchos de ellos se harian de su vanda por los muchos agravios y malos tratamientos que Reçiven de los que los goviernan y por la sujeçion tiranica en que los tienen.

14 Yten si saven estos que si los dichos naturales sintiesen fuerça en los cristianos que rreçiden en la çiudad de macan para defenderlos de los mantelines se vernian muchos a baptizar lo que aora no osan hazer porque como los cristianos que reçiden en la dicha çiudad de macan estan sujetos a los governadores chinos si alguno de los naturales se convierte los dichos (p. 18)

3 Mantelínes los castigan luego o le buscan alguna ocaçíon para lo desterrar o quitarle la hazienda sin que los cristianos puedan ni se atrevan yrles a la mano.

15 Yten si saben estos que los cristianos que rresiden en la dicha çiudad de macan son de los dichos mantelines muy vexados quitandoles los mantenímientos vedando a los naturales que no se los traigan y castigando con pena de muerte al que se los trae llevandoles esçesibos derechos mas de los que solian y haziendoles otras muchas molestias y estorsiones y que si su magestad con brevedad no los socorre se temen que los an de matar a todos o hazerles tantos malos tratamientos que los neçesiten a dexar la tierra de lo qual vendria muy gran daño a toda la cristiandad y las rentas de su magestad se desminuirian mucho.

16 Yten si saben estos que la causa porque aora mas que hasta aqui los dichos mantelines hazen a los cristianos de macan las molestias que la pregunta antes desta contenidas a sido por aver ydo a aquel Reyno los Religiosos arriba contenídos teniendolos por espias y pesandoles que los cristianos los rreçivan en su çiudad y por la mesma causa despues que los dichos religiosos fueron los governadores de aquel Reyno an reforçado y aumentado los navios que guardan la costa y de cada día se van mas peltrechando de manera que si con brevedad no se acude al remedio vendra a ser ynposible o muy costoso y dificultoso lo que aora con mucha façilidad y a muy poca costa se podra hazer THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 176 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

17 Yten si saben estos que enbiar su magestad el presente que el año pasado mandava se diese al Rey de la China es cosa no solo superfula e ynpertínente pero dañosa yndigna de la magestad de tan poderoso prínçipe como es el Rey de españa porque aquellos barvaros sobervíos no le rrecívirian con el yntento que Su magestad lo enbia síno por via de rreconoçimiento y de tributo y que no consentiran que el que (p. 19)

lo llevare hable al Rey digan lo que saben açerca de lo que le paso con un presente que los años atras el Rey de portugal enbio al Rey de la china

18 Yten si saben que todo lo susodicho es publico y notorio en estas yslas y en la yndia adonde los portugueses contratan espeçialmente en la çiudad de macan y digan y declaren todo lo demas que açerca desta materia supieren

Testigo

En la çiudad de manila a díez y nueve dias del mes de abril de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años su señoria Reverendisima mando pareçer ante si a Pedro Sibal el qual juro en forma de deçir verdad de lo que supiere y le fuere preguntado.

1 Preguntado por la pregunta del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo llamarse pedro sibal natural del Reyno de Portugal y de la çiudad de Vergança y que es de edad de çínquenta y seis años y que es soldado.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que a veinte y ocho años que tiene notiçia de la china y a estado muchas vezes en ella y a veinte y siete años que fue preso en el dicho rreyno y estuvo quatro años preso sin salir de la carçel y estuvo condenado a muerte con otros treze conpañeros los quales dentro de un año murieron y quedo este testigo solo y que la causa de averlos prendido fue que con tiempo dieron en la costa y con achaque de dezir que eran ladrones los prendieron.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo que sabe porque lo a visto que en la costa de china ay mucha cantidad de navios que la guardan de armada y que no Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 177

dexan entrar a nadíe sin lisençia de los governadores del Reyno y si entran sin la dicha lisençia los prenden hasta saver lo que buscan y que aunque vayan sin culpa o por algun buen yntento antes de librarse de sus manos pasan mucho travajo y suelen morír (p. 20)

4 Muchos dellos en la carçel antes de librarse de sus manos como aconteçio a los conpañeros deste testigo y que en quanto al premio de los çínco taes contenidos en la pregunta dixo que de tres años a esta parte a oydo deçír que el virrey que ellos llaman tutan a prometido premio a los soldados y gente de armada que les llevaren cabeça de algun ladron estranxero y que no sabe que tanto sea el Premio pero sabe que por esta causa matan los dichos soldados a muchos que no tienen culpa por cudiçía de llevar aquel premio y esto sabe porque lo vio y se hallo presente en macan quando los dichos soldados cortaron siete u ocho cabeças de naturales de la tierra cristianos que los hallaron pescando en una ysla çerca de macan y vio las mugeres de los dichos difuntos andar llorando quexandose que les avian muerto sus maridos como queda dicho y desta manera matan otros muchos porque cada dia ban faltando personas conoçidas de la dicha çiudad de macan y se entiende que desta suerte los matan.

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que lo contenido en ella es verdad en quanto al tiempo que a estado en la dicha çiudad de macan los padres de la dicha conpañia aunque cree que no son veinte y çinco años pero que pasan de veínte pero que en todo este tiempo nunca les an premitido hazer yglesia ni casa a los dichos padres de la conpañia ni predicar el evangelio y que al tiempo que la pregunta dize que los dexan entrar entiende que mas es por temor por tener prenda en los dichos religiosos para que si los portugueses hizieren alguna cosa que no sea a su gusto echen mano del dicho padre para que mediante esto hagan a los portugueses paguen lo que deven y a las vezes lo que no deven porque aserca desto usan de muchas tiranias con los portugueses y no porque pretendan cosa que toque a su salvaçion ni les premiten que de ello traten y que para fin de que los (p. 21)

Dichos padres quieran yr con los portugueses les permiten dezir misa fuera de la çiudad en el arabal pero que no se la dan mas de por el tiempo que THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 178 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

alli estan los portugueses pero que no sabe que por aver predicado o an querido predicar ayan açotado a nengun religioso.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que este testigo vio que en el tiempo que el estava en la china que a ocho o diez años vio que los padres quando hablavan con los mantelines estavan en pie y que de dos o tres años a esta parte los mandan hincar de rodillas y no lo queriendo hazer hazen con ellos lo contenido en la pregunta aunque quanto al açotar no se afirma en ello pero sabe que los prenderian y no les darian audençia.

6 A las sesta pregunta dixo que pasa asi como la pregunta dize en quanto a no deçír los ynterpretes la verdad de lo que les dizen los estrangeros sino solo aquello que toca a su provecho de los dichos mantelines y al pagar de los derechos y que si fuera de esto los dichos ynterpretes dixesen alguna cosa estando juzgando les açotarian y que no sabe que por odio de la fe lo hagan pero si por la soverbia que en ellos conoce y porque sabe que se temen de los estrangeros y asi andan muy alerta para que no puedan deçir cosa de que a ellos les venga daño.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que este testigo conoçe a un fulano perera natural de la yndia y segun se quiere acordar le pareçe que es de bengala el qual sabe la lengua de china por aver estado en ella mucho tiempo preso y sabe que al dicho tome perera que asi se llama le açotaron una vez porque fue a ser ynterprete por los portugueses y dixo alguna cosa que salio de lo que los mantelines no quieren y que esto abra quatro o çinco años y que despues aca no a querido bolver alla y asi entiende que pasa con los demas ynterpretes cristianos por lo qual no osan yr alla o ban de muy mala gana y no tienen livertad para dezir todo lo que les dixeren. (p. 22)

5 8 A la otava pregunta dixo que pasa a la letra como en ella se contiene lo qual sabe por aver estado muchos años en aquella tierra y ver y entender que si los mantelines dexasen predicar el sancto evangelio serian muchos los que se convertirian y por míedo de ellos no lo hazen.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo que entiende y tiene para sí que si alguno se atreviese a entrar en la china sin lisençia de los mantelines lo mandarian Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 179

luego prender y le hecharían la tierra adentro por esclavo del Rey y que tiene por çierto que por ninguna via se podra alcançar de ninguno de ellos que den lisençia ni dexen predicar el evangelio en aquel Reyno sin que aya fuerça de armas que tenga seguro a los predicadores y a los que se convertieren y que esto juzgara qualquier hombre de buen juiçío y asi lo a oydo dezir al patriarca y obispo que estan en macan y a otros muchos religiosos de la compañia.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que (tachado: la) sabe lo que en ella se contiene porque se hallo presente quando los dichos religiosos fueron a la çiudad de macan y sabe que fueron presos y maltratados en la china y que para sacarlos de china costo a los portugueses de tres a quatro mill cruzados y sino fuera por los portugueses despues que provaran no ser ladrones ni gente de mal bivir los echaran la tierra adentro por esclavos del Rey por aver entrado sin liçençía y que save ser esta la costumbre de aquella tierra por aver vivido en ella tanto tiempo.

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que sabe lo contenido en la pregunta porque al tiempo que llego el padre alonso Sánchez a la çiudad de canton se hallo este testigo presente y sabe que antes de llegar a ella avia sido preso en el puerto donde llego y que si no se pusiera la deligençia en la pregunta por lo menos le hizieran esclavo enbiandole la tierra adentro por la razon dicha en la pregunta antes desta.

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que el se hallo en macan quando los manterines de canton enbiaron la chapa que la liçençia que dan en la qual mandaron que todos españoles que avian ydo desta ysla de luçon a la china los truxesen en un junco que para este efeto les dieron liçençia que lo hiziesen y les avisasen que ninguno de ellos quedase en macan so pena de muerte y so las dichas penas mandaron que ningun (p. 23)

Español desta ysla fuese a la china y tiene por çierto este testigo que todos los que fueren desta ysla a la china los mataran los soldados que guardan la costa y si alguno se escapase de que no le viesen las guardas los dichos manterines le condenarian a muerte y esta ley se a puesto desde que los religiosos de san francisco y otras personas destas yslas començaron a yr a la china porque antes no usavan de tanto rigor aunque siempre an tenido THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 180 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

quenta de que nadie entre en su tierra sin liçençia de los governadores.

13 A la trezena pregunta dixo que como este testigo atras a dicho que a estado en la china y tratado y conversado con los naturales della sabe de muchos dellos porque se lo a oydo deçír que holgarian de ser vasallos del Rey de españa y que fuesen todos unos por no ser tan tiraniçados acosados y maltratados como son de sus manterines. Por lo qual este testigo tiene por muy çierto que si viesen bastante fuerça de parte de los cristianos se pasarian muchos a la vanda de ellos y que para esto era menester que viesen ellos tanta fuerça de nuestra parte que con seguridad se pudiesen pasar a nosotros sin temer que el Rey y sus ministros les pudiesen por ellos hazer mal.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que este testigo entiende que sí de parte de los cristianos ubiese mucha seguridad y fuerça para asegurar a los chinos que se convirtiesen vendrian muchos a se convertír y lo demas contenido en la pregunta no lo sabe.

15 A la quinzena pregunta dixo que es verdad lo contenido en la dicha pergunta quanto a ser los vezinos de aquella çiudad vejados y maltratados de los mantelines llevandoles esesívos preçios mas de los que les solian llevar y que en lo de los mantenimientos este testigo no save que ayan puesto pena que los naturales no se los lleven pero lo que a visto en este año es que llevan pocos mantenimientos y mui caros aviendo otros años mucha abundançia dellos y muy baratos y esto entiende que de los dichos manterines con achaque que les hurtan los derechos y que si su magestad como la pregunta se contiene no da remedio como se quiten y sesen estas molestias entiende este testigo que no podran perseverar en la dicha çiudad los portugueses que en ella rreçíden porque ya se van algunos a la yndia por causa de los pocos mantenimientos y tan caros como se los dan con aver como ay muy mucha abundançia de bastimentos Va entre renglones les, vala (p. 24)

6 En aquella tierra y que si la dicha çiudad se perdiese luego se perderia la cristiandad de japon porque pende el sustento della del çelo que cada año le va de la dicha çiudad y vernían otros muchos daños asi a la cristiandad como a la hazienda de su magestad. Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 181

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que lo contenido en ella tiene este testigo por çierto porque antes que de esta ysla fuesen los dichos Religiosos y otros españoles al dicho Reyno avia mas paz y conversaçion entre los portugueses y chinos teniendo mas livertad los portugueses de la que aora tienen y tratandolos mas amigablemente y con mas afabilidad y que despues que los dichos Religiosos fueron se an ydo los dichos mantelines esquivando mucho con ellos y haziendo las molestias arriba referidas y en quanto a el reforçar la armada es verdad que desde entonçes aca la an mucho mas reforçado y que si su magestad pretende entrar en aquel Reyno para predicar el evangelio es neçesario la brevedad porque si los dexan apersevirse como se van aperçiviendo sera muy dificultoso poderles entrar y que este testigo no tiene por tan façil la entrada de aquel rreyno como la pregunta lo dize porque con las fuerças de las armadas que al presente ay por la costa y en todos los rios y ensenadas por de dentro del Reyno y muchas fortalezas que estan hechas y muy proveydas de todas armas y de tiros de Polvora no dexara de aver costa y dificultad para entrar en el Reyno y quedar en la poseçíon del.

17 A la diez y siete pregunta dixo que este testigo tiene por çierto que aunque su magestad enbiase el dicho presente no seria reçevido como era razon se rreçíviese dadíva de tan gran prinçipe por pareçerle que fuera de su Rey nínguno ay tan grande ni de quien devan hazer caso y así es cosa çierta que el que lo llevare no le dexaran ver al Rey y cree que el presente el Rey no lo veria ni sabria del lo qual sabe porque se hallo presente quando abra diez y siete años poco mas o menos que el virrey de la yndia enbio a gil de goes para que en nombre del Rey de Portugal diese un gran presente al Rey de china el qual no quisieron reçevír fingiendo que no era pre (p. 25)

Sente del Rey de Portugal sino de algunos mercaderes que lo enbiavan.

18 A la dezima otava pregunta dixo que lo que este testigo a visto por vista de ojos en la China por el mucho tiempo que a estado en ella es publico y notorio entre los vezinos de macan y de la yndia y que el no sabe que sea tan notorio en estas yslas porque nunca hasta aora a estado en ellas porque entiende que lo sera por los que de alla an venido que lo abran dicho y que este testigo sabe muchas cosas de aquel Reyno como hombre que a estado en el tanto tiempo y que lo que en este su dicho tiene dicho es la verdad para THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 182 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

el juramento que ffecho tiene y firmolo de su nombre – pedro sibale, frai domingo obispo de las philipinas ante mi Juan de Ybarra secretario.

Testigo

E Despues de lo susodicho su Señoria Reverendisima mando pareçer al cappitan bastian jorge del qual se tomo y reçibio juramento en forma debaxo de qual prometio de deçir verdad

1 Preguntado por las preguntas del ynterrogatorio y por la primera pregunta dixo que se llamava Sebastian Jorge, soldado y capitan del navio que vino a estas yslas de la çiudad de macan natural del pueblo de Sanctaeria termino de la çíudad de lisboa y que es de edad de treinta y ocho años

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que a estado en china abra diez y nueve años poco mas o menos que vino a ella y que de ordinario a acudido en la çiudad de macan aunque a hecho viajes a macan y canbox.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo que sabe que por toda la costa de la china tiene el Rey muchas armadas y que todas las naos y gente que vienen de fuera parte para China toman las dichas armadas y las maltratan y prenden y algunas vezes los matan con achaque que son ladrones salvo si traen liçençía de los propios governadores de chína y no mostrandola los meten en las carçeles que ellos tienen de donde salen con muy mucha dificultad y a las vezes quedan muertos en las dichas carçeles y en quanto al premio con (p. 26)

7 Tenido En la pregunta dixo que es cosa publica que los soldados que llevan las cabeças de los ladrones a los manterines les dan por cada una dellas çinco taes que valen como siete pesos destas yslas y que por cudiçía de llevar estos dineros matan muchas personas que no tienen culpa y que este testigo vio en la çiudad de macan faltar muchos cristianos de los naturales de aquella tierra y vio quexar a sus mugeres diziendo que los soldados se los avian muerto de la manera ya dicha

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que a diez y nueve años que bino a la dicha çiudad de macan y que ya los padres de la conpañia tenian casa poblada en la Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 183

dicha çiudad y sabe este testigo que los dichos padres an yntentado muchas vezes de predicar el evangelio en la çiudad de canton y nunca los mantelines de aquella çiudad y Reyno de china les an querido dar liçençia para ello y lo demas contenido en la dicha pregunta dixo que a savido que muchas vezes los dichos padres van con los portugueses como en la pregunta se contiene y que nunca los an dexado entrar en la çiudad ni que prediquen el evangelio ni ellos an osado entrar a predicar por miedo de los mantelines.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que es verdad como en ella se contine y que este testígo se a hincado de rrodillas delante de los manterines de canton y que si no lo quisiera hazer no le quisieran oyr y supo este testigo de las personas que fueron con el obispo don melchior carnero a la çiudad de canton que para aver de hablar el obispo con los dichos manterines le mandavan se pusiese de rodillas saviendo que era obispo y por que no lo quiso hazer le dieron muy poca audiençía y todos los que fueron con el estuvieron de rrodillas.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que este testigo sabe ser y pasar asi como en la pregunta se contiene porque el a ydo a hablar con los manterines y nunca los ynterpretes quisieron dezir cosa que fuese en desgusto de los dichos (p. 27)

Mantelines de manera que todo lo que les dizen buelven a gusto de los manterines por miedo de los açotes que les darian y asi a entendido y sabido que para con los demas que van a tratar con los dichos manterines y entiende que lo mismo seria a las cosas tocantes a la fe y tiene por çierto que nengun manterin se atreveria a dezirselo porque son tan sobervios que tienen por desacato que nadie ante ellos hable mas de lo que ellos les dan licençia.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo lo que dicho tiene en la pregunta antes desta y que asi pasa con los ynterpretes cristianos y que sabe este testigo porque lo a visto asi pasar que los ynterpretes cristianos que estan en macan van de muy mala gana con los portugueses a tratar con los manterines de canton porque los açotan y maltratan.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que este testigo tiene por çierto que si los manterines diesen liçencia para predicar el evangelio abria muchos que de buena gana se tornarian cristianos porque muchos chinos preguntandoles este THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 184 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

testigo que porque no se hazian cristianos le respondian que por miedo de los manterines no lo osavan hazer y a visto que algunos chinos que se vienen a la çiudad de macan vienen a escondidas porque no lo sepan los dichos manterines porque si lo supiesen los matarian a açotes como a visto este testigo que lo an hecho con algunos que se vinieron a macan y supieron que se avian hecho cristianos y se vio esto con un chino que porque se bolvio cristiano en macan enbiaron por el los mantelines y se fue con el obispo y en su presençia lo açotaron.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo que este testigo tiene por muy çierto que si alguno se atreviese a entrar en aquel Reyno a predicar el evangelio sin liçençia de los dichos manterines correria mucho riesgo por que lo mandarian luego matar (p. 28)

8 O meter en una carçel adonde nunca saliese y que por ninguna manera daran liçençia para predicar el evangelio por ninguna cosa lo qual sabe por el mucho trato que entre ellos a tenido y que estando este testigo en la çiudad de macan supo de personas que a ello se hallaron presentes que un padre descalço que se llama frai Juan baptista pidio licençia a un mantelin de la fortaleça de ançon para yr a predicar y no se la quiso dar.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque este testigo se hallo presente quando los dichos religiosos fueron a la dicha çiudad de macan y supo que avian sido presos en un puerto donde aportaron treinta leguas de la dicha çiudad de macan y costo a los vezinos de la dicha çiudad tres mill cruzados para arriba el sacar los dichos religiosos de mano de los chinos.

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque este testigo se hallo en la çiudad de macan quando llego a ella el padre alonso Sánchez y supo que paso todo lo contenido en la pregunta y se vino sin respuesta de las cartas que llevo y este testigo vino por capitan del navio en que el dicho alonso Sánchez vino a estas yslas desde la dicha çiudad de macan y por esta (tachado: çiudad) causa lo sabe. Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 185

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que antes que este testigo partiese de la çiudad de macan para estas yslas a traer a el padre alonso Sánchez y a los demas españoles que estavan en la çiudad que avian ido de estas yslas enbiaron los mantelines de canton una proviçíon que ellos llaman chapa al capitan mayor de macan y a los demas vezinos del pueblo en que les mandavan que traxesen a estas yslas todos los españoles y padres que alla avían ydo y que los entregasen al governador de estas yslas y le dixesen que no dexase salir a ninguno de estas yslas para aquel Reyno ni clerigos ni rreligiosos ni seglares Va testado çiudad, non vala. (p. 29)

So pena que los que alla fueren seran luego muertos porque asi esta ya dado por sentençia y que tiene este testigo por muy çierto que sin remiçion alguna executaran la dicha sentençia y que este testigo como capitan que truxo a los religiosos y españoles a de llevar testimonyo de como los entrego y dexo aca.

13 A la trezena pregunta dixo que es verdad como en ella se contiene porque a este testigo se le an quexado muchos de aquel rreyno de la tirania y malos tratamientos que los dichos manterines les hazen y desean que aya quien les ampare y defienda y tiene por muy çierto que si sintiesen otro que los amparase con bastante fuerça se pondrian debaxo de su amparo por las muchas tiranias que les hazen.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que como dicho tiene en la otava pregunta a visto que muchos de los chinos naturales se pasan a baptizar ascondidamente a la çiudad de macan y que quando los mantelines los pueden aver a las manos los tratan muy mal y los matan muchas vezes a açotes sin que los portugueses se atrevan a defenderlos. Por lo qual tiene por muy çierto que si los portugueses tuviesen mas fuerça para poderlos defender de los dichos manterines serian muchos mas los que se bolverian cristianos.

15 A la dezimaquinta pregunta dixo que los manterínes de canton de pocos años a esta parte les van aumentando los derechos de manera que son ya yntolerables porque todo lo que ganan los dichos portugueses viene a ser del Rey de China o de sus manterines por los muchos derechos que les llevan y sobre todo esto muchas vezes les van quitando los mantenymientos THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 186 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

y vedando a los naturales que no los traigan y si lo contrario hazen los prenden y açotan y a las vezes los matan poniendo por achaque que les hurtan los dineros y este testigo a visto muchas vezes aver tanta falta de mantenimientos en la çiudad de macan que les a sido forçado yr a la çiudad de canton por ellos y aun esto no pueden hazer sin leçençia del manterín de ançon que es una fortaleça que esta nueve le (p. 30)

9 Guas de macan camino de canton y por esta causa an venido los mantenimyentos a ser tan caros con aver abundançia como nunca a avido de mantenimientos en aquella tierra y entiende este testigo que si esto no se rremedia con brevedad se despoblara muy en breve aquella çiudad y algunos vezinos de ella se an ydo a bivir ya a la yndia de lo qual se seguiran los ynconbinientes en la pregunta contenidos porque tanbien çesaria la cristiandad de japon y tanbien las mercaderias de la yndia.

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que lo que de ella sabe es que despues que los rreligiosos y españoles destas yslas començaron a yr a china començaron a esasperarse los manterines con los vezinos de macan pesandoles que reçivan en ella a los dichos religiosos entendiendo que son espias y por esta causa entiende este testigo que les hazen los dichos malos tratamientos porque se vayan de la dicha çiudad y esto se siente comunmente entre todos los vezinos de macan y por esta causa an trasdoblado las armadas que andan en guarda de la costa. Por lo qual entiende que si la yda a conquistar aquel reyno se tardase an de peltrechar de tal manera que sean muy dificultosos de entrar y si aora fuesen a conquistarlos no abria tanta dificultad.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo que a este testigo le pareçe que lo que se a de gastar en enbiar presentes debria su magestad gastar en hazer armada contra el Rey de China y todo lo demas es burla y dar ocaçíon para que los barvaros mas se ensobervescan pensando que se lo enbian por via de tributo porque ellos no piensan que ay otro mayor Rey en la tierra que el suyo ni con el se pueda comparar y asi es çierto que aunque su magestad les enbie el presente no lo a de ver el Rey de China ni daran lugar a que el Enbaxador le pueda hablar y que lo que pasa (p. 31) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 187

Açerca de lo contenido en la pregunta del presente que este testigo se hallo presente en macan quando gil de goez vino a traer un presente al rey de la china el qual este testigo vio porque aunque antes que este testigo viniese a macan avia un año que estubo en ella el dicho gil de goez llego este testigo antes que el se bolviese y vio que los manterines de canton venieron a ver el dicho presente y este testigo tanbien le vido y supo que dixeron que ellos no lo avian de reçevir y asi lo bolvieron diziendo que no querian comerçio con gente blanca.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo que lo que este testigo a dicho en este su dicho es publico y notorio en la yndia y en la çiudad de macan y que esta es la verdad para el juramento que hecho tiene y firmolo de su nombre bastiao jorge moxar, frai domingo obispo de las philipinas ante my Juan de Ybarra secretario.

Testigo E Despues de lo susodicho su Señoria Reverendisima para la dicha ynformaçíon mando pareçer ante si a gaspar fernandez de medeíros del qual fue tomado y reçevído juramento en forma y prometio de deçír verdad.

1 A la primera pergunta dixo que el se llama gaspar fernandez de medeyros de naçíon portugues de sant lorenço termino de villareal de edad de quarenta y seis años su officio es servir a su magestad de soldado y esta casado en puerto de macan.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que a estado en la china y que vino de la yndia abra veinte y quatro y veynte y çinco años dentro del qual tiempo a ydo y venido muchas vezes a la chína de la yndía y abra siete años poco mas o menos que vive en macan con su muger y casa.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo ques verdad que el Rey de china tiene armadas muy gruesas en la costa y con ellas a peleado este testigo algunas vezes y que no dexan entrar en aquel Reyno a ningun estrangero que sean muchos que sean pocos porque los matan los soldados que estan en las dichas armadas o los prenden y meten en prisiones adonde mueren con crueles tormentos y algunas vezes matan a los propios naturales que viven por las yslas que estan çerca de la tierra (p. 32) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 188 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

10 firme. Por llevarse el premio que les esta señalado por cada cabeça que llevan cortandoles el cavello para diferençiarlos y deçír que son estrangeros y a este testigo le acaeçio que yendo en conserva de otra nao cuyo cappitan mayor era manuel trabaços se derotaron por tiempo y no pudiendo tornar a Macau fueron a reconoçer mas arriba a chincheo y aunque les mostravan las proviçiones que llevavan de como eran de paz y andavan al trato de macan pelearon con ellos la armada del rey da China y prendieron y mataron mucha gente de los portugueses y gente de serviçio y a visto este testigo andarse por macan quexando algunas mugeres japonas y chinas cristianas que aviendo salido sus maridos a pescar alli çerca encontraran con ellos los soldados del armada y por llevar el premio les quitavan las cabeças y sabe este testigo que de esto se an ido a quejar a los manterines y dadoles notiçía dello y no lo rremedian de manera que la entrada de aquel reyno es ynposible sin que el que lo pretendiere se ponga a peligro de muerte por qualquiera ocaçion que sea.

4 A la quarta pregunta díxo que los padres de la compañia an estado en aquella dicha çiudad por espaçio y tiempo de veynte años poco mas o menos y sabe que en este tiempo an yntentado como la pregunta dize el predicar el Evangelio y nunca se lo an permitido y a lo demas contenido en la pregunta dixo que este testigo a ydo muchas vezes a la çiudad de canton a la contrataçion que la pregunta dize y a visto que an ydo con los portugueses padres de la compañia y esto muchas vezes y a visto que los dichos padres desputanban con los bonços que son los saçerdotes de los chinos y hecho otros medios para que aquella gente se convirtiese pero nunca les a visto que ayan querido premitir predicar el evangelio publicamente ni que tomen casa pero no sabe que por dezir que quíeren predicar los dichos padres los ayan querido açotar.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque este testigo se a hallado muchas vezes presente quando los padres hablan a los mandrines y a visto (p. 33)

Que no les an consentido hablar sino es hincandose de rodillas y sabe que sino lo quisiesen hazer los echarian de alli sin quererles oyr con mucho Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 189

desacato y aunque por esta rrazon nunca a visto açotar a ningun padre pero tiene por çierto que si quisiesen porfiar en estar en pie para hablar les mandarian açotarlos y aun matar a açotes porque el obispo don melchor carnero que fue a hablarles sobre un negoçío de un chino que se avia convertido le quisieron hazer que se hincara de rodillas y no lo quiso hazer por lo qual le maltrataron y aun pusieron mano en el y sino fuera porque los portugueses entraron a defenderlo le açotaran y los portugueses se pusieron a harto peligro de sus vidas por ello.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que como en ella se contiene es la verdad porque este testigo muchas vezes a ydo a hablar a los manterines por medio de los dichos ynterpretes y sabe que no les osan deçir cosa que no les de gusto a los dichos manterines lo qual sabe este testigo por las respuestas que le dan muy fuera de proposito de lo que se tratava por donde este testigo tiene por çierto que por medio de los ynterpretes de aquel Reyno es ynposible poder deçir cosa que toque a nuestra fe por el gran miedo que les tienen porque luego los mandarian açotar y matar a açotes y esto no cree que lo hazen por aborreçímyento que tienen a nuestra fe sino que son tan sobervios que ellos se tienen por dioses de la tierra y asi los padres de la conpañia viendo el poco rremedio que por medio de los ynterpretes tienen para poder dezir alguna cosa procuran de prender la lengua para poder hablar con ellos.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que quando los portugueses van a contratar a canton siempre llevan ynterpretes cristianos naturales de la tierra y por miedo de los muchos açotes que les dan van con mucho miedo y de muy mala gana y sabe este testigo que por ninguna manera se atreveran a dezir alos manterines cosa ninguna que sea fuera de pagarles sus derechos o tratar algunas cosas tocantes a la rrepublica y si ellos se atreviesen les costarían muchos açotes y aun la vida por ya a oydo dezir este testigo que muchos ynterpretes an muerto a açotes pero que este testigo no se recuerda que por ser cristianos (p. 34)

11 Y llevar ynsínías y señales de ello les tengan algun odio.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que el no se determina a juzgar si se convertirian a nuestra fe los naturales de aquel Reyno aunque diesen liçençia THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 190 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

para predicar el evangelio entre ellos porque los que este testigo a visto y tratado son por la mayor parte gente que anda enbuelta en todos los viçios y peccados del mundo cudiçiosos sobremanera y que no creen que ay mas que bivir y morir y tienen por çierto que aunque ellos viesen que les convenia para su salvaçion convertirse no lo osarian hazer ni ymaginar sin leçençía de sus mantelines por el gran temor que les tíenen y tenerlos tan supeditados.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo que es tan çierto lo que en ella se contiene que no ay dello ninguna duda ni es posible que hombre naçido estrangero pueda entrar en aquel reyno a predicar sin liçençía de los mantelines por la gran vigilança que sobre ello tienen de que ningun estrangero entre y tiene por çierto que por algun caso alguno pudiese o se atreviese a entrar sin liçençía y quisiese dezir alguna cosa le harian pedaços y desto no ay duda ninguna como tanpoco la ay de que los manterines querran dar lisençía para predicar el evangelio si dios no haze algun milagro por yspíríençia que de esto hasta aora se tiene.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que este testigo se hallo en la çiudad de macan quando los rreligiosos en ella contenidos fueron a la dicha çiudad y sabe que paso con ellos lo contenido en la dicha pergunta porque en llegando a tierra los prendieron y fueron muy maltratados y sino fuera por los portugueses ninguna duda ay sino que los mataran o tubieran en priçion hasta que murieran y costo el sacarlos del poder de los chinos a los vezinos de macan mas de tres mill pesos.

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene y pasa y es verdad como en ella lo dize porque este testigo se hallo en la çiudad de macan quando el dicho alonso Sánchez vino a ella de canton y supo como aviá sido preso luego como llego a tierra de china y paso (p. 35)

Travajos y peligros el y los que con el fueron y este testigo vino desde la çiudad de macan a estas yslas con el dicho alonso Sánchez aunque no sabe lo que negoçio con los manterines de canton pero sabe por lo que oyo dezir a muchas personas que hizieron burla de la enbaxada que llevava y en repuesta le mandaron que saliese de la tierra y que el ni otro ninguno destas yslas bolviese mas alla y que se rremite en esto a lo que el dicho alonso Sánchez dixere y los que con el fueron. Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 191

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que este testigo oyo dezir que en la çíudad de macan lo contenido en la pregunta y venido a estas yslas a oydo dezir lo mesmo y que la chapa que el capitan traxo para poder venir de macan a estas yslas contiene que ningun español de los de estas yslas fueron queden alla aora sea religíoso aora lego y que de aca ninguno buelva porque estan ya condenados a muerte los que fueren y tiene por çierto este testigo que yremisiblemente lo executaran.

13 A la trezena pregunta dixo que este testigo sabe de esta pregunta muy mucho por el mucho tiempo que alla a estado y por la mucha conversaçíon que con los naturales de alla a tenydo y sabe que los manterines y governadores de aquella tierra son perversisímos en quanto a tener presos y tiraniçados a los naturales de aquella tierra de manera que si ubiese alguna via o manera para poderse livertar de ellos lo harian de muy buena gana y si algun Prinçipe cristiano fuese con fuerça a aquel Reyno bastante para poderlos defender tiene por muy çierto que se pasarian a el ynnumerables hombres de aquel Reyno y esto sabe porque aunque con el grandisimo miedo que tienen a sus manterines no osan hablar pero muchos de aquel Reyno hablando con este testígo en secreto le an dicho el deseo que todos tienen de verse libres de tanta miseria y sujeçion como en aquel reyno tienen porque no son tratados como hombres libres sino peor que esclavos.

14 A la catorzena pregunta díxo que este testigo sabe que aviendose buelto cristiano un chino le mandaron yr de macan a canton y fue con el obispo como dixo (p. 36)

12 Tiene y en presençia del lo açotaron y hizieron esclavo y le echa la tierra adentro y sabe que a pocos años que de alla donde esta escrivio a sus parientes para que traten con los portugueses que le enbien algun socorro y ellos se lo an enbiado y tiene por çierto que si otro alguno se convirtiese de quenta harian con el lo mismo y este testigo tiene para si que si los portugueses de macan tuvíesen bastante fuerça para poder defenderlos de los manterines abrian muchos que se convertirian a nuestra fe.

15 A la dezimaquinta dixo que sabe que los vezinos de la çíudad de macan son vejados de los manterines quitandoles a los naturales que no les traigan THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 192 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

vastimentos con pena de muerte las quales penas executan los dichos manterines y de un año a esta parte sabe este testigo que por esta causa an muerto muchos naturales y despoblado pueblos enteros y del hedor de los cuerpos que andavan muertos por la mar vino a aver rramo de pestilençía en macan y aora nadie osa venír con los mantenimientos sin liçençía de los mantelines la qual dan con mucha dificultad y asi balen los mantenimientos muy caros aviendo en la tierra mas abundançía que en ninguna parte del mundo y que sino fuera por una nao que vino cargada de harroz de vengala ubieran de pereçer de hambre por lo qual entiende que aquella çíudad no puede yr adelante y algunos se an començado a yr a la yndia y este año presente fueron doze casados con sus mugeres y familias a vívir a malaca y de que aquella çiudad se despueble vernan los ynconvinientes en la pregunta contenidos y otros muchos porque con el trato de aquella çiudad se sustenta la yndia y la cristiandad de japon y la yglessia perderia una gran ocaçion que tiene para poder entrar por ella a la china y de tres o quatro años a esta parte an ydo acreçentando los derechos de manera que son aora doblados y aun tres doblados de como solian y entienden todos los de aquella çiudad que los chinos andan buscando ocaçion de que los que en aquella çiudad estan se despueblen.

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que no ay para que asentar su repuesta porque a la letra es verdad lo que la Va entre renglones se, vala. (p. 37)

Pregunta dize y sabe este testigo que despues que en aquel Reyno an sabido que su magestad es Rey de Portugal andan muy sobreaviso y le pareçe a este testigo y tiene por muy çierto que quanto mas dilatare su magestad el venyr sobre aquel Reyno tanto mas dificultoso le sera conqusitarle y aora con brevedad viniese trayendo bastante fuerça seria muy façil tomarlo y lo que aora seria bastante con diez adelante no seria bastante çiento porque aora el Reyno de China esta sin armas que aunque es verdad que tienen muy muchas fortaleças y proveydas con muchas armas pero son ruynes y de poco efeto y ellos por ley del Reyno andan desarmados y no usados en la guerra y este testigo se a visto muchas vezes con ellos en pelea y sabe quan ruyn gente es y podra ser que como ya saben que el Rey de España es tan poderoso se pusieren en exerçitar en las armas y les sera cosa muy façil peltrecharse de manera que sera ynvensible. Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 193

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo que lo que este testigo siente del presente es que seria mexor gastarlo en la armada que se ubiese de hazer contra ellos porque pasaria a la letra lo que la pregunta dize segun paso con otro presente que se enbio en nombre del Rey de Portugal que no quisieron reçevirle y hizieron burla del con ser cosas las que se enbiavan de mucho valor.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo que lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho es publico y notorio entre todos los hombres que tienen alguna notiçia de china e la verdad para el juramento que hecho tiene y firmolo de su nombre gaspar fernandez de medeyros frai domingo obispo de las philipinas ante my Juan de ybarra secretario

Testigo En la çiudad de manila a veynte y seís de abril de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años su señoria reverendisima mando pareçer ante si a cristoval cardoso del qual fue tomado y reçevido juramento en forma so cargo del qual prometio de dezir verdad

1 Preguntado por la primera pregunta del ynterrogatorio díxo que se llama cristoval cardoso natural de la ysla de sant miguel y que es de edad de veinte y çínco años y que es soldado.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que a estado en china re (p. 38)

13 Sidente en la çiudad de macan tiempo de çínco años.

3 A la terzera pregunta díxo que desde la ysla de aynao que es el prinçípio de la China por la parte de la Yndia hasta la çiudad de liampo que es a la vanda del norte que confina con japon que a su pareçer seran seisçíentas o séteçientas de costa esta todo el año lleno de navios del Rey de la China en todo el año guardando y defendiendo la entrada a todas las naçiones que van a aquel Reyno eseto el puerto de macan adonde dexan entrar los portugueses y en la çiudad de canton a los sianes lo qual sabe este testigo porque lo a visto andando por aquella costa y que a todos los navios sean cuyos fueren que fuera del puerto de macan los encontrare la armada en la THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 194 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

costa o ellos dieren en ella los matan los soldados o (tachado: los) echan en priçion de donde con mucha dificultad salen y esto sabe por los muchos casos que a visto açerca desto aconteçer en china con los estrangeros y que sabe que yendo algunos navios de portugueses a Japon dio uno de ellos a la costa en la çiudad de lianpo abra como quatro o çinco años y les cortaron las cabeças a todos ellos eseto dos o tres muchachos que se libraron y aora estan la tierra a dentro hechos esclavos y que uno de ellos abra ocho meses poco mas o menos que se vino a la çíudad de macan huyendose de entre ellos y este testigo le a visto y hablado muchas vezes y dize que el vio por sus ojos cortar las cabeças a todos los portugueses que serian como veinte y çínco los quales (tachado: po) a la mayor parte este testigo conoçio y tubo por amigos y camaradas y a la saçon que esto paso este testigo se hallo en japon adonde se supo luego que se perdio el junco en que yvan y que no sabe la causa que tuvieron para matarlos sino por no verlos en su tierra o por codiçía de robarlos y que el premio contenido en la pregunta es publica boz y fama en la çiudad de macan y que a los propios esclavos que tienen los portugueses en la çiudad de macan suelen cortarles las cabeças por llevar aquel premío y que abra ocho meses que a tres o quatro chinos cristianos yendose a holgar fuera de la çiudad les cortaron las cabeças (p. 39)

Y llevaron a la çiudad de canton y que sospecha que lo hizieron por llevar el premio y que vido quejarse a las mugeres de los dichos chinos cristianos y que algunas de ellas estan ya casadas otra ves y que por esta causa hazen otros muchos ynsultos y rrobos segun es publico y notorío en la çiudad de macan asi entre los portugueses como entre los naturales cristianos.

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que sabe que a muchos años que los padres de la conpañia estan en la çiudad de macan y que por mucho que an procurado predicarles el evangelio nunca se lo an permitido los mantelines y que nunca les an querido dexar tomar casa y lo demas contenido en la pregunta no lo sabe.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que lo que en ella contenido es ella es uso y costumbre de aquel Reyno que estando los manterines haziendo audiençia se an de hincar de rodillas todos los que (tachado: qui) obíeren de negoçiar con ellos y que no los oyran de otra manera y sabe este testigo porque asi es Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 195

publico y notorio que el patriarca don melchor carnero yendo a cánton a hablar con uno de aquellos manterines le trataron con poco respeto y a enpujones lo echaron de la sala y que este testigo no sabe si fue porque no se quiso hincar de rrodillas o por otra cosa.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que los ynterpretes que los mantelines tienen para negoçiar con los estrangeros a oydo dezir y es cosa publica y notoria que no osan dezir a los manterines ninguna cosa de lo que los estranxeros dixeren si no fuere a su gusto de los dichos manterines.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que este testigo a ydo a canton a negoçiar con los mantelines y los ynterpretes que llevo no osaron dezir ninguna cosa de lo que les dixo fuera de lo que es conprar y vender y sacar liçençía para ello y que quando fuera desto quieren que les digan algo no se atreven por miedo de los açotes que les darían y este testigo a visto pasar por yspiriençía lo que aqui dize que por no querer dezir el ynterprete çíerto negoçio que le dixo Va testado qui, non vala, obiere, bala, de lo que los, vala. (p. 40)

14 Ubo este testigo de hazer una petiçion y de esta manera hazen los portugueses quando quieren negoçiar.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que la gente popular esta tan sujeta y rendida a la voluntad de los mantelines y los tienen amedrentados que aunque ubiese muchos predicadores del evangelio sin que ellos se lo mandasen no lo osarian hazer y que sabe esto por la mucha yspiriençía que tiene de la condiçíon de los dichos manterines.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo que no sabe si mandarian matar al que entrase a predicar el Evangelio o hazer otra qualquiera cosa pero tiene por çierto que no le consintirian predicar sin llevar primero a los manterines y que por lo menos le echarian en priçíon de donde no podria salir sino con muy gran dificultad y que de ninguna manera daran liçençía para que prediquen el evangelio segun la espiriençía que hasta aora se tiene.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que sabe todo lo contenido en la pregunta THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 196 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

porque a todo se a hallado presente y lo a visto y sabe que costo a la çiudad de macan tres mill pesos poco mas o menos su rrescate de los dichos padres.

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que el no se hallo presente en macan quando vino a ella el dicho padre porque este testigo estava en Canbox y quando vino a la çiudad de macan oyo lo contenido en la pregunta y es publico y notorio en la dicha çiudad de macan y que este testigo vino en conpañia del dicho alonso Sánchez a esta çíudad y que sabe que no truxo ninguna carta de los manterines de canton ni repuesta de la enbaxada que avia llebado.

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque asi es publico en la çiudad de macan y este testigo lo oyo a muchos yndios que vinieron de canton a macan.

13 A la trezena pregunta díxo que el no puede afirmar lo contenido en ella con çertidumbre pero biendo la gran sujeçion que tienen los populares a los supe (p. 41)

Riores y los malos tratamientos que les hazen no dexarian de hazer algun movimiento y procurar de echar de si tanta vejaçion como tienen.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que no la sabe porque despues que trata con los chinos nunca a visto aparençias para ello ni ynclinaçion a bolverse cristiano.

15 A la dezimaquinta pregunta dixo que lo que en ella se contiene es la verdad porque este testigo es uno de los que an pasado los dichos travajos y a visto la hambre que se a pasado por no dexar traer los mantenimyentos y el acreçentamíento de los derechos que hazen cada dia y que entiende que los manterines hazen estas vejaçiones porque los portugueses despueblen aquella çíudad lo qual se abra de hazer si su magestad no los faboreçe con tiempo.

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que despues que los dichos padres e soldados destas partes fueron a la china son mas vejados los vezinos de macan y tienen puesta mas guarda en la costa y andan con mas rrecato y que abra Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 197

un año que vinieron dos navios de la yndia y que enbiaron a dezir los manterines de canton que si alguna nao de aquellas era de castellanos que no entrasen en macan y que si su magestad pretende alguna cosa de la china es neçesario hazerlo con brevedad porque haziendolo luego abra menor dificultad.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo que en quanto toca al presente es como la pregunta dize y que sería mexor convertirlo en armas y soldados porque ellos no lo an de reçevír ni el Rey lo a de ver y que en lo que toca al presente del Rey de Portugal este testigo no lo sabe.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo que todo lo que dicho tiene es publico y notorio entre todos los que tienen notiçía de la china y que lo que tiene dicho en este su dicho es la verdad para el juramento que hecho tiene y lo firmo de su nombre cristoval cardoso, frai domingo obispo de las philípínas. (p. 42)

15 Ante mi Juan de Ybarra secretario

Testigo En la çiudad de manila a dos de mayo de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años su señoria Reverendisima mando pareçer ante si al cappitan francisco de dueñas del qual fue tomado y reçevido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de deçir verdad.

1 Fue preguntado por la primera pregunta del ynterrogatorio y dixo que es natural de Veles malaga de edad de quarenta años y que a servido a su magestad en estas yslas de doze años a esta parte siendo sargento y alferez y capitan y al pressente es alcalde mayor de la provinçia de bulacan.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que este testigo fue destas yslas al Reyno de la china con el padre frei pedro de alfaro comisario de los descalços y con otros Religiosos de su orden y este testigo fue en su guarda con otros dos compañeros y que estuvo en el Reyno de la china ocho meses los quatro de ellos en la çiudad de canton y los demas andubo por las çiudades de la tierra adentro obra de çiento y çinquenta leguas a donde vido muchas çiudades muy populosas. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 198 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

A la terçera pregunta del ynterrogatorio dixo que este testigo con las demas personas en la fragata donde fueron y en el demas tiempo que en el dicho Reyno de china estubo vido mucha cantidad de navios que andavan en la costa repartidos por sus esquadras y sabe por averselo oydo dezir a ellos que traen orden de matar o prender a todos los que enquentran no llevando proviçiones de sus governadores y que tienen premyo señalado a los soldados que andan en la dicha armada por cada caveça que llevaren de los estrangeros diziendo que son ladrones que llegan a espiar sus puertos y que si a este testigo y sus compañeros no los (p. 43)

Prendieron o mataron fue porque dios quiso que no les viesen las guardas por meritos de los rreligiosos que alli yvan porque este testigo paso a vista de los dichos navios y no los vieron pasar aunque pasaron bien çerca de ellos y supo despues este testigo estando en la çiudad de canton que el governador de ella mando prender a los capitanes de la dicha armada que fueron mas de quarenta y los açotaron y al cappitan mayor de ellos le privaron de officio y le quítaron sus bienes solo porque los avia dexado pasar.

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que sabe por averlo oydo deçír a los portugueses que estan en la çíudad de macan y a algunos chinos ladínos lo contenido en la pregunta y que los padres de la conpañia an yntentado muchas vezes a predicar y nunca se lo an permitido los governadores y a oydo dezir este testigo a muchas personas así portugueses como chinos que un padre de la dicha conpañia se dexo creçer el cavello y se puso en avito de chino y se entro la tierra adentro mas de cinquenta leguas de donde le bolvieron preço pero que no sabe que le ayan hecho ningun mal tratamiento por ello.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que este testigo vio que todas las vezes que el padre frai pedro de alfaro y los demas Religiosos y este testigo entre ellos les avian de hablar a los dichos manterines se hincavan de Rodillas y no les querian oyr de otra manera y les davan muchos renpujones y bozes hasta que se hincavan de rodillas.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que este testigo se hallo presente al tiempo que los rreligiosos de san francisco hablavan con los mantelines y de un chino ladino que alla estaba supo que el ynterprete no dezia cosa alguna de lo que los padres les dezían (p. 44) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 199

16 Y despues preguntandole este testigo y los dichos padres al dicho ynterprete que porque no avia dicho la verdad respondio que no lo avia osado dezir porque si la dixera a el y a ellos los matarian a açotes y asi entiende este testigo que en lo que toca al predicar no les daran licençia a los predicadores.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que no la sabe mas de que este testigo vido a los portugueses y algunos ynterpretes.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que tiene por verdadero lo contenido en la dicha pregunta porque hablando este testigo con chinos ladinos en lengua portuguesa les oyo dezír que no tratasen de hazer nínguno cristiano en la china porque si los mantelines vian la çerimonia entenderian que era alguna conjuraçíon para alçarse con la tierra y que por este respeto ninguno se osaria a tornar cristiano

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que por yspiriençía se sabe que no los dexan predicar y que por amor de los portugueses no los an muerto a los Religiosos que hasta aora an ydo destas yslas y que tiene por çierto que si aora bolviesen alla los matarian sin falta y que sera ynposible alcançar liçençia para predicar en aquellos Reynos.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que quando este testigo fue la primera vez como arriba tiene dicho y por ser la primera y entender los manterines que era gente derrotada y perdida y que no llebavan armas ofensivas ni defensivas. Por lo qual no los prendieron ni maltrataron ni fue neseçario que los portugueses los rescatasen aunque les mandaron que se saliesen del Reyno. Pero que a los segundos y terçeros como entendieron que proçedian de ellos los prendieron y maltrataron y fue neseçario que los portugueses los rescatasen por mucha cantidad de dineros

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta es publico y notorio en esta çiudad y que este testigo a hablado con el dicho alonso Sánchez y los demas que con el fueron y se an dicho lo contenido en ella.

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que este testigo se hallo presente quando en presençía de su señoria reverendisima y del padre comisario de san francisco y de algunos portugueses que (p. 45) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 200 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Vinieron en el dicho navio y de otras personas que se hallaron pressentes un chino ladino leyo la dicha proviçion y dixo contenerse en ella lo que la pregunta dize y despues supo este testigo que se torno a leer la dicha chapa en casa del governador y contenia lo dicho.

13 A la trezena pregunta dixo que este testigo tiene por çierto lo que se contiene en la pregunta por lo que vio y entendio en la tierra porque con no tener la seguridad que la pregunta dize por goçar de alguna livertad ay muchos que se an levantado mucha gente asi en la tierra como en la mar.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo contenido en la pregunta a algunos portugueses pero no sabe otra cosa.

15 A la dezimaquinta pregunta dixo que a oydo deçír (tachado: en) lo contenido (tachado: pregun) en la pregunta a los portugueses.

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que a oydo deçír lo contenido en ella a los portugueses que rreçiden en macan y que a oydo dezir que se an peltrechado mucho mas de lo que solian estar quando este testigo fue a aquel Reyno y que en lo que toca a la brevedad de que la pregunta habla a este testigo le pareçe que quanto mas se dilatare tanto yra siempre cobrando mas sospecha de nosotros porque ellos ven que vamos haziendo pie en estas yslas y que a los españoles tienen por gente velicosa y que andan ganando Reynos agenos por lo qual podia ser que rebelandose del mal que les podría venir se peltrecharan de manera que sea muy dificultoso el entrar en aquel Reyno y que este testigo oyo dezír muchas vezes a muchos vezinos de la çiudad de canton que los castellanos de luçon se juntavan en esta çiudad para yrles a tomar su tierra mas que no pensasemos que son ellos como luçones para que ayan de dexar tomar su tierra.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo que tiene por muy ynpertinente que se enbie el dicho presente porque entenderan que se lo enbian por tributo y que no dexaran al enbaxador hablar ni querran recevir el dicho presente.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo que todo lo que dicho tiene es la verdad y publico y notorio y lo firmo de su nombre francisco de dueñas frai domingo obispo de las philipinas ante mi Juan de Ybarra secretario Va testado pregun, non vala (p. 46) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 201

Testigo En la çiudad de manila a doze de mayo de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años su señoria reverendisima mando pareçer ante si a juan de la feria soldado del qual fue tomado e reçevido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de deçir verdad siendo preguntado por el tenor del ynterrogatorio dixo lo siguiente

1 A la primera pregunta dixo que se llama Juan de la Feria y que es soldado y natural de cartaya y de edad de quarenta y çinco años y que su ofiçio es servir a su magestad de soldado.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que este testigo fue a la china abra un año poco mas o menos en conpañia de frai Gerónimo de burgos comisario de los descalços y con otros seis religiosos y dos marineros que por no ser conoçidos por seglares se pusieron este testigo y los demas legos el avito de san francisco y que estubieron en la tierra de china obra de nueve meses poco mas o menos.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo que este testigo vio por sus ojos muchos navios que andavan en guarda de la costa y que no dexan entrar a nadie y que a este testigo y a sus compañeros los prendieron en la costa de la china y los llevaron presos y con guardas a la çiudad de canton y que llegando a qualquier pueblo los ponian presos en una casa y no los dexavan hablar a nadie y que el premio que la pregunta dize que lo a oydo deçir que tienen por amor de los japones que es la naçíon (tachado: que) a que ellos mas temen sino es aora que a lo que este testigo tiene entendido que nos tienen mas odio a nosotros desde que los padres franciscos començaron a yr de estas yslas a la China y porque sabe que el Reyno de Portugal es de castilla.

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que este testigo a estado en la çíudad de macan y sabe que es publico y notorio que los padres de la conpañia estan poblados en la dicha çiudad y que an muchas vezes procurado predicar el evangelío y no se lo an dexado segun lo oyo dezír a un ynterprete de los propios chinos que se lo dezia a los padres y oyo este testigo dezir a un manterin a los padres que con el yvan que no tenian para que yr alla que no se les consentiría baptizar ni predicar. Va testado que, non vala (p. 47) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 202 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que este testigo a visto que el y los padres que les hablavan a los mantelines se ponian de rodillas y cree que si asi no lo hizieran los mandaran acotar.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que pasa asi como en la pregunta se contiene porque aunque este testigo no sabe la lengua supo que los ynterpretes no osavan dezír lo que los padres deçian por miedo de los açotes.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que no la sabe.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que este testigo tiene para si por cosa çierta lo contenido en la dicha pregunta porque este testigo entendio de algunos de ellos que por miedo de los manterines no osarian tratar de cosas de la fe porque es tan grande el miedo que tienen a los dichos manterines que aunque vean que es cosa que les conviene no lo osaran hazer por el miedo que les tienen.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo que no sabe lo que harian si ubiese alguno que supiese la lengua que hasta aora bien sabe este testigo que no se a dado liçençia para predicar pero que si ubiese alguna buena lengua seria posible darla.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en la terçera pregunta en quanto toca al tratamiento que les hizieron en la china y a lo que a dicho en la segunda pregunta quanto a los religiosos aver ydo destas yslas y sabe que los portugueses dieron dineros para sacarlos del poder de chinos.

11 A la onzena pregunta dixo que este testigo vio en la çiudad de macan al padre alonso Sánchez y supo como avía estado preço y vino con el a esta çiudad y no sabe que truxese repuesta de la enbaxada que llebo al governador de canton.

12 A la dezimasegunda pregunta dixo que lo contenido en ella oyo dezir en la çiudad de macan y despues en esta çíudad.

13 A la dezimaterçía pregunta dixo que tiene por çierto lo contenido en ella porque este testigo vio por vista de ojos que (p. 48) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 203

18 Los manterines los mandavan açotar y les tienen tanto temor que sintiesen en otra parte algun fabor se yrian a ella y que esta es la causa porque ay muchos alcamientos en china.

14 A la dezimaquarta pregunta dixo que no la sabe pero que si ubíese fuerça que los defendiese de los manterines muchos dellos se bolverian cristianos.

15 A la dezimaquinta pregunta dixo que oyo deçír a los portugueses lo contenido en la pregunta en la çiudad de macan asi en los derechos quanto a los bastimentos y malos tratamíentos.

16 A la dezimasesta pregunta dixo que bien entiende este testigo que se alborotarian los chinos quando fueron los Religiosos destas yslas pero que no sabe que se ayan peltrechado mas de lo que solian y segun la dispusiçion que este testigo vio en la tierra le pareçe que si aora que estan descuidados les acometiesen no abría mucha dificultad en rrendirlos porque no tienen armas y aunque muchos se harian a la banda de quien los acometiese y que segun tienen tanta copia de metales si començasen a tratar de la guerra se podrian peltrechar de manera que fuese ynposible entrar porque los tíene por gente de mucha avilidad.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo que el presente es cosa ynpertinente y afrentosa para españoles sino fuese tanta gente que aunque les pesase lo llevasen al Rey pero este testigo tendría por mejor que se convirtiese el presente en arcabuzes y polvora para pelear contra los chinos y que el presente de el Rey de portugal lo oyo dezir y que no quisieron rreçevirlo.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo que todo lo que dicho tiene es la verdad para el juramento que fecho tiene y en ello se afirmo y ratifico y lo firmo se su nombre Juan de la Feria, el obispo de las philipinas ante mi Juan de Ybarra secretario.

Testigo

En la çiudad de manila a treze dias del mes de junyo del año de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años su señoria reverendisima (p. 49) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 204 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Mando pareçer ante a alonso gomez píloto de la carrera de españa y de las philipinas y de el viaje de la china del qual reçivio juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de deçir verdad e siendo preguntado por el ynterrogatorio dixo lo siguíente.

1 A la primera pregunta dixo que se llama alonso gomez y que es natural de tenerífe y que sera de edad de veynte y ocho años poco mas o menos y que es piloto en la carrera de españa y de las philipinas y de la china.

2 A la segunda pregunta dixo que este testigo que a estado en ella por espaçio de siete meses preso por los chinos yendo por piloto de un navio en que se llevava una enbaxada al virrey de canton y al capitan mayor de macan.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene y que asi pasa como la pregunta lo dize porque así lo oyo deçír a los ynterpretes chinos andando preso entre ellos a donde muchas vezes procuraron de cortar a este testigo la cabeça y a otros dos conpañeros.

4 a la quarta pregunta dixo que todo lo que la pregunta dize lo oyo este testigo dezir a los padres de la compañia de la çiudad de macan y que los chinos que se baptizan no osan bolver mas a la china por miedo de que los mataran o trataron mal todo lo qual es publico y notorio en la çiudad de canton y macan y en toda aquella tierra.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo vio que lo hazian hazer asi a un padre de la conpañia y a otros dos padres de la orden de sant francisco y asi oyo deçír que quisieron a un padre de la conpañia portugues porque no se queria hincar de rrodillas a hablar a un governador.

6 A la sesta pregunta dixo que todo lo que la pregunta dize a oydo dezir (tachado: enb) en macan a los padres de la compañya y a otras muchas personas que a mas de treinta años que tratan con ellos y que no quieren dezir lo que los predicadores dizen porque no los castíguen.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que asi lo a oydo dezir este testigo en la çiudad de macan a los mesmos ynterpretes cristianos Va enmendado preso, vala e testado enb, non vala (p. 50) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 205

19 8 A la otava pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo díze porque aun los que se baptizan en macan andan tenblando de los governadores y otros no se osan baptizar por miedo de ellos porque en baptizandose uno dizen que se haze traidor a su Rey y Reyno y esto sabe porque lo a oydo deçir a los mesmos chinos y a visto que pasa asi en macan y sabe que qualquier chino baptizado que buelve a dexar nuestra fe y se ba entre ellos le hazen mucha corteçía y esto mesmo hazen con los criados de los portugueses que se van a vivir entre ellos y usan de lo que ellos usan.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo este testigo que no solamente a los predicadores que aora fueren a la china pero a qualquier español que alla aportare qualquier chino que lo viere y le pudíere aver a las manos le cortara la cabeça sin rremiçion ni dar quenta a sus mayores porque asi se apregono en la costa de la china estando este testigo preso en la china y asi se lo dixeron a el y que hasta aora no an querido los governadores que se predique nuestra fe y que entiende que tanpoco lo haran de aqui adelante.

10 A la dezima pregunta dixo este testigo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque asi lo vido este testigo que a esta saçon tanbien estubo el preso y que tanbien este testigo fue uno de los que rrescataron.

11 A la undezima pregunta dixo este testigo que la sabe como en ella se contíene porque a el le prendieron tanbien juntamente con el dicho padre de la compañia y aviendo soltado al padre tuvieron preso a este testigo çínco meses mas dízíendo que el tenia la culpa y que a conoçer los puertos y entradas para poder ganar aquella tierra y sino le socorrieran con el rescate en la dezima pregunta contenido padeçiera muy mayores travajos de los que paso.

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo este testigo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque fue uno de los que vinieron en el dicho navio y era piloto del navio en que alla fueron los dichos padres y esto se lo dixeron a el muchas vezes Va enmendado aquella, vala. (p. 51)

Quando lo tenian preso y fue lo que se pregono por la costa. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 206 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

13 A la trezena pregunta dixo este testigo que entiende y tiene por çierto que qualquier prinçipe poderoso que ellos entendiesen que los pudiese favoreçer que muy muchos se harian de su vanda por las grandes molestias que padeçen y tributos que pagan porque muchos de ellos se huyen de aquel Reyno y se vienen entre nosotros y se van a otras partes.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que asi pasa como la pregunta lo dize porque asi lo vio en macan usar con algunos chinos y asi oyo deçír que se avía usado con otros chinos.

15 A la quinzena pregunta dixo que es asi pasa como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo a visto que muchas vezes los manterines quitavan la comida a los que la trayan y los açotavan de manera que si no es a escondidas y de noche nadie se atreve a traer nada y así mesmo vio que muchos cristianos se yvan de aquella çíudad despoblandose de alli por aquestas y otras molestias

16 A la sesta dezima pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque asi lo a oydo dezir a los ynterpretes chinos y a los portugueses y asi mesmo dize por lo que vio en la disposiçion de la tierra y en la gente de ella que aora poca gente española haria mucho efeto porque ellos ninguno trae armas ni las puede traer fuera de los soldados de las armadas y los de las guardas de los governadores.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo este testigo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo vio que qualquier mantelin de los de china haze tanto estado y muestra tanta magestad como qualquier poderoso prinçípe con gran ponpa y sobervia y oyo dezír a los portugueses que el presente que enbio el Rey de Portugal al de la china hizieron muy poco caudal del como si fuera de un hombre baxo y así dizen los portugueses que lo que se a de gastar en presente sera mexor y aprovechara mas que se gaste en polvora Va sobreraydo ellos, vala. (p. 52) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 207

20 Y muniçiones.

18 A la dezimaotava pregunta dixo este testigo que es publico y notorio por donde este testigo a andado asi en la çíudad de macan como en la de canton en la china y en estas yslas y esto es lo que sabe so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene y en ello se afirmo y ratifico y lo firmo de su nombre alonso gomez, el obispo de las philipinas ante my Juan de Ybarra secretario

Testigo

En la çiudad de manila en catorze de junio de mill y quinientos y ochenta y tres años el muy illustre y Reverendisimo Señor obispo de la dicha çiudad hizo pareçer ante si a Juan Baptizta Barragan del qual reçíbio juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio verdad y siendole leydo este ynterrogatorio dixo lo síguiente.

1 A la primera pregunta dixo que se llama Juan Baptista Barragan natural de sevilla de edad de veínte y siete años y que es hombre de la mar.

2 a la segunda pregunta dixo que a estado en la china siete meses dentro de ella y otros çinco en macan y que los siete meses estuvo preso que le prendieron yendo con un padre de la compañia que yba a llevar una enbaxada a el birrey de la china y al cappitan mayor de macan.

3 A la terçera pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo vio la armada y le prendieron los capitanes de ella y le pusieron a punto de le matar y asi mesmo es verdad que por cada cabeça que lleban al birrey de qualquiera provinçía da los dichos çínco taes y les haze merced a los que se las llevan y esto a oydo dezir a los ynterpretes muchas vezes.

4 A la quarta pregunta dixo que sabe que a mucho tiempo que los dichos padres estan y reçiden en la çiudad de macan porque este testígo los vio alli y oyo deçír que a mucho tiempo que estan allí y asi mesmo oyo dezir a los chínos que son ladinos que los mantelines de la çíudad de canton (p. 53)

Y otras çíudades no permitian ni querian que los dichos padres entrasen THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 208 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

a predicar nuestra fe y asi si yva con los portugueses algun padre dezian los chinos que para que yvan con ellos que no los dexarian los chinos predicar ni hazer nada.

5 A la quinta pregunta dixo que es como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo lo vio por vista de ojos usar con el padre alonso Sánchez de la compañia y otros padres descalços que los hazian estar de rodillas mientras hablavan con algun mantelin aunque fuese dos oras y mas.

6 A la sesta pregunta díxo que a oydo dezir que los ynterpretes quando les dizen que digan algo de nuestra fe o que van los padres a predicar no lo osan dezir sino dizen lo que ellos quieren y asi mesmo en el tiempo que este testigo estuvo en macan porque los portugueses avian baptizado en malaca a un chino les llevaron seisçientos taes de plata los chinos porque lo cristianaron.

7 A la setima pregunta dixo que sabe porque lo bío que los dichos ynterpretes cristianos huyen de yr a hablar con los mantelínes porque no los açoten o los prendan y asi quando algun criado del mantelin de alguno destos sino le da alguna plata lo acusa y por esta causa no se les puede dezir cosa que toque a nuestra fe.

8 A la otava pregunta dixo que oyo dezir este testigo a muchos chinos que sino fuese por miedo de los mantelines que se bolverian cristianos y ansi entiende que sino fuera por los que goviernan que se converterian muchos y si el virrey de qualquiera provinçía se bolviese cristiano se bolverian todos los demas de aquella provinçía porque asi lo oyo dezir a los ladinos que estan en macan que son mas de quínientos hombres.

9 A la novena pregunta dixo a oydo dezir muchas vezes (tachado: q) a los dichos chinos que el predicador que entrase a predicar que le matarian o harian lo que la pregunta dize si no lo hizíese con liçençia de los manterines o governador la qual entiende este testigo que no daran por lo que vio que pasava quando estubo preso entre ellos que por menos que esto harian lo que la pregunta dize. (p. 54) Document 1 ConclusionLetter from the First Bishop of the Philippines to the King of Spain, 18 July, 1583 209

21 10 A la dezima pregunta dixo que estando este testigo preso en el dicho rreyno de la china supo como aviendo los dichos padres aportado a aquella costa los chinos los prendieron y llevaron con guardia a la çiudad de canton donde este testigo los vido y que si los portugueses no hizieran por ellos y por este testigo padeçieran mucho travajo.

11 A la undeçíma pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo se hallo presente a ello y fue tanbien preso con el dicho Padre y que no le dieron respuesta de su enbaxada.

12 A la dozena pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo estando preso oyo como avian pregonado por toda la costa de china que a qualquier español que a ella aportare le corten luego la cabeça porque dizen que van a explorar la tierra para ver por donde se les puede entrar y esto mesmo le ynponian a este testigo y a otros compañeros que yvan con el y sobre esto pasaron mucho travajo y estuvieron a riesgo de que les cortasen las cabeças.

13 a la trezena pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque a visto que muchos se venian huyendo adonde estan los portugueses y tiene por çierto que qualquier prínçipe que los favoresçíese se harian de su bando por los tratamyentos que este testigo vio que les hazian y por la sujeçíon con que los oprímen.

14 A la catorzena pregunta dixo que es asi como lo dize la pregunta por lo que vio y oyo entre los dichos chinos y por lo que arriba tiene dicho.

15 A la quinzena pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize por que este testigo lo vio por vista de ojos y aun vio prender algunos y llevallos a los mantelines donde les llevan la pena o los castigan muy bien o los enbian a canton y ansi se padesçe travajo porque no osan llevar los dichos bastímentos y asi mismo oyo deçír a los portugueses en la çiudad de (tachado: canton) macan y a los chinos que sino les va algun socorro que se temen que los maten a todos los cristianos que estan alli.

16 A la sesta dezima pregunta dixo que es asi como la pregunta lo dize porque este testigo lo oyo dezir a los mesmos chinos y vio que se temian THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 210 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

mucho de los españoles y en viendo algun navio de españoles se quexan que que quieren con ellos los españoles y asi mesmo entiende que si con brevedad Va enmendado basti, vala, testado de canton, non vala. (p. 55)

fuesen los españoles a la dicha china que pocos harian mucho por lo que este testigo vio en la gente y en la dísposiçion de la tierra que para ganalla poca gente bastava mas para sustentarla seria menester mucha gente.

17 A la dezimasetima pregunta dixo este testigo que le pareçe cosa que no conviene a su magestad del Rey don philípe que se ynbie nada a aquel barvaro por lo que la pregunta dize y por lo que paso con el presente que le enbio el Rey de Portugal que yendo ante los mantelines un presente que valía mucha suma de ducados lo avaliaron en dos mill ducados y le hizieron al portugues que lo llebava que lo tomase y asi lo tomaron al preçio que ellos quisieron sin dexar pasar al portugues a la corte a donde el Rey estava y despues estos enbiaron a el portugues que les diese sus dos mill ducados y se quedaron con el presente y que dizen los portugueses que el presente se les avia de llevar seria mexor que fuese gente polvora y muniçiones.

18 A la dezímaotava pregunta dixo que todo lo que tiene dicho es publica boz y fama asi en la çíudad de canton como en macan y por donde este testigo a andado y es la verdad para el juramento que fecho tiene y en ello se afirmo y ratifico y lo firmo de su nombre Juan baptizta barragan, el obispo de las philipinas ante mi: Juan de ybarra secretario.

Ba testado, çiudad, que, y, pregun, que, en el, de canton, y entre renglones y emendado hecharian, vieren, preso, aquella, ellos, basti, e yo Juan de Ybarra secretario de camara fize sacar este treslado de la ynformaçion original que queda en mi poder el qual ba corregido y concertado y escripto en estas veinte y una fojas de papel en que ba mi firma y rubricas acostumbradas y su señoria Reverendisima firmo aqui para que haga entera fe y (el obispo da credito este) treslado en juicio y fuera de las filipinas do quiera que pareçiere en testimonio de verdad fize aqui mi firma y rubricas acostumbradas que es a tal Juan de Ybarra (firma) secretario (ocho rubricas igules). (p. 56) Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 211

Document 2 Document: Information on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April, 1583.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias, FILIPINAS, 79, N.17

Original title:

“Información hecha a petición de Bastián Jorge Moxar en nombre de Bartolomé Báez Landero sobre el servicio que hizo de traer de Macau a Manila al padre Alonso Sánchez y padres de la Compañía de Jesús y de la orden de San Francisco. Manila, 28 de abril de 1583.”

En la ynsigne y sienpre muy leal çiudad de manila que es en las yslas filipinas del ponyente del nuevo Reyno de Castilla de Su Magestad a veynte dias del mes de Abril de mill y quinientos e ochenta y tres años antel muy Illustre Señor diego Ronquillo governador y capitan general por Su Magestad. En estas dichas yslas y en presencia y por ante mi diego aleman escrivano publico por Su Magestad persona que uso y exerço el offiçio descrivano mayor de la governaçion destas yslas, parescio presente el capitan bestian jorge moxar e presento un poder con çiertos recaudos que su tenor del qual es el siguiente.

Muy Illustre Señor, el capitan bestian jorge en nombre y con poder que presento de bartolome vaez Landero por lo que a el toca y a mi asi mesmo digo que el derecho del dicho mi parte e mio conviene hazer ynformacion a perpetuan para ynformar a la magestad Real del Rey filipe nuestro señor de lo quel dicho mi parte e yo a venido servido particularmente en este viage de la trayda de los padres de la compañia y de san francisco y los españoles y naturales desta tierra a estas yslas filipinas e çiudad de manila de la çiudad de maçan.

A Vuestra señoria pido y suplico mande rescebir la ynformaçion de testigos que en el caso diere los quales se pregunten y examinen por este THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 212 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

ynterogatorio de que hago presentaçion y hecha la dicha ynformaçion se me den los tralados della que a mi derecho convenga ynterponiendo vuestra señoria en ello su autoridad y derecho judiçial y dando sus paresceres e pido justicia. bestian Jorge Moxar. (p. 1)

Por las preguntas y articulos siguientes sean preguntados los testigos que fueren presentados por parte del capitan bestian jorge moxar en nombre de bartolome vais landeyro vezino de la çiudad de macan e por lo que a el toca en la ynformaçion que haze ad perpetuan escritura sobrel aver traydo de la dicha çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manila los padres de la conpañia de jesus y de Sant Francisco y los demas españoles e gente que con ellos fueron a los Reynos de China.

I. Primeramente si conosçen a el dicho bartolome Vaez Landeyro vezino de la dicha çiudad de macan y a el dicho capitan bestian jorge moxar y de que tiempo a esta parte e si tienen notizia del viage de los dichos padres, digan.

II. Si saben que por el año pasado de quinyentos e ochenta y dos governando en estas yslas don gonçalo Ronquillo de penalosa despacho de esta çiudad de manyla a el padre alonso Sánchez de la compania del nonbre de jesus para que fuese a la çiudad de macan en la costa de china questa poblada de gente portuguesa con despachos que tocavan a el serviçio de la magestad Real del Rey don felipe nuestro Señor con el qual yvan cantidad despañoles e naturales desta tierra en una fragata e asi mesmo llevavan del Reverendisimo obispo destas yslas y del dicho governador cartas y despachos, digan.

III. Sy saben que pocos dias despues quel dicho padre (p. 2)

Alonso Sánchez con el dicho horden hizo el dicho viage hizieron salieron asi mesmo desta çiudad seys frayles de la horden de los descalços de san francisco en una fragata con disignio de yr a tierra de China a predicar el santo evangelio a los quales y a el dicho padre alonso Sánchez e gente que con el yva los yndios los prendieron porque se derrotaron e fueron todos a dar a la provincia de canton treynta o quarenta leguas de distançia de la çiudad de macan e presos los llevaron a la dicha çiudad de canton donde los trataron Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 213

mal procurando matallos, digan.

IIII. Sy saben que aviendo llegado a notiçia de el capitan mayor e vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan como los dichos padres e gente que con ellos yva estavan presos por los chinos y en gran conflito e peligro se dio horden como despachar gente que entrasen en la dicha tierra de china e fuesen por los dichos padres e asi luego despacharon tres vezinos de la çiudad de macan que fuesen por ellos e llevaron cantidad de mas de dos myll ducados de castilla a costa de los vezinos de la dicha çiudad por el rresgate y negociaçion de traer los dichos padres y mas gente sin lo que se gasto en pagar a las personas que a ello fueron y en los bastimentos los quales vezinos fueron a el dicho efeto e con mucho trabajo negoçiaron la libertad de los dichos padres pagando la dicha cantidad de moneda a el visrrey y mandarines de canton y traxeron los dichos padres a la dicha çiudad de macan.

V. Si saben que llegados a la dicha çiudad de macan los dichos religiosos y su compania fueron muy bien res (p. 3)

çebidos del capitan mayor y el obispo e vezinos de la dicha çiudad e aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion y obidençia de la magestad del Rey don felipe nuestro señor e dado por sus vasallos como a rrey e señor natural y el dicho padre alonso Sánchez procuro bolver a esta çiudad con sus despachos e por no aver otra comodidad se embarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaez landeyro que yva a las yslas del japon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta çiudad el qual junco se perdio en la ysla hermossa e a esta causa el dicho padre alonso Sánchez con otras muchas personas que yvan con el bolvio a la dicha çiudad de macan.

VI. Si saben que aviendo buelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez a la dicha çiudad de macan e procurado venir a esta çiudad con sus despachos considerada la poca comodidad que avia en no aver navio presto ni gente de la mar y lo demas nesçesario para su viage a causa de la resiente perdida de dicho junco rrogo a el dicho bartolome vaes landeyro hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e aprestarle de lo nesçesario para en el venir el dicho padre y las demas personas a esta çiudad e con brevedad poder enbiar los despachos a su magestad por las dichas rrazones el dicho bartolome vaez THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 214 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

landeyro hizo un junco, que es el que a venido a esta çiudad a costa suya, grande y bastante para poder venir (tachado: a esta ciudad) seguro e traer artelleria y soldados para defensa del armada dellos chinos Va tachado a esta çiudad, no vala (p. 4)

en la costa dela mar e asi le adereço de la dicha artilleria soldados piloto marineros bastimentos e todo lo demas neçesario para seguir el dicho viage y estando de partida para esta çiudad a causa de enfermedad que tuvo y otros rrespetos el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro no pudo venir el dicho viage y enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge su subrino.

VII. Si saben que a causa de ser el viage desde la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manila nuevo y no entendido ni descubierto por otra persona alguna se pasaron muchos peligros ansi en las tormentas y mal tiempo de la mar como en peligro de la costa y entendiendose no se tardar mas en la venida mas de diez dias se tardaron quarenta y tantos dias arribando y tornando e forcejando para yntentar el dicho viage hasta que se hizo e vinyeron a esta çiudad de manyla con mucho trabajo.

VIII. Sy saben que llegados a esta çiudad e desenbarcados los dichos Religiossos y mas gente el dicho bestian jorge dio los despachos que traya a el muy Illustre Señor Diego Ronquillo governador y capitan general por su magestad en estas yslas y al Reverendisimo obispo e a las demas personas para quien los traya dando noticia y claridad de toda aquella tierra de como quedava en serviçio de su magestad con mucha fidilidad, digan.

IX. Sy saben que para poder hazer el dicho junco el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan sino solamente (p. 5)

De el capitan mayor antes le fueron muchos al contrario paresçer por respetos que a ellos les parescio a causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a Japon el dicho bartolome vaez landero no por eso dudo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre prinçipal que es y que acostunbrado a servir sienpre a su rrey y señor de mas de lo qual es honbre de caudal y Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 215

animo para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe en serviçio de su magestad digan lo que saben.

X. sy saben que a causa de averse descubierto este viage a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de Dios nuestro señor y de su magestad e bien de toda esta Republica por el conmerçio que se a abierto y tendra de aqui adelante el qual hasta agora no se avia tenido por estar yncubierta esta carrera y de aqui adelante esta çiudad estara mas proveida de mas bastimentos e todo lo demas nescesario para ella y su comarca e provinçia de la nueva España, digan.

XI. sy saben que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad y es comon bos son gente honrrada e principal, buenos cristianos temerosos de dios y de su conçiençia e abra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquiera dellos qualquier merced que su magestad fuere servido de les querer hazer porque son honbres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad e qualquier cargo que se les encargue (p. 6)

e daran buena quenta dello, digan.

XII. Sy saben como todo lo susodicho es publico e notorio e publica boz e fama. bestian Jorge moxar.

Sepan quantos este publico estrumento de la bastante procuraçion vieren como en el cristiano del nasçimyento de nuestro señor jesucristo de myll y quinyentos e ochenta años a los siete dias del mes de março del dicho año en este puerto del nonbre de dios partes de la China en las casas de mi, bernardino de araujo escrivano publico e judiçial e de difuntos destas dichas partes por el rrey nustro señor parescio bartolome vaez landero por el qual fue dicho a mi el dicho escrivano e testigos de yusoescriptos que el por virtud deste poder hazia como de hecho hizo y ordeno e constituyo por sus procuradores sufyçientes e bastantes para en todo generales e bastantes con el mayor modo, via e manera que los podia e devia hazer y en derecho mas valiere a bastian jorge moxar e antonio vaz el viejo e anrrique borges y melchior correa e antonio rrabelo (tachado: mayo) bravo e fernan de soberas y el padre THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 216 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

nuno fernandez e antonio garces e antonio teixera lobo e damian gonçalez e antonio vieyra amostradores de la presente carta a los quales todos juntamente e cada uno de por si yn solidun e a quyen mejor lo pudiese hazer dixo el dicho constituynte que con libre e general administracion e dava e otorgava e de hecho luego dio e otorgo y concedio todo su libre y cumplido poder mandado comision especial e general para quellos en su nonbre en este puerto de nonbre de dios de macon adonde Va tachado mayo, no vala (p. 7)

mas le cumpliere e con el presente poder hallarse puedan por el procurador pedir e demandar rescebir e cobrar e a sus manos aver toda su hazienda dinero piezas mercaderias horo plata esclavos y esclavas y todas las mas cossas que suyas fueren y de derecho le pertenesçieren y que de otra parte para el vinyere y estuviere por cobrar vender trocar e canviar y enplear y aruscar en las enbarcaçiones naos y navios que bien les pertenesçieren e para las partes que quysieren por mar e por tierra a rriesgo del dicho constituyente hasta serle entregado y en todos sus hechos causas y demandas movidas e por mover ansi en las que fuere aver como rreo por ante qualesquier juezes e juezas a quien el conosçimyento dello con derecho pertenesçiere de partes los que le poderan poner avaçiones libelos y petiçiones dar e firmar en juizio e fuera del e todo lo quel dicho constituyente haria y diria siendo presente sin falta alguna y no seran sytados ni demandados por ninguna avaçion nueva en nonbre del dicho constityente hasta no ser primero personalmente para dar de la causa verdadera ynformacion y en si rrazonar el officio de procuratorio y usar del el officio de procuratorio y usar del quando la cumpliere con poder deso o estableçer e sostituir otros procuradores e revocallos si cumpliere prometiendo de aver todo por bien hecho E tambien firmo e valedero de oy para todo siempre y delos relevar del cargo que de la satisdaçion quel derecho en tal caso otorga e obligaçion de todos sus bienes e hazienda que para ello obligo y en testimonio de fee y verdad dello firmo este juramento de poder con los testigos que fueron presentes Blas Ribero (p. 8)

e valerio gentil y otros e yo el dicho escrivano quedo este poder en mi registro puse a dar vala con los testigos quedan firmados e dellas se hizo Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 217

sacar por la autoridad que para ello tengo y lo concerte, asi esciriv e firme aqui de mio publico signo que esto tal como de yuso se sigue. Pago con el registro çinco maravedíes.

E por su señoria vista mando quel dicho capitan bestian jorge por si y en el dicho nonbre presente los testigos de que se entiende aprovechar y se examinen por el tenor del ynterrogatorio de preguntas que presenta la qual haga la fee que de derech huviere lugar e la rrecesçion e juramento de los testigos cometia e cometia a alonso merino escrivano publico desta çiudad y esto fecho proveera juez ante mi. diego aleman escrivano publico.

Testigo

En la çiudad de manila a veynte e un dias del mes de abril de myll y quinyentos e ochenta e tres años el dicho capitan bestian jorge moxar en nombre de Bartolome Vaez Landero y por si para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a miguel haiño portugues vezino de la çiudad de macan que es en el rreyno de la gran china del qual fue tomado e resçebido juramento y el lo hizo por dios e por santa maria e por una señal de cruz en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de decir verdad e preguntado por el tenor del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo lo seguiente.

I A la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a los dichos bartolome vaes landeiro y a el capitan bestian jorge (p. 9)

moxar que es publico e notorio que es su sobrino ambos de diez años a esta parte poco mas o menos y tiene noticia del viage quel dicho capitan vestian jorge hizo a esta çiudad de manyla de la dicha çiudad de macan en el navio junco que a el presente esta en esta dicha çiudad donde vino este testigo entre los demas portugueses que de la dicha çiudad partieron.

Generales

Preguntado por las generales de las es dixo ques de hedad de veynte y cinco años poco mas e menos e no tocarle las generales. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 218 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que estando este testigo en la dicha çiudad de macan de donde es vecino tuvo noticia de como el padre alonso Sánchez de la compañia del nonbre de jesus avia salydo desta çiudad de manyla por el no conozido en la pregunta e que avia ydo por mandado y comision del governador don gonçalo Ronquillo de peñalosa para yr a la dicha çiudad de macan donde esta poblada la gente portuguesa con despachos que tocavan a el serviçio de la magestad Real del rrey don felipe nuestro senor y que con el yvan cantidad despañoles e naturales de esta tierra en una fragata que asi mesmo llevavan del Reverendisimo obispo destas yslas y del dicho governador cartas e despachos segun y como lo declara la pregunta y esto rresponde e sabe de la pregunta.

III. a la terçera pregunta dixo questando este testigo en la dicha çiudad de macan segun tiene dicho y declarado en la pregunta antes desta supo por cosa muy çierta (p. 10)

que pocos dias despues quel dicho padre alonso Sánchez con el dicho horden avia hecho el dicho viage avian salido asi mesmo desta dicha çiudad seys frayles de la horden de los descalços de san françisco en una fragata con disignio de yr a tierra de china a predicar el santo evangelio a los quales y a el dicho padre alonso Sánchez e gente que con el yva los chinos los avian preso porque se avian derrotado e ydo a la costa de chincheo provinçia de Canton ques treynta o quarenta leguas de distancia de la çiudad de macan e presos los avian llevado a la dicha çiudad de canton donde los avian tratado mal procurando matallos y esto es publico e notorio. e lo que rresponde.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo questando este testigo en la çiudad de macan llegado a noticia del capitan mayor e vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan como los dichos padres e gente que con ellos yvan estavan presos por los chinos y en gran peligro de sus personas porque los querian matar este testigo sabe e vido como se dio horden como despachar gente que entrase por la tierra adentro de china donde estavan presos los dichos padres para los traer a macan y asi luego con toda deligençia soliçitud y cuidado vio este testigo como se despacharon a tres vezinos de la çiudad de macan que fuesen por ellos e para ello llevaron mucha cantidad de Reales a costa de los vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan para el rescate e negoçiaçion de traer Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 219

libres a los dichos padres e demas gente sin lo que se gasto en pagar a las personas que a ello fueron y en los bastimentos los quales (p. 11)

dichos vezinos fueron al dicho efeto con mucha voluntad y con mucho trabajo negoçiaron la libertad de los dichos padres mediante el dinero que llevaron para el dicho rrescate y la deligençia que en ellos se puso e trabajo que en ello se paso segun y como lo declara la pregunta y el rresponde e sabe della.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que llegados a la dicha çiudad de macan los dicho rreligiossos y su conpañia fueron muy bien rescebidos del capitan mayor y del obispo e vezinos de la dicha çiudad e aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion e obediencia de la magestad del rrey don felipe nuestro señor e dadose por sus vasallos como rey e señor natural al cabo de algunos dias el dicho padre alonso Sánchez se procuro volver a esta çiudad con sus despachos e torno aver otra comodidad se enbarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaes landero que yva a las yslas del xapon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta çiudad el qual junco se perdio en la ysla hermosa e a esta causa el dicho padre alonso Sánchez con otras muchas personas que yvan en el bolvio a la dicha çiudad de macan donde este testigo le vio y esto es publico e notorio.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo buelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez a la dicha çiudad de macan de la dicha perdida como se declara en la pregunta antes desta e procurando venir a esta dicha çiudad con sus despachos consideradas las causas e razones que la pregunta declara el dicho padre rogo al dicho (p. 12)

bartolome vaez landeyro hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e aprestarle de lo nesçesario para en el venir el dicho padre y las demas personas a esta çiudad y con brevedad por enbiar los despachos a su magestad e por las dichas rrazones el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro sabe e vido este testigo que hizo un junco que es el que a venido a esta çiudad a costa suya gente e bastimentos para poder venir seguro a traer artelleria e soldados para defensa del armada de los chinos en la costa de la mar e asi el THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 220 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

adereço de la dicha artelleria e soldados, piloto, maestres, bastimentos e a todo lo demas nesçesario para seguirse dicho viage todo lo qual sabe e vido este testigo como persona que vino desde la dicha çiudad de macan a esta dicha çiudad en el dicho junco e que por estar enfermo el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro a el tienpo de la partida e otros justos rrespetos que tuvo no pudo venir el dicho viage e ansi enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge que es publico e notorio que es su sobrino y esto rresponde.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido como persona que vino en el dicho junco que a causa de ser el viage desde la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manila nuevo e no entendido ni descubierto por otra persona alguna se pasaron muchos peligros e trabajos ansi en las tormentas e mal tiempo de la mar como en peligros de la costa y entendiendose no es el tardar mas en la venida mas de diez dias se tardaron quarenta y tantos dias arribando e tornando e forçexando para yntentar el dicho viage hasta que se hizo e aportaron (p. 13)

E aportaron a esta çiudad de manila con mucho trabajo donde a el presente estan y les rresçibieron con mucha honrra e voluntad y esto rresponde.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que llegados a esta çiudad y desenbarcados los dichos rreligiosos y demas gente el dicho bestian jorge dio los despachos que traya al muy Illustre Señor diego Ronquillo governador e capitan general por su magestad en estas yslas y al reverendisimo obispo y a las demas personas para quien los traya dando noticia e claridad de toda aquella tierra e como quedava en serviçio de su magestad con mucha fidilidad como lo estan y esto responde.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que para poder hazer el dicho junco el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan sy no solamente del capitan mayor como honbre principal antes sabe le fueron muchos de contrario por rrespetos que les paresçio a causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a Japon el dicho bartolome vaez landero no por eso dudo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre principal que es y que acostumbrado a servir Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 221

siempre a su rrey y señor y este testigo le vio acudir de dia y de noche acabar el dicho junco con presteza, solicitud e cuidado con zelo de servidor de su magestad demas dello qual sabe este testigo ques honbre de caudal y animo para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe en serviçio de (p. 14)

De su magestad y lo propio hara cada que se ofresca con gran voluntad y amor como lo a mostrado y esto rresponde.

X. a la deçima pregunta dixo que desea ver descubierto este viage desde la çiudad de macan a esta de manila es cosa averiguada que a resultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor e de su magestad e bien de toda esta rrepublica por las caussas e razones que la pregunta declara e porque hasta agora no se avia tenido claridad de china tan por estenso como agora ay por estar yncubierta la carrera y de aqui adelante esta çiudad estara mas proveida de mercaderias bastimentos e todo lo demas nesçesario para ella e su comarca e provincia de la nueva españa y esto es cosa clara y averiguada e no a oydo cosa en contrario y es lo que rresponde.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho servicio a su magestad y ser como son anbos gente honrrada e prinçipal e buenos cristianos temerosos de dios y de su conciençia en cuya posesion este testigo les e tenido e tiene e por tales son avidos e tenidos e sabe e sabe este testigo por cosa averiguada el buen zelo que tienen a su rreal serviçio e a la voluntad que mustran que por todo lo que tiene dicho e declarado en las preguntas antes desta que cabra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquiera dellos qualquier merçed que su magestad fuere servido deles quiera (p. 15)

porque son honbres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad y qualquiera cargo que se les encargue daran buena quenta dello como hasta aqui lo an dado de todo lo que an tomado entre manos y esto es lo que le paresçe demas de que es publico.

XII.a las doze preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en las preguntas antes desta lo qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que hizo publico e THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 222 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

notorio publica boz e fama y en ello se afirmo y ratifico y lo firmo de su nombre miguel chayno ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico.

testigo

e Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manila en el dicho dia mes y año dicho el dicho capitan bestian jorge en el dicho nonbre e por si para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a juan bautista barragan soldado vezino desta çiudad de manila del qual fue tomado e resçebido juramento y el lo hizo por dios e por santa maria e por una señal de cruz en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de decir verdad e preguntado por el ynterrogatorio dixo lo seguiente.

I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a los contenidos en la pregunta de siete meses a esta parte poco mas o menos e tiene noticia del viage que desde la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad el dicho capitan bestian jorge hizo en el junco donde vinyeron los padres del nonbre (p. 16)

de jesus y de san francisco y los demas españoles e gente que fueron con los dichos padres a los rreynos de la china y esto rresponde.

Generales

Preguntado por las generales dixo que es de hedad de veynte y seis años poco mas o menos e no tocarle las generales.

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que este testigo sabe e vido que por el año pasado de quinyentos e ochenta y dos governando en estas yslas don goncalo ronquillo de peñalosa despacho de manyla a el padre alonso Sánchez de la compania del nonbre de jesus para que fuese a la çiudad de macan en la costa de china questa poblada de portugueses con despacho que tocava a el serviçio de su magestad con el qual yvan cantidad de españoles entre los quales fue uno este testigo e ansi mesmo fueron naturales desta çiudad en una fragata e asi mesmo llevava del Reverendissimo obispo destas yslas y del dicho governador cartas y despachos los quales vio este testigo como persona que fue a la dicha jornada como dicho tiene. Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 223

III. a la tercera pregunta dixo que lo que della sabe es que despues de aver partido desta dicha çiudad para la dicha jornada de macan segun se declara en la pregunta antes desta yendo su viage se derotaron e fueron a la costa de chincheo provinçia de canton que es treynta o quarenta leguas de distancia de la çiudad de macan a donde prendieron los dichos chinos y al dicho padre de la conpañia de jesus y a este (p. 17)

testigo e a los demas que en su compañia yvan e presos los llevaron a la dicha çiudad de canton donde les trataron muy mal de obra e por palabras procurando matallos y estando en la dicha çiudad de canton vio en ella a seys frayles de la horden de los descalços de san francisco queste testigo les oyo decir que avian ydo desta çiudad en una fragata con disinio de predicar en tierra de china el santo evangelio a los quales los dichos chinos prendieron como los demas y este testigo estavan presos a los quales este testigo les oyo decir como el dicho don gonçalo Ronquillo despues quel dicho padre alonso Sánchez les enbiava a el dicho rreyno de china para predicar el santo evangelio y como los dichos chinos los avian preso como este testigo y los demas estavan y esto es lo que rresponde a la pregunta.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo que lo que della sabe es questando este testigo y el dicho padre de la compañia de jesus y los demas frayles descalços de la dicha horden e gente que con ellos yvan presos en la çiudad de canton Reyno de china por los chinos della e con mucho trabajo e riesgo de sus personas supo este testigo por cosa çierta e averiguada como llegado a noticia de lo susodicho a el capitan mayor e vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan se dio horden como despachar gente que entrasen en la dicha tierra de china donde estavan presos por los dichos padres e asy (p. 18).

avian despachado a el dicho efeto a tres vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan que fuesen por ellos y como para el dicho efeto llevaron mucha cantidad de reales e otros rrescates a costa de los vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan para el rrescate e negoçiaçion de traer los dichos padres e mas gente a la dicha çiudad de macan sin lo que se gasto en pagar a las personas que a el dicho efeto fueron y en los bastimentos que se gastaron los quales vezinos fueron a el dicho efeto porqueste testigo estando preso los vio y con mucho THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 224 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

trabajo deligençia e cuidado como buenos amigos servidores de su magestad e zelosos de su rreal serviçio negoçiaron la liberdad de los dichos padres Respeto de todo lo dicho y en dar dadivas a el BisRey y mandarines de la dicha çiudad de canton e sino fuera por esto no traxeran como traxeron a los dichos padres a la dicha çiudad de macan libres como tiene declarado y que si por los dichos portugueses no fuera todos peresçieran e no se salvara ninguno ni de los dichos padres ni los demas que en su conpañia yvan y esto es lo que rresponde.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo que despues de libres de los dichos chinos como se declara en la pregunta antes desta llegados a la dicha çiudad de macan los dichos religiosos y su conpañia fueron muy bien resçebidos del capitan mayor e del obispo e de vezinos de la dicha çiudad e aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion e obidencia de su magestad (p. 19)

del Rey don felipe nuestro señor e dadose por sus vasallos como lo declara la pregunta supo este testigo como el dicho padre alonso Sánchez procuro bolver a esta çiudad con sus despachos e por no aver otra comodidad se enbarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaez landeyro que yva a las yslas del japon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta çiudad y este testigo se quedo en china y a cabo de algunos dias supo como el dicho junco se avia perdido en la ysla hermosa e vio a el dicho padre alonso Sánchez volver a china con otras personas que yvan con el y esto es publico e notorio, e lo que rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo buelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez de la dicha çiudad de macan e procurado venir a esta çiudad de manila con sus despachos consideradas las causas y razones que la pregunta declara este testigo sabe que rrogo a el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e aprestarle de lo nesçesario para en el venir el dicho padre e los demas a esta dicha çiudad e con brevedad poder enbiar los despachos a su magestad e por las dichas rrazones el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro hizo un junco que es el que a venido a esta çiudad a costa suya e bastimentos para poder venir seguro e traer artelleria e soldados para defensa del (p. 20) Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 225

armada de los chinos en la costa de la mar e asi sabe el adereço de la dicha artelleria soldados, piloto, maestre, marineros e todo lo demas nesçesario para seguir el dicho viage y esto lo sabe este testigo porque vino desde la dicha çiudad de macan en el dicho junco e sabe e vio questando de partida para esta çiudad a causa de la enfermedad que tuvo e otros rrespetos el dicho bartolome vaez Landero no pudo venir el dicho viage e asi enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge que es publico e notorio ser sobrino del dicho bartolome vaez landeyro y esto es lo que sabe y es publico e notorio.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que a causa de las razones que la pregunta declara se pasaron desde la dicha çiudad de macan muchos peligros como se declara en la dicha pregunta y entendiendo no tardar mas de diez dias en la venida se tardaron mas de quarenta e tantos por las causas e razones que la dicha pregunta declara y esto responde a ella.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que llegados a esta dicha çiudad y desenbarcados los dichos Religiosos e demas gente que con ellos venian y este testigo entrellos como dicho tiene el dicho bestian jorge dio los despachos que traya a el muy Illustre señor diego Ronquillo governador y capitan general por su magestad destas dichas yslas e al Reverendissimo obispo e demas personas para (p. 21)

quyen las traya dando noticia e claridad de toda aquella tierra y de como quedava como en efeto queda en serviçio de su magestad con mucha fidilidad y esto rresponde.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que para hazer el dicho junco el dicho bartolome vaes landeyro no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan sino solamente del capitan mayor antes sabe este testigo que le fueron muchos de contrario por çiertos respetos que les paresçio la causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a xapon el dicho bartolome vaes landeyro no por eso dudo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre prinçipal que es y que acostunbrado a servir sienpre a su rrey e señor como es notorio e demas de lo susodicho es honbre de caudal y animo para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe en serviçio de su magestad y esto es publico e notorio e lo que rresponde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 226 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

X. a la decima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe que a causa de averse descubierto este viage de macan a esta çiudad a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor e de su magestad e bien de toda esta republica por las causas y razones que la pregunta declara y esto responde a ella.

XI. a las onze preguntas dixo que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landero y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad (p. 22)

e ser como anbos son gente honrrada e prinçipal buenos cristianos temerosos de dios y de sus conciençias este testigo sabe que cabra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquiera dellos qualquier merçed que su magestad fuere servido de le querer hazer por ser como son hombres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad y que qualquier cargo que se les encargue daran buena quenta dello como la an dado de todo lo demas queste testigo a oydo de dezir sean encargados y esto es publico e notorio.

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que lo que dixo tiene es la verdad publico e notorio publica voz e fama para el juramento que hizo y en ello se afirmo e ratifico e lo firmo de su nombre Juan bautista barragan ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico.

Testigo

Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manyla a veynte dos dias del mes de abril del dicho año el dicho capitan bestian jorge en el dicho nonbre para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a gaspar fernandes de mederos portugues vezino de la çiudad de macan del qual fue tomado y resçebido juramento y el lo hizo por dios e por santa maria e por una señal de cruz en forma de derecho su cargo del qual prometio de dezir verdad e preguntado por el tenor del ynterrogatorio dixo lo seguiente.

I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe (p. 23) Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 227

a todos los en ella contenidos de veynte años a esta parte poco mas o menos e tiene noticia del viage quel dicho capitan hizo desde la çiudad de macan a esta ciudad porque las personas que en el dicho junco vinieron de la dicha çiudad de macan a esta çiudad fue uno este testigo.

Generales Preguntado por las generales dixo ques de hedad de quarenta y siete años poco mas o menos en tocarle las generales.

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que lo que dellas sabe es questando este testigo en la çiudad de macan supo por cosa muy publica e notoria como el padre alonso Sánchez de la conpañia del nonbre de jesus por el año que la pregunta declara por mandado del muy Illustre señor don gonçalo Ronquillo de peñalosa governador en estas yslas avia partido desta dicha çiudad para que fuese a la çiudad de macan que es en la costa de china questa poblada de portugueses con despachos que tocavan a el serviçio de su magestad con el qual yvan cantidad despañoles e naturales desta tierra en una fragata e asi mesmo llevavan del Reverendissimo obispo destas yslas y del dicho governador cartas e despachos y esto es publico e notorio e lo que rresponde.

III. a la tercera pregunta dixo que lo en ella contenido es asi verdad segun y como en ella se declara y espesifica e que por averseles (p. 24)

derrotado los dichos padres e ydo a dar a la provinçia de Canton treynta o quarenta leguas de distançia de la çiudad de macan los avian preso en la dicha çiudad de canton donde los trataron mal procurando matallos y esto es publico e notorio e lo que rresponde.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contine preguntado como la sabe dixo que porqueste testigo como vecino que es de la dicha çiudad de macan tierra de china lo vio ser e pasar asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espesifica e por esto la sabe.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que llegados a la dicha çiudad de macan los dichos rreligiosos y su conpañia fueron muy bien resçebidos del capitan mayor y el obispo e vezinos de la dicha çiudad e THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 228 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion e obidençia de su Magestad e dadose por sus vasallos como a rey e señor natural vio este testigo como el dicho padre Alonso Sánchez procuro bolver a esta çiudad con sus despachos e por no aver otra comodidad se enbarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaez landeyro que yva a las yslas del japon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta çiudad y el qual junco se perdio en la ysla hermossa e a esta causa el dicho padre alonso Sánchez con otras muchas personas que yvan en el volvio a la dicha çiudad de macan y esto (p. 25)

lo vio este testigo como dicho tiene lo qual rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo buelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez a la dicha çiudad de macan e procurando venir a esta dicha çiudad con sus despachos ansi declaradas las causas e razones que la pregunta declara vio como rrogo a el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e haprestarle de lo nesçesario para en el venir el dicho padre e los demas a esta çiudad e con brevedad poder enbiar los despachos a su magestad e por las dichas rrazones el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro hizo un junco que es el que a venido a esta çiudad a costa suya e gente para poder venir seguro e traer artelleria y soldados para la defensa del armada de los chinos en la costa de la mar e asi se adereço de la dicha artelleria soldados, piloto, e todo lo demas nesçesario para seguir el dicho viage y estando de partida para esta çiudad a causa de la enfermedad que tuvo e otros rrespetos el dicho bartolome vaez landero no pudo venir el dicho viage y enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge ques publico y notorio que es su sobrino y esto rresponde.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo ques (p. 26)

como en ella se contiene porque es e pasa asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espesifica en el qual dicho navio junco este testigo vino a esta dicha çiudad de la dicha çiudad de macan y esto rresponde.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo ques asi verdad todo lo que la dicha pregunta dize y declara segun como en ella se espasifica porque lo vio ser e Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 229

pasar asi y esto rresponde.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que para poder hazer el dicho viage el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan y syno solamente del capitan mayor antes le fueron muchos de contrario por rrespetos que les paresçio e a causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a japon el dicho bartolome vaez landero no por eso dudo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre prinçipal que es y que a acostunbrado a servir sienpre a su rrey y señor natural demas de lo qual este testigo sabe que es honbre de caudal y animo para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe e ofresçiere en serviçio de su magestad y esto publico e notorio y lo que rresponde.

X. a la decima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe que a causa de averse descubierto este viage a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad (p. 27)

del serviçio de dios nuestro señor y de su magestad bien de toda esta Republica e por las demas causas e razones que la pregunta declara por lo qual esta çiudad estara mas proveida de mercaderias y bastimentos e todo lo demas nesçesario para esta dicha çiudad e su comarca e provincia de la nueva españa y esto rresponde.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo queste testigo sabe que por aver hecho el dicho (tachado: bestian jorge) bartolome vaez landero y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad como tiene declarado en la pregunta antes desta e ser como anbos son gente honrrada e prinçipales e buenos cristianos temerosos de dios y de su conçiençia cabra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquier dellos qualquier merçed que su magestad fuere servido deles querer hazer porque son honbres sufyçientes para el serviçio de su magestad e qualquier cargo que se le encargue daran buena quenta dello como hasta aqui la an dado y esto rresponde.

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que lo que dicho tiene es la verdad publico e notorio publica voz e fama para el juramento que hizo y en ello se afirmo e ratifico e lo firmo de su nonbre gaspar fernandes de maderos ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 230 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Testigo E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha

Va tachado bestian jorge, no vala (p. 28)

çiudad de manila en el dicho dia mes y año dicho el dicho capitan bestian jorge moxar para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a lope viera portugues vezino de la çiudad de macan de lo qual fue tomado y resçebido juramento y el lo hizo por dios e por santa maria e por una señal de cruz en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de dezir verdad e presentado por el tenor del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo lo siguiente.

I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a los dichos bartolome vaez Landero y a el capitan bestian jorge moxar de mucho tiempo a esta parte e tiene noticia del viage quel dicho capitan hizo desde la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manyla en un navio junco en que vino este testigo.

Generales

Preguntado por las generales dixo ques de hedad de treynta años poco mas o menos e no tocarle las generales

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta este testigo lo oyo dezir por publico e notorio en la dicha çiudad de macan donde este testigo es vezino y esto responde.

III. a la tercera pregunta dixo queste testigo oyo dezir en la dicha çiudad de macan que pocos dias despues que el padre alonso Sánchez con el dicho horden hizo el dicho viage salieron (p. 29)

asi mesmo desta çiudad seys frayles de la horden de los descalços de san francisco en una fragata con disinio de yr a tierra de china a predicar el santo evangelio a los quales y al dicho padre alonso Sánchez e gente que con el yva los yndios los avian preso por que se avian derotado y fueron a dar a la provincia de canton treynta o quarenta leguas de distançia de la dicha Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 231

çiudad de macan e presos los avian llevado a la çiudad de canton donde los trataron mal procurando matallos y esto es publico e notorio y lo que rresponde.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene preguntado como la sabe dixo que porqueste testigo sabe e vido que llegado a noticia del capitan mayor e vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan que los dichos padres e gente que con ellos yvan estavan estavan presos por los chinos y en gran peligro de sus personas se dio horden como despachar gente que entrasen en la dicha tierra de china e fuesen por los dichos padres e asi luego despacharon tres vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan que fuesen por ellos entre los quales fue uno este testigo e para ello llevaron cantidad de dos mil ducados de castilla poco mas o menos a costa de los vecinos de la dicha çiudad de macan para (p. 30)

el rescate e negoçiacion de traer los dichos padres y mas gente sin lo que se gasto en pagar a las personas que a ello fueron y en los bastimentos los quales tres vecinos y este testigo entre ellos fueron a el dicho efeto e con mucho trabajo negoçiaron la libertad de los dichos padres pagando la dicha cantidad de moneda a el VisRey y mandarines de canton e traxeron los dichos padres a la dicha çiudad de macan y esto es publico e notorio e lo que rresponde.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que llegados a la dicha çiudad de macan los dichos rreligiosos y su conpañia fueron muy bien resçebidos del capitan mayor y el obispo y vezinos de la dicha çiudad e aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion e obedençia de la magestad real del Rey don felipe nuestro señor e dadose por sus vasallos como a Rey e señor natural el dicho padre alonso Sánchez procuro bolver a esta dicha çiudad con sus despachos y por no aver otra comodidad se enbarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaez landero que yva a las yslas del japon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta dicha çiudad el qual dicho junco se perdio en la ysla hermosa y a esta causa el dicho padre alonso Sánchez con otras muchas personas que yvan en el volvio a la dicha çiudad de macan y esto es publico e notorio (p. 31) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 232 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

e lo que rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo buelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez de la dicha çiudad de macan e procurando venir a esta çiudad con sus despachos consideradas las causas e razones que la pregunta declara el dicho alonso Sánchez rogo a el dicho bartolome vaez landeyro hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e aprestarle de lo nescesario para en el venir el dicho padre y los demas a esta çiudad y con brevedad poder enbiar los despachos a su magestad e por las dichas razones el dicho bartolome vaez landero hizo un junco que es el que a venido a esta çiudad a costa suya e gente bastante para poder venir seguro e traer artelleria e soldados para defensa del armada de los chinos en la costa de la mar e asi le adereço de la dicha artelleria soldados piloto marineros bastimentos e todo lo demas nescesario para seguir el dicho viage estando de partida para esta çiudad a causa de enfermedad que tuvo e otros rrespetos el dicho bartolome vaes landero no pudo venir el dicho viage y enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge y esto es publico e notorio y lo que responde.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo ques verdad todo lo que se declara y espasifica en la (p. 32)

dicha pregunta porqueste testigo vino en el dicho navio desde la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manyla y esto rresponde.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque lo vio ser e pasar asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que para poder hazer el dicho junco el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan syno solamente del capitan mayor antes sabe que muchos le fueron de contrario parescer por rrespetos que a ello les movio e no enbargante la perdida del dicho junco que yva a xapon el dicho bartolome vaez landero no por eso dudo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre prinçipal que es y acostunbrado y acostunbra a servir sienpre a su Rey e señor demas de lo que es honbre de vardad y animo Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 233

para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe en serviçio de su magestad y esto es publico e notorio publica boz e ffama.

X. a la decima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe que a causa de averse descubierto este viage a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor e de su magestad e bien de toda la Republica por el comercio que se a visto e tendra (p. 33)

de aqui adelante el qual hasta agora no se avia tenido por estar yncubierta la carrera e de aqui adelante esta çiudad estara mas proveida de mercaderias bastimentos e todo lo mas nesçesario para ella e su comarca e provincia de la nueva españa como lo declara la pregunta y esto rresponde e sabe della.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landero y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad e ser como anbos son gente honrrada e prinçipal buenos cristianos temerosos de dios nuestro señor e de sus conçiençias cabra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquiera dellos qualquier merçed que su magestad fuere servido de le querer hazer porque son honbres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad e qualquier cargo que se les encargue daran buena quenta dello y esto rresponde.

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en las preguntas antes desta lo qual es la verdad para el juramento que hizo publico e notorio publica boz e fama y en ello se afirmo e ratifico e lo firmo de su nonbre lope viera ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico. (p. 34).

Testigo

E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manila a veynte dias del mes de abril de myll y quinyentos e ochenta e tres años el dicho bestian jorge moxar para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo pedro çibao vezino de la dicha çiudad de macan del qual fue tomado e resçebido juramento por dios nuestro señor y por una señal de cruz so cargo del qual prometio de THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 234 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por el tenor de las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo lo siguiente.

I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a todos los contenidos en la pregunta de veynte años a esta parte poco mas o menos e tiene noticia del viage de los dichos padres del nonbre de jesus y de san francisco porqueste testigo vino en el junco que se despacho de la çiudad de macan a esta de manyla y esto rresponde.

Generales

Preguntado por las generales dixo que es de hedad de cinquenta y seis años poco mas o menos y que no le tocan ninguna dellas.

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que lo que della sabe es que por el año contenido en la pregunta estando este testigo en la çiudad de macan donde es vezino que oyo como el dicho padre alonso Sánchez de la (p. 35)

conpañia del nonbre de jesus avia partido desta çiudad para yr a la çiudad de macan y costa de china questa poblada de gente portuguesa con despachos que tocavan a el serviçio de su magestad como lo declara la pregunta que para el dicho efeto llevaron del governador destas yslas don gonçalo Ronquillo de peñalosa y del rreverendisimo obispo dellas y esto es lo que sabe e rresponde a la pregunta.

III. a la tercera pregunta dixo queste testigo estando en la dicha çiudad de macan oyo dezir por publico e notorio lo contenido en la pregunta y que por derrotarse como se derrotaron los dichos padres y dado en la provinçia de canton que es treynta o quarenta leguas de distancia de la çiudad de macan y presos que fueron por los dichos chinos los avian llevado a la dicha çiudad de canton lo qual avian hecho porque avian entrado por la costa de china sin liçençia de los mandarines e governadores que governavan la tierra y esto es publico e notorio y lo que rresponde. Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 235

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo llegado (p. 36)

noticia del capitan mayor de la çiudad de macan e vezinos della como los dichos padres e gente que con ellos yva estavan presos por los chinos y en gran conflito e peligro se dio la horden que la pregunta declara e asi luego vio este testigo como se despacharon tres vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan que fuesen por los dichos padres e llevaron cantidad de dos myll ducados de castilla a costa de los vezinos desta çiudad para el rrescate e negoçiaçion de traer los dichos padres e mas gente sin lo mas que se gasto y pagar a las personas que a ello fueron y en los bastimentos los quales dichos vezinos este testigo vio como fueron a el dicho efeto con mucho trabajo y este testigo sabe que negoçiaron la libertad de los dichos padres pagando la cantidad de moneda al Visrrey y mandarines de canton e asi este testigo vio como traxeron a los dichos padres a la dicha çiudad de macan y esto rresponde e sabe de la pregunta.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la dicha pregunta es y paso asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica porqueste testigo como persona que se hallo en la dicha çiudad de macan a el tiempo (p. 37)

y quando paso lo en ella contenido lo vio ser e pasar asy y esto rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque como persona que se hallo en la dicha çiudad de macan a el tiempo y quando paso lo en ella contenido lo vio ser e pasar asi segun y como la pregunta declara y estando de partida para esta çiudad el dicho junco en que vinyeron los dichos padres por justos rrespetos que se movyeron a el dicho bartolome vaes landeyro no pudo venir como no vino el dicho viage y asi en su lugar enbio por capitan del dicho junco a el dicho bestian jorge moxar su deud en el qual dicho navio vino este testigo y esto rresponde a esta pregunta.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque como persona que vino en el dicho junco y partiçipo parte de los trabajos THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 236 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

que se pasaron desde la dicha çiudad de macan a esta çiudad vio ser e pasar lo que en esta pregunta se declara y espasifica y esto responde a ella.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque (p. 38)

fue y paso asi segun y como en ella se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta es y paso asi segun y como en ella se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde y sabe de la pregunta.

X. a la decima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe que acaso de averse descubierto este viage a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor y de su magestad e bien de toda esta republica por las causas y rrazones que la pregunta declara y esto rresponde.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landero y el dicho capitan bestian jorge moxar el dicho serviçio a su magestad segun tiene declarado en las preguntas antes desta y ser como son gente honrrada e prinçipal buenos cristianos temerosos de dios nuestro señor y de sus conçiençias cabra y estara bien en ellos y en qualquiera dellos qualquier merçed que su magestad e sus governadores en su nonbre fueren servidos de les hazer por ser como son honbres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad y qualquier (p. 39)

cargo que se les encargare daran buena quenta dello como hasta aqui la an dado y esto rresponde y sabe de la pregunta.

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en las preguntas antes desta en que se afirma e ratifica lo qual es la verdad y lo que sabe deste caso debaxo de el juramento que tiene hecho y lo firmo de su nonbre pedro çival ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico. Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 237

Testigo

E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manyla en el dicho dia mes y año dicho el dicho bestian jorge moxar para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a ximon de amarada portugues vecino de la dicha çiudad de macan del qual fue tomado e rescebido juramento por dios nuestro señor y por una señal de cruz segun forma de derecho e siendo preguntado por el tenor de las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo y declaro lo siguiente.

I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a los contenidos en la pregunta de dos años a esta parte poco mas o menos e tiene noticia del viage quel (p. 40)

Quel dicho capitan tuvo en la venida desde la çiudad de macan a esta de manyla en el navio junco que de alla se despacho este presente año donde vino este testigo. Generales

Preguntado por las generales dixo que es de hedad de veynte e siete años poco mas o menos e no tocarle las generales.

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que todo lo en la dicha pregunta contenido este testigo lo oyo dezir por publico e notorio publica voz e fama en la çiudad de macan y esto rresponde.

III. a la tercera pregunta dixo que lo que la dicha pregunta contiene este testigo lo oyo dezir por publico e notorio publica voz e fama en la dicha çiudad de macan y esto rresponde.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene preguntado como la sabe dixo que porqueste testigo lo vio ser e pasar asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido como persona questava e residia en la dicha çiudad de macan y della vino a esta çiudad vio como llegados que llegaron a la dicha çiudad de macan los dichos religiosos THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 238 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

y su conpañia fueron muy bien (p. 41)

rescebidos del capitan mayor del obispo y demas vezinos de la dicha çiudad e aviendo dado sus despachos e tomado con buen animo la sujeçion e obediençia de su magestad e dadose por sus vasallos como a Rey e señor natural el dicho padre alonso Sánchez procuro bolver a esta çiudad con sus despachos e por no aver otra comodidad se enbarco en un junco del dicho bartolome vaez landeyro que yva a las yslas del japon para por alli con mas brevedad venir a esta çiudad si pudiese el qual junco e este testigo oyo dezir se perdio en la ysla hermosa y a esta causa el dicho padre alonso Sánchez como otras muchas personas que yan con el se bolvio a la dicha çiudad de macan donde fue bien rregalado y esto rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe e vido que aviendo vuelto el dicho padre alonso Sánchez a la dicha çiudad de macan como se declara en la pregunta antes desta procurando venir a esta çiudad con sus despachos por las causas y rrazones que la pregunta declara supo este testigo como el dicho padre alonso Sánchez rogo a el dicho bartolome vaez landero hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio e aprestarle de lo nescesario para en el venir e hazer el dicho viage a esta dicha çiudad y con brevedad (p. 42)

poder enbiar los despachos a su magestad e por las dichas razones vio este testigo como el dicho bartolome vaez landero hizo un junco que es el que vino de la çiudad de macan a esta çiudad el qual se hizo a su costa e gente bastante para poder venir seguro e traer artilleria y soldados para defensa del armada de los chinos en la costa de la mar y asi adereço de la dicha artelleria soldados piloto marineros e bastimentos e todo lo demas necesario como la pregunta declara y sabe este testigo questando de partida para esta çiudad a causa de rrespetos que le movyeron a el dicho bartolome vaez landeiro no pudo venir el dicho viage y en su lugar enbio por capitan de esto navio a el dicho bestian jorge moxar en el qual navio este testigo vino como vezino ques de la dicha çiudad de macan y esto rresponde.

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 239

lo vio ser e pasar asi como la pregunta declara e por aver venido en el dicho navio de la dicha çiudad de macan a esta de manyla y esto rresponde.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo que lo en ella contenida es y pasa asi segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde a ella.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo que sabe que para poder hazer el dicho junco el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda de ninguna persona (p. 43)

de la dicha çiudad de macan sino solamente el capitan mayor antes le fueron de contrario para esto por rrespetos que les paresçio e a causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a el japon el dicho bartolome vaez landero no por eso dexo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre prinçipal que es y que acostunbrado a servir sienpre a su rrey y señor demas de lo quales honbre de caudal y animo para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe y ofresçiere en serviçio de su magestad y esto rresponde.

X. a la deçima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe y es cosa clara y averiguada que a causa de averse descubierto este viage desde la çiudad de macan a esta de manila a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor e de su magestad e bien de toda esta rrepublica por las causas y razones que en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica y esto rresponde a ella.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo que sabe que por aver hecho el dicho el dicho bartolome vaes landeyro y el dicho capitan bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad como se declara en las preguntas antes desta e por ser como son ambos a dos gente honrrada e principal buenos cristianos temerosos de dios nuestro señor y de sus conçiençias cabra y estara bien en ello o en qualquiera dellos qualquiera merçed que su magestad fuere servida de les querer hazer porque son honbres suficientes para el serviçio (p. 44)

de su magestad y qualquiera cosa y cargo que se les encargare daran buena quenta dello como hasta aqui la an dado y esto rresponde y sabe de la pregunta. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 240 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en las preguntas antes desta lo qual es la verdad publico e notorio publica voz e fama para el juramento que hizo y en ello se afirmo e ratifico y lo firmo de su nonbre simon de amarada ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico.

Testigo

E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manila en el dicho dia mes y año dicho el dicho sevastian jorge moxar para la dicha ynformaçion presento por testigo a juan de la feria soldado vezino desta çiudad de manyla del qual fue tomado y resçebido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del qual prometio de dezir verdad e syendo preguntado por el tenor de las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo lo siguiente. I. a la primera pregunta dixo que conosçe a el dicho bartolome vaez landero y a el capitan bestian jorge moxar de seys meses a esta parte poco mas o menos.

Generales

Preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo ques de hedad de quarenta y seys años poco mas o menos e que no le tocan las preguntas generales.

II. a la segunda pregunta dixo que quando se despacho desta çiudad por mandado del governador don gonçalo (p. 45)

Ronquillo a el padre alonso Sánchez de la conpañia del nonbre de jesus para la provincia e reyno de china este testigo no se hallo en esta çiudad e asi no vio lo contenido en esta pregunta mas de lo aver oydo dezir por publica y notoria y esto rresponde. III. a la tercera pregunta dixo que lo que della sabe es que por el año pasado de quinyentos e ochenta e dos por mandado del dicho governador don gonçalo ronquillo se despacharon desta dicha çiudad seys frayles descalços de la horden del señor san francisco para que fuesen a el rreyno de china a predicar el santo evangelio e para el dicho efeto partieron desde esta dicha çiudad en una fragata deste testigo donde asi mesmo fue con otras personas e yendo a la dicha jornada se derrotaron e fueron a dar a la provincia Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 241

de canton tierra de china ques treynta o quarenta leguas de distançia de la çiudad de macan donde los chinos prendieron a los dichos padres y a este testigo y a los demas que en su conpañia yvan hasta saber que gente que hera y de donde venian y a que efeto como se tiene de costunbre en el dicho Reyno de china y asi presos los llevaron a la dicha çiudad de canton donde supo que avian preso los dichos chinos a el dicho padre alonso Sánchez y a los que con el yvan y esto sabe e responde a la pregunta.

IIII. a la quarta pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta este testigo lo oyo dezir por publico e notorio en la dicha çiudad de canton y macan e gente della e queste testigo vio quematias pinelo (p. 46)

portugues avia trabajado mucho en negoçiar la libertad de los dichos padres y de los demas pagando por ello a el Visrrey y mandarines de canton por la libertad de los dichos padres e gente que con ellos yva e asi los traxo libres a la dicha çiudad de macan donde estan poblados los dichos portugueses y esto rresponde a la pregunta.

V. a la quinta pregunta dixo que lo en ella contenido es asi verdad segun y como en la dicha pregunta se declara y espasifica y es publico e notorio e publica voz e fama lo en ella contenido y esto rresponde.

VI. a la sesta pregunta dixo que despues de aver pasado lo contenido en la pregunta antes desta este testigo vio como el dicho padre alonso Sánchez despues de la perdida que tuvo bolvio a la dicha çiudad de macan e procurando venir a esta de manila con sus despachos consideradas las causas y razones que la pregunta declara supo este testigo como rrogo a el dicho bartolome vaez landero hiziese este serviçio a su magestad de hazerle un navio y aprestarle de lo nesçesario para en el venir el dicho padre y los demas de su conpañia a esta çiudad y asy se puso por efeto segun se declara en la dicha pregunta y estando de partida el dicho navio para venir a esta çiudad el dicho bartolome vaez landero por rrespetos que le movieron y no pudo venir el dicho viage y enbio por capitan del dicho navio a el dicho bestian jorge moxar donde vino este testigo asi mesmo y esto rresponde a la pergunta (p. 47) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 242 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

VII. a la setima pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque lo vio ser e pasar asi segun como en ella se declara como persona que como dicho tiene vino desde de la dicha çiudad de macan a esta çiudad de manila y esto rresponde.

VIII. a la otava pregunta dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porques y pasa asi segun y como en ella se declara y espesifica y esto rresponde a ella.

IX. a la novena pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe por cosa cierta que para poder hazer el dicho junco en que se vino a esta çiudad de la dicha çiudad de macan como esta declarado el dicho bartolome vaez landero no tuvo ayuda ni socorro de ninguna persona de la dicha çiudad de macan sino solamente del capitan mayor antes supo este testigo como le avian sido contrarias muchas personas por rrespetos que a ellos les parescio y que a causa de la perdida del dicho junco que yva a el xapon el susodicho no por eso dexo de hazer este serviçio a su magestad como honbre principal que es y que acostunbrado a servir sienpre a su rrey y señor demas de que es honbre de caudal y animo generoso y de muy buenas costumbres para acudir a todo lo que se ofresçe y de aqui adelante en lo que se ofresçiere en serviçio de su magestad para el dever como bueno y leal vasallo de su magestad y esto rresponde a la pregunta.

X. a la decima pregunta dixo queste testigo sabe y es cosa averiguada que a causa de averse des (p. 48)

cubierto esta carrera a rresultado en gran provecho e utilidad del serviçio de dios nuestro señor y de su magestad e bien de toda esta rrepublica por las causas e razones que se declara en esta pregunta y esto rresponde a ella.

XI. a las honze preguntas dixo que por aver hecho el dicho bartolome vaez landero y el dicho bestian jorge el dicho serviçio a su magestad y ser como son anbos gente honrrada e principal e buenos cristianos temerosos de dios y de su conçiençia sabe que cabra y estara bien en ellos qualquier merced que su magestad sea servido de les querer hazer a qualquiera dellos por ser como son honbres sufiçientes para el serviçio de su magestad y que de Document 2 ConclusionInformation on Sebastião Jorge Moxar’s Journey to the Philippines, 28 April 1583 243

qualquier cargo que se les encargue daran buena quenta dello y esto es lo que rresponde e sabe de la pregunta.

XII. a las doze preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en las preguntas antes desta en que se afirma e ratifica e afirmo e ratifico lo qual dixo ser la verdad debaxo del juramento que tiene hecho lo qual es publico e notorio e publica voz e fama juan de la feria ante mi alonso merino escrivano publico.

C.R.Mdo

El cappitan bastian jorge moxar a cuyo pedimiento y en nonbre de bartolome baez landero se hizo la ynfformaçion atras contenida vino a esta çiudad de manila y puerto della a veinte y çinco dias del mes de março deste año con un navio (p. 49)

En el qual traxo a los padres Religiosos de la conpañya de jesus y descalços españoles y naturales que desta çiudad avian ydo el año passado al Reyno de china el dicho padre de la conpania a llebar recaudos en nombre de Vuestra Majestad que le dio don gonçalo Ronquillo de peñalosa my antesesor para llebar a la çiudad de macan y los padres franciscos que fueron para yr a predicar el santo evangelio a tierra de china y les subçedio lo que por la ynfformacion parece y de los dichos padres y españoles e oydo ynformado que del dicho bartolome baez landero y del dicho cappitan bastian jorge reçebieron muy buen tratamiento y aviamyento para poder benir a esta çiudad en lo qual sirbieron anbos a Vuestra Majestad como leales vassallos y son dignos de la merced que Vuestra Majestad fuere servido de les hazer por que asi mesmo e oydo ynformado son honbres en quien cabra officio en manila a veynte y ocho de abril de myll y quinientos y ochenta y tres años. Va señalado ochen, vala. Diego Ronquillo (firma) Yo Diego Aleman escrivano publico de la ciudad de Manila por su Magestad presente fe y a lo que de mi se hace mension y este traslado fize sacar del original que en mi poder queda e por ende fizo aqui mi signo. (Signo notarial) En testimonio de verdad Diego Aleman, scrivano publico. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 244 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Los escrivanos publicos y de su magestad que esto ffirmamos nuestrod nombres zertifficamos y damos fee como el muy Illustre señor Diego Ronquillo de quien la ynfformacion de (p. 50)

atras ba ffirmada es governador e capitan general por su magestad en estas yslas del poniente y como tal usa y exorje el dicho cargo e Diego Aleman de quien asi mesmo ba ffirmado e segnado es escrivano publico desta çiudad de manila por su magestad y a las escripturas y a otras que antes pasan se dan entera ffee y credito en juyzio e ffuera del a para que dello conoc e lo ffirmamos de nuestro nonbre en la çibdad de Manila veynte e nueve dias del mes de abril de myll e quynientos e ochenta e tres años. Geronimo de carvajal escribano publico (firma) Alonso merino escribano publico (firma) (p. 51) Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 245

Document 3 Document: Information on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586.

Archive: Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 53, R.2.

Original title:

“Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586.”

Viose en junta de puerto rico

ynformacion

El capitan Bartolome Vaez Landero sobre que se le haga merced atento a sus serviçios en las cossas que refiere

Revisor licenciado quiroga señor juan de ledesma (p. 1)

señor

El capitan Bartholome Vaez Landero dize que ha servido a Vuestra Magestad de 28 años a esta parte en todas las occasiones que en este tiempo se han offrecido en la India y tierra de la China, Islas del Japon, Malluco y Philipinas, y los 16 años dellos residio en la gran China, y en el puerto de Macan, en donde con su buena Industria, valor y cuydado alagado y THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 246 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

acariciando a los chinos puso aquella tierra en mucha paz, y quietud, devocion y obediencia de V.M. poblandola de Portugueses, y haviendo venido a su noticia como ciertos Reyes se havian levantado contra un Rey Japon christiano fue a socorrerle, llevando para ello una nao suya de mas de 600 toneladas, y con su llegada y la buena industria y maña que tuvo se compuso aquello en buen estado y hizo edificar yglesias sumptuosas, y que se administrassen los sacramentos en ellas. Gasto en este viage mas de 40.000 cruzados por haverlo hecho todo a su costa. Despues sucediendo que un corsario que se havia levantado andava robando y haciendo mucho daño en todos aquellos puertos, los governadores de la China le embiaron a rogar saliesse a hecharle de la tierra, como lo hizo, y en ello hizo muy particular servicio a V.M. y gasto muy gran suma de diniero por haver hecho la jornada con dos navios suyos grandes con esto tenia contentos a los governadores de la China, y la tierra de los Portugueses quieta y pacifica. Despues vino a la Isla de Macan y dio aviso como el Rey don Sebastian era muerto, y V.M. le havia sucedido y haviendo traydo la nueva desto el Padre Alonsso Sánchez de la Compañia de Jhesus por carta de don Gonçalo Ronquillo Governador de las Philipinas, se perdio en el camino metiendose la China adentro, y entendido por el supplicante dio orden para que a su costa fuessen por el, y le truxeron al puerto de Macan, donde fue jurado V.M. por rey y Señor procurando el supplicante como Leal vassallo de V.M. que todos viniessen en ello. Despues hizo aderçear un navio suyo, y embio con el al Padre Alonso Sánchez a Manila con el Juramento con muchos regalos para el Governador offreciendole su persona y hazienda para el servicio de V.M. Despues haviendo (p. 2)

se quemado la ciudad de Manila, y venido a extrema necessidad el supplicante embio una nao suya cargada de bastimentos y municiones, que fue de grandisimo consuelo y alegria para toda la tierra. Despues estando el supplicante en el puerto de Macan arribo alli el capitan Francisco Mercado de Andrada con una nao de V.M. destroçada, y el le socorrio con todo lo necessario. Despues de todo esto murio don Gonçalo Ronquillo y quedando en su lugar Diego Ronquillo embio a llamar al supplicante diziendole que convenia su yda para el servicio de Dios y de V.M. y assi se partio luego con dos navios suyos grandes y bien pertrechados de Armada y proveido de todo lo necessario para lo que conviniesse al servicio de V.M. dexando por acudir al servicio de V.M. cierto intento en que ganava mas de 30.000 ducados. Con Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 247

su llegada y assistencia se trataron cosas importantes del servicio de V.M. Despues queriendo el Doctor Santiago de Vera, Governador de las Philipinas embiar socorro a las Islas del Malluco contra los Terrenates el supplicante se offrecio de yr con una compañia de aventureros españoles y Portugueses, y dos navios suyos de Armada, como lo hizo, y lo llevo todo a su costa, dando de comer y todo lo demas necessario a los soldados de su compañia en lo qual gasto muy buena suma de dinero. Y haviendo embiado a pedir a la China un navio grande con buena provision de bastimentos y lo demas necessario por la contrariedad de los temporales no pudo llegar a tiempo, y le fue forçoso comprar otros navios y empeñarse en hazer la provision dellos en mucha cantidad, y haviendo llegado a la Isla de Tidore con un navio de alto bordo y una Galeota hallo toda la tierra rebuelta y puestos en armas el pueblo, el Rey, y los naturales de la dicha Isla, unos contra otros con grandissimo alvoroto y confusion, y el supplicante con su acostumbrada prudencia y valor lo aquieto y puso en paz todo, y metieron en sus navios al Rey de Tidore, a los capitanes del pueblo y naturales de las islas, en que se hizo muy gran servicio a V.M. en toda esta jornada tuvo mesa franca dando de comer a su costa a los soldados de su compañia y a todos los demas que quisieron yr a su mesa, en que gasto lo que se dexa entender. Assistio siempre en las trincheas con su compañia en el quartel que estava a su cargo, acudiendo con mucho cuydado a lo necessario, y escusando muchas pendencias que se offrecian entre soldados castellanos y Portugueses (p. 3)

Acabado esto, y tratando de bolverse, el supplicante vio que era necessario y conveniente dexar una galera para la seguridad y defensa de la fortaleza de V.M. de Tidore, trato con el general que quedasse una de Manila del Capitan Estevan Rodriguez, y no haviendo otro que se obligasse a pagalla, en caso que no se la pagasse la Audiencia real de Manila, obligo el su persona y bienes, y porque la Audiencia no lo tuvo por bien, la ha havido de pagar de su hazienda. Esto con los demas gastos referidos, y la perdida de un navio suyo en la vuelta desta jornada le tiene muy pobre y con necessidad. Es hombre muy principal, hijodalgo, y capitan de los del numero de V.M. y como tal se ha tratado siempre, teniendo su casa poblada de soldados, armas y cavallos para servir a V.M. sustentandolo siempre con su hazienda, porque la ha tenido muy gruessa, y toda la ha gastado en servicio de V.M. y assi se halla con la pobreza y necessidad que arriba dize, y sin la comodidad necessaria a su THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 248 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

calidad para colocar y remediar dos hijas que tiene. En consideracion de lo qual y de tan buenos y grandes servicios como ha referido, y del deseo que tiene de continuallos supplica humildemente a V.M. le haga merced de la encomienda de la fortaleza de Malaca, o de la del Chaul, o de Maluco por su vida, o que pueda hazer dos viages de Macan a Japon como agora lo acostumbran hazer los capitanes mayores de aquella ciudad, y que esta merced se le haga luego, porque lo pide assi su extrema nescessidad y vegez, con orden que pueda tomar luego la possession de lo que se le proveyere, pimero que otro ninguno, si acaso huviere otros proveydos, pues es comun uso de la India prevenir unas provisiones a otras, segun los servicios y necessidades de quien los haze y siendo V.M. servido de proveerle en las Islas Philipinas, y ser su persona, con los navios, armas y gentes que alli tendra muy importante se le podran comutar las mercedes de arriba en tres mil Indios de encomienda que se le den luego en los que estan vacos en la provincia de la Panpanga, o en otras que lo esten, y sean llanos y ciertos, porque no se le ha hecho merced ni dado ayuda de costa ninguna, y la merced que se le hiziese le corra desde luego, o en el entretanto se le supla en otra cosa, y haziendosela en los indios para que la puedan gozar hijos y nietos por tres vidas, como V.M. lo tiene ordenado. Supplica a V.M. haga dos hijas naturales que tiene legitimas, atento que no tiene otros hijos, y la hacienda que tenia para casarlas muy honrradamente se la ha gastado en los servicios que tiene hechos a V.M. En todo espera que se le hara V.M. conforme a su benignidad y real grandeza (p. 4)

en Manilla a xxv de Agosto de 1588 se presento (rubrica)

Muy poderoso señor el capitan Bartholomé Baez Landero digo que yo e servido a Vuestra Alteza en la India y en Macan tierra de China, y en estas islas y en el Japon y maluco de mas de veintiocho años a esta parte en las ocasiones que se an ofrecido en ofiçios y cargos de capitan general siempre a mi costa e minçion en que e gastado mucha cantidad de pesos de oro y e hecho muy notables servicios a Vuestra Alteza de lo qual quiero hazer informaçion para ocurrir a Vuestra rreal persona a que me haga merced en gratificacion de los mis serviçios de me dar la fortaleza de Malaca, o la fortaleza de Chaul en la India o la fortaleza de el maluco en vida por capitan mayor de ella o dos viages de China al Japon por capitan mayor. y si por ser ya hombre mayor y muy trabajado de servir a Vuestra Alteza muriere antes de gosar la Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 249

qualquiera de las dichas merçedes las puedan usar mis hijos susesores.

a Vuestra Alteza pido y suplico se me rreçiva la dicha informaçion citando para ello al liçinçiado Ayala vuestro fiscal y que los testigos que presentare se examinen por el tenor de las preguntas de este interrogatorio que presento y ffirmo Vuestro presidente y oydores den su pareçer para el dicho effecto y pido justiçia. Bartolome Vais Landero.

En la ciudad de Manila de las islas del poniente en dies y nueve dias de el mes de abril de mill e quinientos e ochenta y seis años estando en la audiençia los señores presidente e oydores de la audiençia e chançilleria rreal destas islas philipinas se hizo esta petiçion que presento el capitan Bartholome Vais Landero (p. 5)

Ynterrogatorio

Con un interrogatorio de preguntas e vista por los dichos señores oydores vieron por presentado e mandaron se les reciva la dicha informaçion que ofreçe sitado el fiscal de su magestad ante el Señor liçinçiado Pedro de rrojas oydor desta rreal audiençia y estando presente el fiscal de su magestad se çito en forma Alonso Beltran

Ynterrogatorio Por las preguntas siguientes seran preguntados los testigos que fueren presentados por parte de el capitan Bartholome Bais Landero en la informaçion que haze a los serviçios que a hecho a Su Magestad de veintiocho años a esta parte.

1. Primeramente. Si conoçen al dicho capitan Bartholome Baes Landero y de que tiempo a esta parte.

2. (a 28 años que paso a la yndia y estube alla 2 años) Yten si saven que abra veintiocho años poco mas o menos tiempo que el dicho capitan bartolome Baez paso a la India en serviçio de Su Magestad con el capitan mayor Pedro Baes de Sequera, y estuvo en serviçio de Su THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 250 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Magestad en la dicha india tiempo de dos años en todas las ocaçiones que se ofreçieron a su costa y minçion digan lo que saven

3. (paso a la China y en Macan a rresidido 26 años) Yten si saven que desde la india paso el dicho capitan Bartholome Baez a la gran China, donde a rreçidido en el puerto de macan de ella de veintiseis años a esta parte donde con su yndustria y valor a alagado con los chinos cariçiandolos por donde los dichos chinos le tienen mucho respecto y rreverençia y la poblaçion de macan esta poblada de portuguezes se a conservado en que a hecho muy notable serviçio a su magestad digan lo que saven. (p. 6)

4- (Yda al Japon y socorro) Yten si saben que teniendo notiçia el dicho capitan Bartolome Baes de que un rey Japon cristiano y otros que no lo eran se levantaron contra el fue con su persona y un navio de mas de seisçientas toneladas de armada a su costa y minçion al socorro del dicho rrey y asi mediante su yda los puso en pas y en quietud y echo edificar yglesias suntuosas donde se çelebrase el officio divino y gasto y perdio mas de cinquenta mill cruzados y ansientadas las tierras e rreynos comarcanos de machan tienen grandissima notiçia de la persona del dicho capitan por su mucho balor y esfuerço.

5 – (que Fue en busca de un corsario) Yten si saven que de el Reyno de China se levanto un tirano que andava cosario con navios de armada haziendo mucho mal y daño en todo los puertos y poblaçones por donde llegava y teniendo noticia los governadores de China de quan temido era el dicho capitan bartholome Baes enbiaron a rrogar saliese de armada en busca del dicho tirano y el dicho capitan bartholome Baes por servir a su magestad y tener gratos a los dichos governadores chinos para que con mas façilidad se pueda cobrar su amistad y su magestad pueda entrar en la dicha china salio con dos navios gruesos de armada, suyos y fue asta el Reino de Çiam en busca de el dicho cosario que son mas de quinientas leguas en lo qual gasto mucha cantidad de pezas de oro de su propia hazienda y hizo muy notable serviçio a su magestad digan lo que saven.

6- (lo que sirvio en hacer jurar a Su Magestad por Rrey de Portugal en la Yndia y dio un navio proveydo para traer al padre alonso Sánchez) Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 251

Yten si saven que luego que se supo por don gonzalo rronquillo de peñalosa governador y capitan general que fue de estas islas la muerte de el Rey don Sebastian que (p. 7)

sea en gloria despacho a macan e otras partes a dar de ello aviso. El qual aviso llevo el padre alonso Sánchez de la compania de Jesus y fue a dar a la gran China, donde se perdio y savido por el dicho capitan dio orden como se fuese por el y traydo al puerto de machan donde savida la dicha nueva el dicho capitan bartolome Baes y los demas vezinos como basallos de Su Magestad le juraron por Rey y Señor e para mejor mostrarse el dicho bartholome Baes quan leal basallo de su Magestad era hizo adereçar un navio grande suyo y en el envio al dicho padre alonso Sánchez y muchos regalos y bastimentos para esta çiudad enviandose a ofreser al governador de estas islas con su persona y hazienda al serviçio de Su Magestad digan lo que saben.

7. (Que socorrio a la ciudad de manila que se quemo con un nabio y bastimentos) Yten si saven que estando esta çiudad quemada y con muy gran nessesidad assi de bastimentos como de muniçiones por se aver quemado todo llego el navio de el dicho capitan bartholome Baes que fue de grandissimo consuelo y alegria para esta tierra respecto de la grandissima afliçion con que estavan los de ella con que se rreformaron de muchas cosas de que tenian nessesidad digan lo que saven.

8. (Socorrio al capitan Francisco de Mercado) Yten si saven questando el dicho capitan bartholome Baes en la china en el puerto de macan ariba alli el capitan francisco de mercado de andrada con una nao de Su Magestad toda destroçada y el dicho capitan bartolome Baes por serviçio de Su Magestad le socorrio al dicho capitan con todo lo que uvo de menester para la dicha nao como bueno y leal basallo de Su magestad digan (p. 8)

9. (Que bino por mandado del governador assiste con dos nabios) Yten si saven que visto por diego ronquillo que susedio en el govierno de estas islas por el dicho don gonzalo que falleçio el ofreçimiento y voluntad THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 252 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

de servir a su magestad el dicho capitan bartholome Baes le escrivio y envio a llamar que se viniese a esta ciudad por convenir al serviçio de dios nuestro Senor e de Su Magestad por tratar algunas cosas tocantes a su serviçio y luego que lo supo el dicho capitan bartolome Baes vino a esta çiudad con dos navios grandes suyos pertrechados de armada para lo que conbiniese al servicio de su magestad los quales navios tenia prestos y fletados donde arresgaba a ganar mas de treinta mill pesos y lo dexo todo por venír a servir a su magestad y lo saben los testigos porque lo vieron ser e pasar ansi digan lo que saven.

10. (Que fue a socorrer al maluco) Yten si saven que llegado que fue a esta çiudad el dicho doctor santiago de vera, presidente governador y capitan general dio horden como envíar socorro de armada a las islas de el maluco contra los terrenates que estan rrevelados al servicio de Su Magestad a la qual jornada se ofreçio ir el dicho capitan bartolome Baez con una compania de abentureros a la qual jornada fue con dos navios de armada a su costa y minçion dando de comer de lo nessesarío a todos los soldados de su companía y asi mismo saven los testigos que envio a la china por un navio grande con bastimentos y soldados para el dicho viage y con tiempos forsosos no pudo benir a tiempo por (p. 9)

por donde saven los testigos que le fue forsoço al dicho capitan comprar otros navíos y empeñarse en comprar los bastimentos y pertrechos nessesarios para ellos para hazer la jornada en serviçio de Su Magestad digan lo que saven.

11. Yten si saven que llegado que fue el dicho bartolome Baez a la fortaleza de Tidore con un navio de alto bordo y una galeota hallo que estava toda la tierra rebuelta sobre reçivir por capitan mayor a duarte pereyra de sanpalo de la dicha fortaleza a que avia venido probehido por capitan mayor della, la qual rebuelta avia entre el pueblo y el Rey y naturales de la isla de Tidore en que se vinieron a poner en arma los unos contra los otros con grandíssimo alvoroto de suerte que si el dicho capitan bartolome Baes con su mucha prudençia y valor no se hallara allí a metellos en paz y apasiguallos se dessirviera dios nuestro Señor y Su Magestad y la tierra si pusiera en mucho rríesgo y asi con su gente el dicho capitan bartolome Baez apasiguo a los capitanes y el pueblo y al rrey de Tidore y naturales de el llevando a los Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 253

dichos sus navios al dicho capitan duarte pereira, en los quales le tubo porque así convino a la dicha quietud y servicio de Su Magestad en lo qual el dicho capítan bartolome Baez hizo muy notable serviçio a Su Magestad digan.

12. (el colabora) Yten si saven que durante el tiempo que duro el dicho socorro contenido en las preguntas antes desta, el dicho capitan bartolome Baez tubo mesa publica (p. 10)

y dio de comer a todos los de su compania y a todos los demas que querian vir a comer a ella todo a su costa y minçion. En que gasto mucha cantidad de pesos de oro y saven los testigos que el dicho capitan bartolome Baez asistio de ordinario a las trincheas en el quartel que se le avia encargado con su compañia acudiendo a todo lo que era nessesario y como hombre sagaz y prinçipal estorvava muchas mohinas entre los soldados castellanos y portugueses para que tubiesen paz y amistad digan lo que saven.

13. (Perdio un navio) Yten si saven quel dicho capitan bartolome Baez de tornaviaje de el dicho socorro perdio un navio suyo y mostrandose muy servidor de Su Magestad visto que la fortaleza que Su Magestad tiene en Tidoro tenia nessesidad de una galera, que de esta ciudad avia ydo de armada, que era de el capitan estevan rodrigues de figueroa, pidio al general que se la dexase que el se obligava que quando Su Magestad no la tuviese por bien de pagalla el la pagaría y de ello hizo obligaçion saven los testigos que venido a esta ciudad el dicho capitan bartholome Baez el dicho capitan estevan rodrigues pidio le pagasen la dicha galera y la Real Audiençia condeno al dicho bartolome Baez a que pagase la dicha galera digan lo que saben.

14. (parte del) Yten Si saven que el dicho capitan bartholome Baez es principal y hijodalgo capitan de los de el numero de Su Magestad y siempre a tratado su (p. 11)

persona como tal teniendo su casa poblada con muchos soldados y armas y cavallos para servir a Su Magestad digan. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 254 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

15. Yten si saven que el dicho capitan bartolome Baez a sido hombre muy rrico y poderoso de hazienda, lo qual saven los testigos como se contiene en las preguntas antes de esta a gastado en serviçio de Su Magestad y que al presente esta muy pobre y enpeñado y tiene dos hijas por casar digan.

16. Yten si saven que el dicho bartholome Baez es digno y mereçedor por los serviçios que a hecho a Su Magestad que en gratificacion de ellos le hagan merced de le encomendar la fortaleza de malaca, o la de chaul o la de el maluco por vida, o le dar que haga dos viajes de China al Japon y caven en el las dichas merçedes y otras qualesquier que Su Magestad se a servido de le hazer digan lo que saven.

17. Yten si saven que todo lo susodicho es publica boz e fama, Bartholome Baez Landero. Testigo En la ciudad de manila a veinte dias de el mes de abril de mill e quinientos e ochenta y seis años ante el mui illustre Señor licenciado pedro de rrojas de el consejo de Su Magestad e oydor de la rreal audiençia de estas islas por ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano receptor el dicho capitan Bartholome Baez Landero para la dicha su provança presento por testigo al capitan francisco de mercado de andrada de el qual (p. 12)

Testigo fue tomado e rrecevido juramento por dios e por sancta maria e por la señal de la cruz so cargo de el qual prometio de dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorío dixo e depuso lo seguiente:

1. a la primera pregunta dixo que conose al dicho capitan bartolome Baez de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le toca ninguna de ellas e ques de edad de treinta e tres años poco mas o menos.

2- A la segunda pregunta dixo que estando el testigo en la poblaçon de Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 255

macan de los portugueses oyo dezir a muchas personas por cosa publica e notoria lo que la pregunta dize y declara y esto rresponde.

3- a la terçera pregunta dixo que como dicho tiene abra tres años que este testigo arribo en un navio de Su Magestad de que yba por capitan a la gran china, al puerto de maçan donde ay poblazon de portugueses. Alli trato y conoçio al dicho capitan Bartolome Baez Landero e vido como era tenido por hombre muy prinçipal e a quien todos assi chinos como portugueses tenian mucho respecto y el como tal fue el que mas socorrio a este testigo e a la nao de Su Magestad proveyendola de anclas cables e piloto para ma (p. 13)

marearla en el puerto e alli oyo este testigo dezir a muchos portugueses como avia veinte e seis años poco mas o menos que el dicho capitan bartolome Baez avia venido al dicho puerto y poblaçon de macan e que mediante su yndustria e soliçitud e buena diligençia avia alagado a los chinos de suerte que la dicha poblaçon de macan e portugueses que en ellas estavan avia dejado de padecer muchas molestias e assi se conservavan en servicio de Su Magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

4. a la quarta pregunta dixo que estando este testigo en la dicha poblaçon e puerto de macan oyo dezir por cosa publica e notoria como el dicho capitan bartolome Baez avia ydo con su persona en un navio de mas de seisçientas toneladas al socorro que la pregunta dize todo lo qual avia ffecho a su costa e minçion y que avia gastado los pesos de oro que la pregunta dize y le avia susedido lo demas que la pregunta declara, y esto responde.

5. a la quinta pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir en la dicha çiudad de macan todo lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoría publica boz y fama.

6. a la sesta pregunta díxo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque vido este testigo (p. 14)

como luego que en estas islas se supo la nueba de la muerte de el Rey don sevastian don gonzalo ronquillo de penalosa que a la sason governava en estas islas despacho al dicho puerto de macan e otras partes a dar de ello THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 256 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

aviso el qual aviso llevo el padre alonso Sánchez de la conpania de Jesus. El qual es cosa notoria e publica que se perdío e fue a dar a la china e que savido por el capitan bartholome Baez envio por el e lo llevo al dicho puerto ciudad de macan. E por el e los demas savido luego juraron por rrey a Su Magestad del Rey don phelipe nuestro Señor e esto lo oyo este testigo dezir al dicho padre alonso sanches e vido el testigo como en la dicha ciudad de macan se nombraban por tales y vido como el dicho capitan bartholome Baez en un navio grande suyo torno a enviar a esta çiudad al dicho padre alonso sanches e muchos rregalos para el dicho don gonsalo rronquillo governador enviandose a ofreçer con su persona e hazienda al serviçio de Su Magestad y esto responde.

7. a la septima pregunta, dixo que la sabe como en ella se contine porque lo vio ser e pasar como en ella se dize e declara, y esto responde a ella.

8. a la octava pregunta. dixo que save la pregunta (p. 15)

como en ella se contiene porque este testigo fue la persona que yba por capitan de la dicha nao de Su Magestad al tiempo que arribaron a la dicha ciudad de macan. Y es verdad e paso todo lo que la pregunta dize y esto responde a ella.

9. a la novena pregunta dixo que sabe e vido este testigo como aviendo susedido en el govierno de estas islas diego rronquillo por muerte de el dicho don gonsalo rronquillo visto por el dicho diego rronquillo el servicio que el dicho el servicio que el dicho capitan bartholome baes avia ffecho escrivio una carta en la qual vido este testigo en la qual le enviava a rrogar que se viniese a esta ciudad por convenir asi al serviçio de dios y de su magestad porque tenia cosas que tratar con el tocantes a su servicio e vido este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome baez luego que rreçevio la carta se vino a estas islas con dos navios grandes de armada suyos pertrechados de armas municiones e gente de guerra, los quales navios vido este testigo que tenia fletados uno para la yndia y otro para timor donde interesava de el mayor de ellos dies mill cruzados de flete y de el pequeno tres mill cruzados de carga onde que se seguia gran ynteres todo lo qual dejo el susodicho por solo venir a servir a Su Magestad con los dichos navios e que ansi mismo save e vido Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 257

(p. 16)

este testigo que quando llegaron a esta çiudad los dichos navios avia fama de que los naturales confederados con los chinos se querian alsar por aver pocos españoles en la tierra todo lo qual seso con la venida de el dicho capitan por los navios e gente que trujo todo lo qual save çierto porque vino a esta çiudad con los navios de el dicho capitan bartolome baez y lo vido ser e pasar como dicho tiene y esto rresponde

10. a las dies Preguntas dixo que save e vido este testigo como luego que llego a estas islas el señor doctor sanctiago de vera governador e capitan general e presidente de la audiencia rreal que en ella rreçide dio orden como enviar socorro a las islas de el Maluco contra los terrenates que estavan alçados e de guerra, contra Su Magestad a la qual dicha jornada vido el testigo que se ofreçio el dicho capitan bartolome baes con una conpania de abentureros a la qual dicha jornada vido este testigo que fue el dicho capitan bartolome Baes con dos navios de armada, a su costa e minçion e a oydo dezir a todos los que fueron con el que les dio de comer a todos a su costa e minçion e ansimismo save este testigo por cosa publica e notoria envio a la china por un navio grande de gente bastimentos e otras cosas para la dicha jornada que (p. 17)

por un temporal arribo al Japon e no pudo venir a tiempo y esto responde

11. a las honze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria a muchas personas de los castellanos que fueron a la dicha jornada, y esto rresponde.

12 a las doze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria porque este testigo no fue a la dicha jornada.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que vido este testigo que de dos navios que (tachado: vido) llevo el dicho capitan bartholome baez a la dicha jornada de el maluco vio como no bolvio mas de el uno e a oydo dezir por cosa muy publica e notoria que se perdio el otro en la jornada, en lo que toca a la galera THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 258 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

que esta pregunta dize vido este testigo como en esta çiudad se puso pleyto al dicho bartolome baez pidiendole que se avia obligado a la paga de ella, e a oydo todo lo demas que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria y esto rresponde.

14 a las catorze perguntas dixo queste testigo a visto y tiene e a avido e tenido al dicho capitan bartholome baez Landero ansi en el puerto de macan como en esta ciudad por hombre muy prinçipal cavallero hijodalgo e por capitan de el numero de Su Magestad (p. 18)

E siempre a visto este testigo que a tratado su persona como tal teniendo su casa poblada con muchos soldados e armas e cavallos para servir a Su Magestad y esto rresponde

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que en su trato e casas navios que tiene e sustenta le pareçe a el testigo el dicho bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rrico e poderoso e a oydo dezir por cosa publica que todo lo a gastado en serviçio de Su Magestad ansi en la yda que hizo a Japon como en la jornada de maluco e otras que a ffecho en serviçio de Su Magestad e este testigo save por cosa çierta, que al presente esta muy pobre e enpeñado e que tiene dos hijas por casar y esto rresponde.

16 a la diez y seis preguntas que respecto de los muchos serviçios que el dicho capitan a ffecho a Su Magestad es digno e mereçedor de que Su Magestad le haga merced en gratificaçion de ellos de le encomendar la fortaleza de malaca, la de Chaul o la de maluco por vida o de darle que haga dos viajes de China a Japon las quales mercedes caven en el e otras qualesquier que Su Magestad fuere servido de le hazer y esto responde.

17 a las dies y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma. (p. 19)

E refiere lo qual dixo ser verdad para juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el licenciado pedro de rojas, francisco mercado de andrada, ante mi Geronimo de mesa escribano receptor Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 259

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha ciudad de manila, en veinte y dos dias de el mes de março de el dicho año ante el dicho señor oydor por ante mi el dicho escrivano receptor el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero para la dicha provança presento por testigo a rrodrigo de morales clerigo reçidente en esta çiudad del qual fue tomado e rresevido juramento in verbo saçerdotis poniendo la mano en el pecho de dezir verdad so cargo de el qual preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorio porque fue preguntado dixo e depuso lo siguiente.

1 a la primera Pregunta dixo que conose al dicho capitan bartholome baez landero de mas de quatro años a esta parte. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le toca nínguna de ellas e que es de edad de veintiçinco años.

2 a la segunda pregunta dixo que abia quatro años que este testigo fue a la poblaçon de macan e alla oyo dezir a muchas personas lo que esta (p. 20)

Pregunta dize por cosa publica y notoria.

3. A la terzera pregunta dixo que este testigo en la dicha poblaçon e puerto de macan oyo este testigo por cosa publica e notoria como el dicho capitan bartholome baez avia pasado alla avia mas tiempo de veintiocho años donde avia rreçibido todo el dicho tiempo donde con su yndustria e valor a alagado a los chinos con caricias dadivas e buenos tratamientos respecto de lo qual los dichos chinos le tienen mucho respecto e reverençia e la poblaçon de macan esta poblada de portugueses e conserva la a conservado e sino fuera por el uvieran pasado muchos trabajos e rrisgos que en ellos es cosa notoria que se a ffecho notable servicio a Su Magestad y esto responde.

4 a la quarta pregunta, dixo que estando en la dicha çiudad de macan oyo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria.

5. A la quinta Pregunta, dixo que oyo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por publico e notorio en la dicha ciudad de manila. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 260 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque estando este testigo en esta çiudad de manila governando en ella don gonzalo Ronquillo de peñalosa tubo noticia de la muerte del Rey don sevastian e luego dio orden como enviar a dar de ello aviso a macan e otras portuguezas poblaçones el qual dicho aviso llevo (p. 21)

el padre alonso sanches de la horden e conpanía de Jesus e este testigo fue por su compañero e con tiempos forsoços que tuvieron yendo a macan arribaron a la gran china lo qual savido por el dicho capitan bartholome baez a su costa e minçion envio un navio suyo por el dicho padre alonso Sánchez e por este testigo e los demas españoles que con el yban e lo llevo a la dicha çiudad de macan donde los rregalo e tuvo en su casa e luego como supieron la dicha nueva el dicho capitan bartolome baez e otros como leales basallos. Juraron por Rey a Su Majestad del Rey don phelipe nuestro señor e despues hizo aderezar un navio grande suyo y en el envio al dicho padre alonso sanches e a este testigo a esta ciudad en lo qual gasto grandissima suma de dinero todo lo qual vido este testigo ser e pasar como dicho tiene e vido que se invio a ofreser al governador de estas islas con persona e hazienda mostrandose en todo ser muy leal basallo de su magestad y esto responde.

7 a la su septima pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser e pasar como en ella se dize e declara y esto rresponde.

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque este testigo yva en el navio que la pregunta dize e vido ser e pa (p. 22)

Pasar todo lo que la Pregunta dize e declara y esto responde.

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que save e vido este testigo como a ruego y instançia de diego rronquillo governador e capitan general que fue de estas islas porque le envio a dezir de parte de dios y de Su Magestad que el dicho bartolome baez viniese a estas islas el susodicho se apresto e vino a esta çiudad desde el dicho puerto de macan donde estava e rreçedia con dos navios Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 261

grandes suyos pertrechados de armas con gente y muniçiones e vastimentos los quales dichos navios save este testigo que tenia prestes e ffletados para la india e otras partes donde interesava a ganar mas de treinta mill pesos todo lo qual dejo el susodicho por solo el çelo que tenia de acudir a servir a su Magestad todo lo qual save estel testigo porque lo vio ser e pasar ansi porque estuvo mucho tiempo en la dicha ciudad de macan. E fue e vino algunas vezes y esto responde.

10 a las diez preguntas dixo que save e vido este testigo que llegado que fue a esta ciudad el gobernador doctor Santiago de vera, governador e capitan general e presidente de la audiencia rreal que en ella rreçide luego dio horden de como enviar socorro de armada a las islas de el maluco contra los terrenates que estavan revelados. (p. 23)

al servicio de su magestad a la qual jornada vido este testigo que se ofrecio el dicho capitan bartolome baez con una compañía de abentureros. E fue a ella con dos navios de armada a su costa e minçión. E es cosa publica e notoria que dio de comer se su hazienda a todos los soldados que llevo en su compania e assimismo save este testigo porque ansi es cosa notoría que el dicho capitan bartolome baez que envio a la china por un navio grande con bastimento e soldados para el dicho viaje y por tiempos forsosos no pudo benir a tiempo para ir a la dicha jornada e por ello save este testigo que fue forçoso al dicho capitan conprar otros navios e enpeñarse y comprar bastimentos e pertrechos nesesarios para poder hazer el dicho viaje y esto rresponde a esta pregunta.

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que no la save

12 a las doze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir todo lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir todo lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica y notoria

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que este testigo tiene e ha visto ser avido e tenido e comunmente respectado al dicho bartolome vaez landero por hombre THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 262 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

muy prinçipal hijodalgo e capitan de (p. 24)

de los de el numero de Su Magestad y a visto que desde que le conoze a tratado su persona e casa como tal e a visto que tiene e a tenido su casa poblada con muchas personas e armas e cavallos e soldados para con ellos poder mejor servir a Su Magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que este testigo oyo dezir por cosa publica e notoria en la dicha çiudad de macam, que el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda e que la a gastado en serviçio de Su Magestad en lo que este testigo tiene dicho que a visto. A visto que a gastado mucha suma de pesos de oro en servir a Su Magestad e save este testigo por cosa çierta que al presente esta muy pobre y enpeñado e que tiene dos hijas por casar y esto responde.

16 a las diez y seis preguntas dixo que mediante los sserviçios que el dicho capitan bartolome baez a ffecho a Su Magestad le pareçe a este testigo que es digno y mereçedor de que Su Magestad en gratificaçion de ellos le haga qualquiera de las mercedes contenidas e declaradas en la pregunta las quales caben muy bien en el e otras qualesquier que Su Magestad fuere servido de le hazer y esto rresponde a esta pregunta (p. 25)

17 a las dies y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e rrefiere lo qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el lisinçiciado Pedro de Rojas. Rodrigo de morales ante mi Geronimo de mesa el escribano reçeptor Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha ciudad de manila en veintinueve dias de el mes de abril del dicho año ente el dicho señor oydor por ante mi el dicho escribano rreceptor el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero para la dicha provança presento por testigo al fator y tesorero Juan Baptista rroman de el qual fue tomado e rreçevido juramento por dios e por sancta maria e por la çeñal de la cruz so cargo de el qual prometio de dezír verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorio dixo e depuso lo siguiente. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 263

1. a la primera pregunta dixo que conose al dicho capitan bartolome baez landero de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales e dixo que no le toca ninguna de ellas ni le va interes en esta causa, e que es de edad de treinta e siete años poco mas o menos.

2. a la segunda pregunta dixo que no la save.

3. a la terçera pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize porque este testigo estuvo en la China e save quel dicho bartolome baez tiene muy (p. 26)

muy buena fama e opinion entre los chinos y esto responde.

4 a la quarta pregunta dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta es publico e notorio en la ciudad de macan donde este testigo a estado y este testigo lo oyo dezir muchas bezes a los portuguezes e particularmente a los padres de la compania de Jesus que afirmaban que pudiendo el dicho bartolome baez ganar muchos dineros por ir a cierto puerto de Japones ynfieles quizo antes hazer lo que los padres le rrogavan y ayudar a Su Rey Cristiano y que gasto mucha hazienda, e restauro la cristiandad de aquella tierra favoreçiendo a los cristianos y esto responde.

5 a la quinta pregunta dixo que asi lo oyo dezir en macan como en la dicha Pregunta se contiene por cosa publica e notoria y que por aver ffecho el dicho bartolome baez aquel serviçio al Rey de la China dexaron estar los portuguezes mas paçificamente en la poblaçon de macan y esto rresponde.

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo que la save como en ella se contiene porque estando el testigo en estas islas el año pasado de ochenta e dos despacho don gonzalo rronquillo que a la sason era governador dellas al padre Alonso sanches de la compania de jesus para que fuese a macan a avisar a los portugueses de la susecion de Su Magestad en los Reynos de portugal e procurar que le jurasen por rrey el qual padre dio en otro puerto de THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 264 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

(p. 27)

la china donde fue llevado ante los juezes chinos de aquella provinçia e despues a la ciudad e poblacon de macan donde el dicho capitan bartolome baez ayuda el susodicho a favoreçer al dicho padre como hombre poderoso y no teniendo el dicho padre navio para vo para volver a estas islas ni esperança de que lo uviese el dicho capitan bartolome baez adereço un navio suyo en que enbio al dicho padre con copia de el juramento que se avia ffecho dandole la evidiençia a Su Magestad y esto responde.

7 a la septima pregunta dixo que la save como en ella se contiene porque estando esta çiudad quemada llego a ella el navio de el dicho bartolome baez como la pregunta dize y esto rresponde.

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que es cosa notoria que aviendo partido el año de ochenta y tres el capitan francisco mercado de andrada, en una nao de Su Magestad para la nueva españa, arribo a la china e llego destrozado a macan donde el dicho bartolome baez favoreçio al dicho capitan francisco de mercado e lo hospedo en su casa e a otros españoles e aviendose amotinado la gente e pasageros de la dicha nao contra el dicho capitan mercado y apartadose de el serviçio de Su Magestad el dicho bartolome baez le ayudo a el e a todos los que tuvieron su rreal boz en todo quanto pudo como fiel basallo de Su Magestad y esto rresponde.

9 a la novena Pregunta dixo que lo que save es que siendo governador de estas islas diego (p. 28)

Ronquillo escrivio en el mismo junco que trajo el padre alonso sanches rogando al dicho capitan bartholome baez que viniese a estas islas a servir a Su Magestad e que este testigo vio la carta que le escrivío e que luego que lo supo el dicho capitan bartolome baes vino a esta çiudad con dos navios suyos muy grandes e vien armados e truxo en ellos al dicho capitan francisco de mercado y a los demas de la nao Sant Juan que estuvieron en serviçio de Su Magestad y estavan despojados de la dicha nao y llegado aqui fue a tiempo que prestar esta ciudad quemada, e aver mas de tres mill chinos en ella se Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 265

rreselavan de algun alsamiento. E con la llegada de el dicho bartolome baez se holgaron el governador e vecinos desta çiudad porque les podia ayudar con la gente e navios que trujo en qualquier suseso y que mediante esta venida se supo el motin de la dicha nao Sant Juan. E governador diego rronquillo despacho a este testigo para que la cobrase e despachase a la nueva españa y que no se cobrara la dicha nao de Su Magestad si vinera un poco de mas dilaçion y esto responde.

10 a las dies preguntas dixo que lo contenido en la pregunta este testigo no lo vio porque estava en la China como dicho tiene pero que lo a oyo dezir y es cosa publica y notoría y çierta y esto responde.

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que este testigo no se hallo presente a lo contenido en la pregunta (p. 29)

porque no fue al maluco pero que lo a oydo dezir por cosa muy cierta y esto responde.

12 a la doze preguntas dixo que lo que save y es cosa publica e notoria es que el dicho capitan bartolome baez partio de esta çiudad al socorro de el maluco en un navio de los suyos con una conpañia de infanteria española que la mayor parte eran gentiles hombres aventureros y el dicho bartolome baez les hazia plato a ellos e a los demas que querian yr a su mesa e llego con su navio al maluco e servio en todo lo que se ofreçio como muy buen soldado e capitan y esto rresponde.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que save y es cosa notoria que el dicho capitan bartolome baez procuro que quedase en el maluco la galera que contiene esta pregunta para la custodia de la fortaleza e costa de la isla de Tidoro porque el capitan mayor de ella diego de asanbuja la pidio al general de los castellanos Juan de moron. Al tiempo que se venia el qual no se la quiso dejar por ser de el capitan esteban rodrigues vezino de estas islas e que entonzes el dicho capitan bartolome baez salio por fiador que pagaria la dicha galera quando corriese algun rriesgo el dejalla (tachado: e la) en el serviçio de Su Magestad en el maluco e que despues supo este testigo que por parte de el dicho capitan estevan rodriguez se avia puesto pleyto en esta THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 266 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

rreal audiençia al dicho capitan bartolome (p. 30)

Pídíendole la dicha galera y este testigo a oyo dezir que fue condenado a que la pagase de su hazienda y esto rresponde.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que este testigo a tenido y tiene al dicho capitan bartolome baez por persona prinçipal hijodalgo como en la pregunta se contíene porque ansi es la publica opinion e que save que es capitan de Su Magestad e a tenido e tiene su casa poblada como la pregunta dize y esto rresponde.

15. a las quinze preguntas dixo este testigo oyo dezir a los portuguezes que el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido muy rico e que a gastado la mayor parte de su hazienda en serviçio de Su Magestad demas de que es cosa notoria que por aver venido a estas islas e ydo al socorro de el maluco que envio el illustrísimo Señor presídente de estas islas se acavo de perder y destruyr por los muchos gastos que hizo en la dicha jornada y que asi esta muy pobre y enpeñado y tiene las dos hijas por casar que la pregunta dize y esto responde.

16 a las dies y seis preguntas díxo que este testigo tiene por digno al dicho capitan bartolome baez de que Su Magestad le haga merced de las fortalezas o viajes contenidos en la pregunta y otras mayores mercedes por que lo tiene muy bien servido e mereçido (p. 31)

y es persona que sabra servir a Su Magestad en ello con mucho balor y fidelidad y esto responde.

17 a las dies y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e refiere todo lo qual dixo ser verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el licençíado pedro de Rojas, Juan Baptista rroman ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano receptor.

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha ciudad de manila en çinco dias Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 267

de el mes de mayo de el dicho año ante el dicho señor oydor el capitan bartolome baez para la dicha provança presento por testigo a diego ferreyra, portuguez rrecidente en esta ciudad de el qual fue tomado e rreçevido juramento por dios e por la çeñal de la cruz por so cargo de el qual prometio de dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interogatorio dixo e depuso lo siguiente.

1 a la primera Pregunta dixo que conose al dicho capitan bartolome baez de dies e seis años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le toca ninguna de ellas e que es de hedad de quarenta y un años.

2 a la segunda pregunta dixo que no la save.

3 a la tercera pregunta dixo que de dies y seis años a esta parte que a que este testigo paso a estas partes e fue (p. 32)

a china, hallo este testigo en la dicha çiudad de macan al dicho capitan bartolome baez e a visto que los chinos por su yndustria y balor de su persona e porque los a alagado le tienen mucho respecto e reverençia e la poblaçon de macan esta poblada de portuguezes e que en estar alli el dicho bartolome baez a ffecho e haze notable serviçio a su magestad y esto rresponde.

4 a la quarta pregunta dixo que save e a visto este testigo en toda la tierra de la china, e japon se tiene grande noticia de la persona de el dicho bartolome Baez porque en Japon a ffecho muchas yglesias e a gastado mucha hazienda en guerras que a tenido con enemigos e que en todo esto save este testigo que a ffecho muchos serviçios a dios e a Su Magestad y esto responde.

(tachado: 1) 5 a las quinze preguntas dixo que no la save mas de avello oydo dezir

6 (tachado: 16) a las dies y seis preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir todo lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria en esta ciudad y en la de macan y esto responde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 268 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

7 a la septima pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria e publica boz e ffama.

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria e publiza boz e fama

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque (p. 33)

vido este testigo las cartas que el dicho diego Ronquillo escrivio al dicho capitan bartholome baez e save por cosa çierta el susodicho vino a esta ciudad con dos navios grandes dejando su casa famila hijos e hijas los quales navios traya a punto de guerra para lo que pudiese suseder e que save este testigo que por venir el dicho capitan bartolome baez a esta ciudad perdio de fletes de los dichos navios mas de treinta mill ducados y ansi es cosa publica e notoria todo lo qual dexo el dicho capitan por solo venir a servir a Su Magestad y esto rresponde.

10 a las dies preguntas dixo que save e vido como el dicho capitan bartolome baez fue la jornada a que la pregunta dize con dos navios de armada suyos con una conpania de abentureros dandoles de comer e lo nessesario a su costa e minçion e curando e rregalando a los heridos y enfermos e haziendo todo lo demas que la pregunta dize e declara, e a oydo dezir por cosa publica e notoria envio un navio envio un navio suyo a china a buscar bastimentos y soldados para la dicha jornada, el qual por tienpos forsosos no puso ir a la dicha jornada, en la qual dicha jornada fue cosa muy clara, publica e notoria que el dicho capitan bartolome baez se enpeño y gasto mucha cantidad de pesos de oro y esto rresponde

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que save y es verdad todo lo que la pregunta declara porque lo vido ser e pasar ansi como en ella se dize e d (p. 34) Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 269

e declara y esto rresponde.

12 a las doze preguntas dixo que save y es verdad todo lo que la pregunta dize y declara porque lo vio ser y pasar ansi como en ella se dize e declara y esto rresponde.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser y pasar como en ella se declara y esto responde.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que save e a visto este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome baez es avido e tenido por hombre muy prinçipal hijodalgo capitan de Su Magestad de los del numero e de los dies y seis años que aquel testigo le conoçe a visto como a tratado su casa e persona como tal. Teniendo su casa poblada con muchos soldados armas e cavallos para con que servir a Su Magestad y esto responde.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que save e a visto como el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda la qual save este testigo como dicho tiene y es notorio a gastado en serviçio de Su Magestad e que al presente esta muy pobre, y enpeñado y que tiene dos hijas por casar y esto es publico e notorio y lo que responde.

16 a las díes e seis preguntas dixo que por los meretos e serviçios que el dicho capitan bartolome baes a ffecho a Su Magestad le pareçe a este testigo es digno y mereçedor de que Su magestad le haga merced de le encomendar la fortaleza de malaca, o la de chaul o la de maluco por vida, o de dalle que haga dos viajes de (p. 35)

de China a Japon. Las quales mercedes caven en el o otras que Su Magestad fuere servido de le hazer y esto responde.

17 a las dies e siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e rrefiere lo qual dixo ser verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el licençiado pedro de rojas, diego ferreira ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano rreceptor. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 270 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de Manila en quinze dias de el mes de mayo de el dicho año ante el dicho señor oydor por antemi el dicho escrivano receptor el dicho capitan bartolome baez para la dicha provança presento por testigo al padre fray diego gutierres fraile profeso de la orden de señor sant augustin de el qual fue tomado e rresevido juramento yn vervo saçerdotis poniendo la mano en el pecho por dios e por las sacras ordenes que rreçivio so cargo de el qual prometio de dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorío dixo e depuso lo seguiente:

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoze al dicho capitan bartolome baez landero de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le tocan e ques de hedad de treinta e tres años poco mas o menos (p. 36)

2 a la segunda pregunta dixo quen la çiudad de macan donde este testigo a estado oyo dezir este testigo lo que la pregunta declara a muchos vezinos de la dicha çiudad de macan e ansi era cosa notoria.

3 a la tercera pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contine porque en la dicha ciudad de macan lo oyo dezir por publico e notorio a muchas personas y esto rresponde.

4 a la quarta pregunta dixo que oyo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara estando en la dicha ciudad de macan y esto rresponde.

5 a la quinta pregunta díxo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize en la dicha çiudad de macan.

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo que estando este testigo en esta çiudad de manila vio como don gonzalo rronquillo de peñalosa despacho para la dicha ciudad de macan al padre alonso Sánchez de la conpañia para el effecto que la pregunta declara, e vido como el susodicho fue e despues le vido venir este testigo de la dicha ciudad de macan y le hablo el qual dixo a este testigo que era e pasava ansi todo lo que esta pregunta dize e declara, e que el dicho capitan bartolome baez se avia mostrado en todo ello muy servidor de Su Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 271

Magestad e que con su favor e calor se avia ffecho todo ello e avia enviado a esta çiudad las cosas e navio que la pregunta dize y declara y esto rresponde (p. 37)

7 a la septima pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene por que lo vido ser e pasar como en ella se dize e declara y esto responde.

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contine porque lo vido ser y pasar como ella dize e declara, como persona que fue en el navio que la pregunta dize con el dicho capitan francisco de mercado y esto rresponde.

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que estando este testigo en la ciudad de macan oyo dezir como diego ronquillo que a la sason governava, en estas islas avia escripto cartas al dicho capitan bartolome baez para que viniese a esta ciudad porque asi convenia al serviçio de dios e de su magestad e vido este testigo como luego que el dicho capitan bartolome baez reçivio las dichas cartas adereço dos navios grandes suyos asi de bastimentos como de artillerias gentes otros pertechos de guerra en los quales se enbarco e vino a esta ciudad e truxo en ellos consigo al dicho capitan francisco de mercado e a este testigo e a otros muchos españoles de los que avian aribado en la nao de su magestad dandoles a su costa a todos de comer e lo nessesario todo el dicho víaje e quando llegaron a esta çiudad vio este testigo como hallaron toda la tierra rrebuelta, e dezian que se querian alsar los chinos e los naturales e todos se apasiguo con la venida de los dichos navíos e que save este testigo porque fue publico e notorio que (p. 38)

los dichos dos navios los tenia fletados el dicho capitan bartolome baez en que aventurava mas de treinta mill pesos e todo lo dejo por venir a esta dicha çiudad y esto responde.

10 a la dies preguntas dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser e pasar como ella dize e declara e oyo dezir que alla hizo lo que la pregunta declara y esto responde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 272 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que oyo dezir lo que la pregunta dize ansi mismo que fueron a la dicha jornada de el maluco y que fue y paso como en la pregunta se declara.

12 a las doze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir lo que en la pregunta a muchas personas de los que fueron a la dicha jornada con el dicho capitan bartolome baez.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara, a personas que fueron a la dicha jornada, de el maluco y en esta ciudad a oydo dezir como a sido condenado el dicho capitan bartolome baez que pague la dicha galera a la persona cuya era y esto responde.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que este testigo tiene al dicho capitan bartholome baez e es avido e tenido por publicamente por hombre muy principal hijodalgo e capitan de los de el numero de Su Magestad e le a visto este testigo hazer hobras de tal e tratar su persona como a tal e le a visto que tiene su casa poblada con muchos soldados (p. 39)

e armas e cavallos para servir a Su Magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que en la ciudad de macan oyo dezir este testigo a muchos portuguezes como el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rrico e poderoso de hazienda e que como se contiene en la pregunta antes de esta a visto este testigo que la gastado en servicio de Su Magestad e al presente esta el susodicho muy pobre y enpeñado y tiene dos hijas por casar y esto responde a esta pregunta.

16 a las dies y seis preguntas dixo que por los meritos y serviçios de el dicho bartolome baez le pareçia a este testigo es dígno e mereçedor de que Su Magestad le haga merced de le encomendar una de las fortalezas que la pregunta dize por vida o de dalle que haga dos viajes de china a japon las quales mercedes caven muy bien en el e otras mayores que Su Magestad fuere servido de le hazer y esto rresponde. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 273

17 a las dies y siete preguntas díxo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e refiere lo qual dixo ser la verdad por el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el licenciado pedro de rrojas, fray diego gutierrez ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano receptor.

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manila, en quinze dias de el dicho mes de mayo de el dicho año ante el dicho señor oydor por ante mi el dicho escrivano el dicho capitan bartolome baez para la (p. 40)

Para la dicha informaçion presento por testigo a miguel rrojo de bríto portuguez contador de el maluco de la rreal caxa estante en estas islas de el qual fue tomado e rreçevido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo de el qual prometio de dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorio dixo e depuso lo síguiente.

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conse al dicho capitan bartolome baes de dos años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales e dixo que no le toca ninguna de ellas e que es de edad de veinte e ocho años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta dixo que a oyodo dezir lo que la pregunta declara, en el maluco donde este testigo a rresidido.

3 a la terçera pregunta dixo que a oyodo dezir lo que la pregunta dize a muchas personas en el maluco donde este testigo a rresidido.

4 a la quarta pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize a muchas personas por cosa publica e notoria.

5 a la quinta pregunta dixo que a oyodo dezir lo que la pregunta dize a muchos portuguezes de la çiudad de macan, e de el maluco donde este testigo a rresidido.

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria y esto responde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 274 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

7 a la septima pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir en esta ciudad lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria. (p. 41)

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria y esto responde.

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dixe por cosa publica e notoria e a visto la carta que el dicho diego rronquillo governador escrivio al dicho capitan bartolome baez y esto responde.

10 a las dies preguntas dixo questando este testigo en los Reynos de maluco abra un año poco mas o menos estando los terrenates alsados e revelados de el serviçio de Su Magestad vido este testigo como con el socorro que el governador de estas islas en nombre de Su Magestad envio a los dichos rreynos de el maluco fue el dicho capitan bartolome baez con dos navios suyos un navio grande de alto vordo e una galeota los quales navios yvan muy bien artíllados e petrechados de artilleria e muniçiones e con gente española e portugueza aventureros que consigo llevava, el qual los sustento a todos a su costa e minçion sin que se le diese cosa alguna, de la hazienda Real de Su Magestad como se dan a los demas navios de la armada lo qual save este testigo como oficial de Su Magestad que era en la dicha isla de el maluco e que segun lo que el susodicho gasto en la dicha jornada, por ser todo a su costa e minçion como lo fue no pudo ser menos. (p. 42)

e vio que gasto mucha suma de pesos de oro e de ello a quedado muy pobre y enpeñado como es publico e notorio y esto rresponde.

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque este testigo vio que llegado que fue el dicho bartolome baes a la dicha fortaleza de tidore con sus navíos hallo que toda la tierra estaba rrebuelta sobre rreçevir por capitan mayor a duarte pereyra de sanpalo que avia venido por capitan mayor de ella por Su Magestad la qual rrebuelta avia entre el pueblo e el Rey e naturales de las dichas islas de tidore, en que se vinieron a poner en arma los unos contra los otros de suerte que si el dicho capitan bartolome baez con su buena prudençia e valor no se hallara alli e los Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 275

metiera en paz uviera muchas muertes y en ellos a dessirviera Dios Nuestro señor e Su magestad e la tierra se pusiera en mucho riesgo casi lo puso todo en paz por su gente llevando al capitan mayor a su navio porque asi convino y esto rresponde.

12 a las doze perguntas dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser e pasar ansi como en ella se dize e declara y esto responde.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que sabe (p. 43)

la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque vido este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome baez visto la nessesidad, que la fortaleza de Su Magestad tiene en tidore tenia de una galera que era la contenida en la pregunta, pidio al general de la armada que se la desase que el se obligava de que quando Su Magestad no le tuviese por bien de pagalla, e se obligo por escripto a ello y es cosa notoria en esta çuidad ante la rreal audiençia se le a pedido e a sido condenado que la pague al dueño cuya era y esto rresponde.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que este testigo tiene al dicho capitan bartholome baes por cavallero hijodalgo e capitan de el numero de Su Magestad e por tal es avido e tenido e comunmente reputado. E a visto su çedula que tiene de tal capitan de Su Magestad e a visto desde que le conose que a tratado e trata su casa e persona, como tal teniendo en su casa muchos soldados con que servir a Su Magestad y esto rresponde.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que save este testigo por lo aver oydo por publico e notorio que el dicho capitan bartolome baes a sido hombre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda, e que la mayor parte de ella a gastado en su serviçio de (p. 44)

de Su Magestad y que al presente esta muy pobre y enpeñado y que tiene por casar dos hijas y esto responde.

16 a las dies y seis preguntas dixo que por los meritos e servicios que THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 276 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

el dicho capitan bartolome baez a ffecho a Su Magestad le parese a este testigo es digno e mereçedor de que Su Magestad le haga merced de le encomendar una de las fortalezas que la pregunta declara por vida o las víajes que la pregunta declara lo qual cave muy bien en el o otras qualesquier merçedes que Su Magestad fuere servido de le hazer y esto rresponde.

17 a las dies y çiete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se refiere lo qual dixo ser verdad para el juramento que tiene fecho y lo firmo de su nombre el licenciado pedro de rrojas, miguel rrojo de brito ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano reçeptor.

Testigo e despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çíudad de manila en çiete dias de el mes de junio de el dicho año ante el dicho Señor oydor por ante mi el dicho escrivano el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero para la dicha provança presento por testigo al capitan Rodrigo Alvares (p. 45)

vezino e Regidor en esta dicha çiudad de el qual fue tomado e reçevido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo de el qual prometio de dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas de el dicho interrogatorio dixo lo seguiente:

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conose al dicho capitan bartolome baez Landero de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le tocan e que es de hedad de quarenta e quatro años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta díxo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara.

3 a la terçera pregunta dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara por cosa publica e notoria a muchas personas que an estado en macan.

4 a la quarta pregunta díxo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize a muchos portuguezes e otras personas que an estado alla por cosa publica e notoria. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 277

5 a la quinta pregunta díxo que a oydo dezir por muy publico e notorio lo que la pregunta dize e declara a muchas personas asi portuguezes como castellanos.

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo que save e vido este testigo como luego que se supo en estas islas (p. 46)

por don gonsalo Ronquillo que a la sason governava la muerte de el Rey don Sebastian despacho a macan e otras partes a dar aviso de la dicha muerte el qual aviso llevo el padre alonso sanches de la compañia de jesus e despues de venido el susodicho oyo dezír lo demas que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria el qual dicho padre alonso sanches vino en un navio de el dicho capitan bartolome baez y esto responde.

7 a la septima pregunta díxo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser e pasar como en ella se dize e declara y esto responde.

8 a la octava pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque asi lo a oydo por publico e notorio e publica boz e fama y esto responde.

9 a la novena pregunta dixo que save la pregunta como en ella se dize e declara porque lo vido ser y pasar como en ella se contiene y esto rresponde.

10 a la dies preguntas dixo que save e vido este testigo como luego que llego a esta islas el doctor santiago de vera, presidente governador e capitan general de ellas dio horden como enviar socorro a las islas de el maluco contra los terrenates que (p. 47)

Estavan rrevelados de el serviçio de Su Mgestad a la qual jornada vio este testigo que se ofreçio a ir el dicho capitan bartolome baez e fue a ella con dos navios de armada a su costa e minçion con una conpania de abentureros de que fue por capitan e assi mismo save este testigo que envio a china por un navio grande suyo con bastimentos e soldados para el dicho THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 278 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

bíaje e por no poder venir con tíempos forsozos el dicho capitan se uvo de enpeñar en comprar bastimentos y otras cosas nessesarias para la dicha jornada y esto responde.

11 a las onze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezír lo que la pregunta dize por cosa publica e notoria a muchos capitanes y soldados que fueron a la dicha jornada, y esto responde.

12 a las doze preguntas dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara por cosa publica e notoria a las personas que fueron a la dicha jornada y esto rresponde.

13 a las treze preguntas dixo que (p. 48)

que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara por cosa publica e notoria e publica boz e fama, y que a visto que a sido condenado que pague la dicha galera y esto responde.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que este testigo save y tiene por tal es savido e tenido que el dicho capitan bartholome baez es hombre princípal e hijodalgo capitan de los de el numero de Su Magestad y siempre a visto que a tratado su persona como tal teniendo su casa poblada y en ella muchos soldados e armas e cavallos para servir a Su Magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que save este testigo porque ansi es cosa notoria que el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda la qual a gastado segun este testigo (tachado:e) a visto e oydo dezir en serviçio de Su Magestad e que al presente esta muy pobre e enpeñado e a oydo dezir que tiene dos hijas por casar y esto responde. (p. 49)

16 a las dies y seís preguntas dixo que save este testigo que por serviçios que el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero a ffecho a Su Magestad es digno e mereçedor de que en gratificaçion de ellos le haga merced de le encomendar la fortaleza de malaca, o la de chaul o de el maluco de por vida o de darle que Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 279

haga dos viajes de china a japon las quales merçedes caben el e otras qualesquier que Su Magestad fuere servido de le querer hazer y esto responde.

17 a las dies y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e rrefiere lo qual dixo ser verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el liçençíado pedro de rrojas, Rodrigo alvares ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano rreseptor.

Muy poderoso Señor vuestro capitan bartolome baes landero digo que yo tengo dada informaçion con çitaçion de el licençiado ayala vuestro fiscal de los serviçios que hecho a vuestra alteza de la qual tengo nessesidad se me (p. 50)

Den los treslados que uviere menester y ansi mismo de la que se a fecho de ofiçio. a Vuestra Alteza pido y suplico mande se me den los dichos treslados y de la de ofiçio en los quales vuestro presidente e oydores den su pareser e pido justíçia. Bartholome baes landero. en Manila dies y siete de junio de mill e quinientos e ochenta e seis años estando en audiencia publica los señores presidente e oydores de la audiençia real de estas islas philipinas se leyo esta peteçion e por los dichos señores vista, mandaron que de la informaçion de parte se le den los treslados que pide y en lo demas se proveera. alonso beltran. en la ciudad de manila veynte y cinco de junio de mill y quinientos y ochenta y seis años. yo alonso beltran scrivano de camara en la audiencia rreal destas yslas philipinas hize sacar un treslado desta ynformaçion y es çierto y verdadero siendo testigos estevan de marquina y phelipe roman y francisco de san vizente e perez. en manila va testado do vino no vala e va enmendado bargo vala. yo alonso beltran scrivano de camara de la audiencia e chançilleria real de las yslas philippinas por su magestad lo hize escrivir e va çierto y firme mi signo. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 280 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

(signo notarial) scrivano de verdad Duplicado a xxxvi maravedis por hoja. Alonso beltran (firma). (p. 51)

El capitan Bartolome Vaez Landero (p. 52)

Bartolome Baez

Por las preguntas siguientes sean preguntados los testigos que fueren presentados por parte del capitan bartolome Baes landero en la ynformaçion que haze de los servycios que a hecho a Su Magestad de veynte e ocho años a esta parte.

Primeramente si conoçen al dicho capitan bartolome Baez y de que tiempo a esta parte

yten si saben que abra veynte y ocho años poco mas o menos tiempo quel dicho capitan bartolome Baes paso a la yndia en servycio de Su Magestad con el capitan mayor pedro baez de sequera y estubo en servycio de Su Magestad en la dicha yndia tiempo de dos años en todas las ocasiones que se ofrecieron a su costa y mynçion digan

si saben que desde de la yndia paso el dicho capitan bartolome baes a la gran china donde a reçebido en el puerto de macan della de veynte y seys años a esta parte donde con su yndustria y balor a halado a los chinos cariçiandolos por donde los dichos chinos le tienen mucho respeto y reberençia y la poblaçion de macan esta poblada de portugueses se a conserbado en que a hecho muy notable servycio a su magestad digan

si saben que tenyendo noticia el dicho capitan bartolome baes de que un Rey Japon cristiano y otros que no lo heran se lebantaron contra el fue con su persona e un nabio de mas de seyesçientas toneladas de armada a su costa e mynçion al socorro del dicho Rey y asi (p. 53) Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 281

mediante su yda los puso en pas y en quietud e hizo edificar ygleçias donde selebrasen el ofiçio dibino y gasto y perdio mas de çinquenta myll cruizados e asi en todas las tierras e reynos comarcanos de macan tienen grandisima noticia de la persona del dicho capitan por su mucho balor y esfuerço digan

5 yten si saben que del Reyno de china se lebanto un tirano que andaba cosario con nabios de armada haziendo mucho mal y daño en todos los puertos y poblaçiones por donde llegava y tenyendo notiçia los gobernadores de china de quan temydo hera el dicho capitan bartolome baes le enbiaron a rogar saliese de armada en busca del dicho tirano y el dicho capitan bartolome Baes por servyr a Su Magestad y tener gratos a los dichos gobernadores chinos para que con mas façilidad se pueda cobrar su amystad y Su Magestad pueda entrar en la dicha china salio con dos nabios gruesos de armada suyos y fue hasta el Reyno de Çiam en busca del dicho cosario que son mas de quinyentas leguas en lo qual gasto mucha cantidad de pesos de oro de su propia hazienda y hizo muy notable servycio a su magestad digan lo que saben.

6 si saben que luego que se supo por don gonçalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa gober (p. 54)

nador y capitan general que fue destas yslas la muerte del Rey don Sebastian que sea en gloria, despacho a macan y otras partes a dar dello abiso el qual abiso llebo el padre alonso sanches de la companya de jesus y fue a dar a la gran china donde se perdio y sabido por el dicho capitan dio horden como se fuese por el y traydo al puerto de macan donde sabida la dicha nueva el dicho capitan bartolome baes y los demas vezinos como vasallos de Su Magestad le juraron por Rey y Señor y para mejor mostrarse el dicho capitan bartolome baes quan leal basallo de Su Magestad hera hizo aderesar un nabio grande suyo y en el ynbio al dicho padre alonso sanches y muchos regalos y bastimentos para esta ciudad enbiandose a ofreçer al gobernador destas yslas con su persona e hazienda al servycio de Su Magestad digan.

7 yten si saben que estando esta çiudad quemada y con muy grande neseçidad asi de bastimentos como de munyçiones por se aver quemado todo llego el nabio del dicho capitan que fue de grandisimo consuelo y alegria para THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 282 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

esta tierra respeto de la grandisima afliçion con questaban los bezinos della con que se reformaron de muchas cosas de que tenyan neseçidad digan (p. 55)

8 yten si saben questando el dicho capitan bartolome baes en la china en el puerto de macan arribo alli el capitan francisco mercado de andrada con una nao que yba a la nueva espana toda destrosada y el dicho capitan bartolome baes por ser de Su Magestad le socorrio a el dicho capitan con todo lo que obo de menester para la dicha nao como bueno y leal basallo de Su Magestad digan.

9 yten si saben que bisto por diego Ronquillo que suçedio en el gobierno destas yslas por muerte del dicho don gonzalo el ofreçimiento y boluntad de servyr a Su Magestad el dicho capitan bartolome baes le escrivyo e ymbio a llamar que se binyese a esta çiudad por conbenyr al servycio de Dios Nuestro Señor y de Su Magestad por tratar algunas tocantes a su servycio y luego que lo supo el dicho capitan bartolome baes bino a esta çiudad con dos nabios grandes suyos pertrechados de armada para lo que conbinyese al servycio de Su Magestad los quales nabios tenya prestos y fletados donde ynteresaba ganar mas de treynta myll pesos y lo dexo todo por benyr a servyr a Su Magestad y lo saben los testigos por que lo bieron ser e pasar asi digan.

10 si saben que llegado que fue a esta ciudad el doctor santiago de vera presidente gobernador y capitan general dio horden como ynbiar socorro de armada a las yslas del maluco con (p. 56)

Tra los terrenates questan rebelados al servycio de Su Magestad a la qual jornada se ofreçio yr el dicho capitan bartolome baes con una conpanya de abentureros a la qual jornada fue con dos nabios de armada a su costa e mynçion dando de comer de lo necessario a todos los soldados de su companya y asi mysmo saben los testigos que ynbio a la china con un nabio grande por bastimentos y soldados para el dicho biaje y con tiempos forsosos no pudo benyr a tiempo por donde saben los testigos que le fue forsoso a el dicho capitan comprar otros nabios y enpeñarse en comprar los bastimentos y pertrechos nesesarios para ellos para hazer la dicha jornada en servycio de Su Magestad digan Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 283

11 yten si saben que llegado que fue el dicho capitan bartolome baes a la fortalesa de tidore con un nabio de alto bordo y una galeota hallo questaba toda la tierra rebuelta sobre reçibir por capitan mayor a duarte pereyra de sanpalo de la dicha fortaleza que abia benydo probeydo por capitan mayor della la qual rebuelta abia entre el pueblo y Rey y naturales de la ysla de tidore en que se binyeron a poner en arma los unos contra los otros con grandisimo alboroto de suerte que si el dicho capitan bartolome baes con su mucha prudençia y balor no se hallara alli a metellos (p. 57)

en Paz y apasiguallos se desserva Dios Nuestro Señor y Su Magestad y la tierra se ponga en mucho riesgo y asi con su gente el dicho capitan bartolome baes apasiguo a los dichos capitanes y el pueblo y al rey de tidore y naturales del llebando a los dichos sus nabios al dicho capitan duarte pereyra en los quales le tubo porque asi conbinio a la dicha quietud y servicio de Su Magestad en lo qual el dicho capitan bartolome baes hizo muy notable servycio a Su Magestad digan.

12 Yten si saben que durante el tiempo que duro el dicho socorro contenydo en las preguntas antes desta el dicho capitan bartolome baes tubo mesa publica y dio de comer a todos los de su compañya y a todos los demas que se querian yr a comer a ella todo a su costa e mynçion en que gasto mucha cantidad de pesos de oro y saben los testigos que el dicho capitan bartolome baes asistio de hordinario a las trincheas en el quartel que se le abia encargado con su companya acudiendo a todo (tahcado: el) lo que hera nesesario y como hombre sagas y prinçipal estorbava muchas mohinas entre los castellanos y portugueses para que tubiesen paz y amistad digan.

13 Yten si saben que el dicho capitan bartolome baes de tornaviaje del dicho socorro perdio un nabio suyo y mostrandose muy servydor de su magestad bisto que la fortaleza que su magestad tiene en tidore (p. 58)

tenya neseçidad de una galera que desta ciudad abia ydo de armada que hera del capitan esteban rodrigues de Figueroa pidio al general que se la dexase quel se obligaba de que quando Su Magestad no la tubiese por bien de pagalla el la pagaria y de ello hizo obligacion saben los testigos que benydo a esta THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 284 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

çiudad el dicho capitan bartolome baes el dicho capitan esteban rodrigues pidio le pagase la dicha galera y la Real Audiencia condeno al dicho capitan bartolome baes a que pagase la dicha galera digan.

14 Yten si saben que el capitan bartolome baes es hombre prinçipal y hijodalgo capitan de los del numero de Su Magestad y siempre a tratado su persona como tal tenyendo su casa poblada con muchos soldados y armas y cavallos para servyr a Su Magestad digan.

15 Yten si saben que el dicho capitan bartolome baes a sido hombre muy rico y poderoso de hazienda la qual saben los testigos como se contiene en las preguntas antes desta a gastado en servycio de Su Magestad y que al presente esta muy pobre y enpeñado y que tiene dos hijas por casar digan.

16 Yten si saben que el dicho capitan bartolome baes es digno y mereçedor por los servycios que a hecho a Su Magestad de que en gratificaçion dellos le hagan merced de le encomendar la fortalesa de malaca o la de chaul o la de maluco (p. 59)

por vida o le dar que haga dos biajes de china al japon y caben en ellas dichas mercedes y otras qualesquier que Su Magestad sea servydo de le hazer digan.

17 Yten si saben que todo lo susodicho es publica bos e fama digan

Testigo En la çiudad de manyla a dies y seys dias del mes de mayo de myll y quinientos y ochenta e seis años el muy Illustre Señor licenciado pedro de rojas del conçejo de su magestad oydor de la real audiencia destas yslas para aberiguar los servycios del capitan bartolome baes landero e lo que ay en contra dellos e lo que los testigos saben e an oydo dezir dello mando a my el presente escrivano baya a tomar su dicho e depuziçion al señor obispo destas yslas, e yo el dicho escrivano reçetor tome e recibi juramento a don fray domyngo de salazar primer obispo destas yslas felipinas del conçejo de Su Magestad el qual lo hizo ponyendo la mano en su pecho e prometiendo por su consagraçion de dezir verdad so cargo del qual prometio dezir verdad y Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 285

siendo preguntado por las preguntas del ynterrrogatorio del dicho capitan bartolome baes e por la contra dellas dixo lo seguiente.

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoçe al dicho capitan bartolome baes landero de mas de dos años a esta parte. (p. 60)

Generales Fue preguntado por las generales dixo que no le tocan e ques de hedad de çinquenta e ocho años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo contenido en la pregunta o sabe e a oydo dezir cosa alguna contra della dixo que no la sabe ny a oydo dezir cosa en contra della.

3 a la tercera pregunta fue preguntado si sabe o a oydo dezir lo contenido en la pregunta o cosa alguna en contra della dixo que no la sabe ny a oyodo dezir ny sabe cosa en contra della.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo contenido en ella o lo sabe lo contenido della dixo que a oydo dezir a los padres de la Companya que resyden en esta ciudad lo contenido en la dicha pregunta e les a oydo afirmar que por aber ydo el dicho capitan bartolome baes a socorrer el rey japon cristiano contenido en la dicha pregunta perdio muchos fletes que pudiera ganar si fuera a otro puerto enderesado e a persuaçión de los padres de la Conpanya de aquel reyno dexo el biaje que el llebaba e los bino a faborecer donde dizen que paso lo contenido en la dicha pregunta e perdio por aber ydo alla lo que en ella se contiene y esto responde.

5 a la quinta pregunta si sabe lo en ella (p. 61)

contenido o sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna en contrario della dixo que no la sabe ny cosa al contrario della tanpoco.

6 a la sesta pregunta si sabe o a oydo dezir lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna al contrario della dixo quel padre alonso THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 286 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

sanches contenido en la pregunta le a dicho a este testigo lo contenido en ella encaresiendo muchas vezes el buen reçibimiento que en la çiudad de macan le abia hecho el dicho capitan bartolome baes y que si no fuera por el obiera pasado muchos trabajos porque segun el dicho padre alonso sanches e otras personas que an estado en la ciudad de macan an dicho a este testigo el dicho capitan bartolome baes es una de las mas prinçipales personas de la çiudad de macan y que con mas cuydado y fidilidad acude al serviçio de Su Magestad y este testigo se hallo presente en esta çiudad quando el dicho padre alonso sanches vino de la china e supo quel nabio en que benya hera del dicho capitan bartolome baes y que por servyr a Su Magestad abia aderesado el dicho nabio alla en su tierra para traer al dicho alonso sanches e otras personas de castilla que alla abia que si el dicho capitan bartolome baes (p. 62)

no les diera nabio no pudieran benyr aca que por causa de no aber nabio en que benyr a esta çiudad se abia enbarcado el dicho sanches en un nabio que yba al xapon e se perdio en la ysla hermosa e de alli bolbio a macan de donde suçedio lo que ariba tiene dicho de traerlo aca en su nabio el dicho capitan bartolome baes y esto responde

7 a la setima pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido e si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa al contrario e respondiendo a ello dixo que sabe la pregunta como en ella se contiene porqueste testigo se hallo presente. Al tiempo quel nabio del dicho capitan bartolome baes llego a esta çiudad que estava reçien quemada e asolada sin aber quedado cosa en hesta ny fuerte ny munyçion con que se defender e fue para toda esta çiudad grandisimo consuelo e alegria ber el dicho nabio e fueron reçebidos todos los que en el benyan como angeles del çielo e se remediaron muchas nesecidades con la proviçión que en el dicho nabio bino e aunque no contiene la pregunta esto dixo que abia sido causa la (p. 63)

benyda del dicho nabio para asegurar a todos los vezinos desta çiudad del myedo que tenyan ansi de muchos sangleyes que en ella abia como de los naturales que por aver quedado tan sin defensa de todas las cosas estaban todos con mucho temor e reçelo de que los sangleyes e naturales se hiziessen a una para destruyr a todos los castellanos y esto responde. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 287

8 a la otaba pregunta si sabe lo contenido en ella o sabe o a oydo dezir cosa al contrario della dixo que no sabe lo en ella contenido ny a oydo cosa al contrario della y esto responde.

9 a la nobena pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenydo o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna en contrario della lo diga e declare dixo queste testigo no sabe dezir que diego ronquillo gobernador que fue ynbiase a llamar al dicho capitan bartolome baes mas de aberlo oydo dezir en esta çiudad e se hallo presente en ella al tiempo que el dicho capitan bartolome baes bino con los dos nabios en la pregunta contenidos e bido que bino a tan buen tiempo que en esta ciudad abia mucho temor que los sangleyes (p. 64)

se querian alsar con esta çiudad e se dezia publicamente que desde la China benyan consertados de matar a todos los castellanos e que en ella abia e que se abian hecho a una con los naturales de la tierra para el dicho efeto e con la benyda del dicho capitan bartolome baes por benyr tambien pertrechados los dichos dos nabios aseguro el partido de los castellanos e quito el myedo que tenian de ser destruydos porque no estaban en mas de serlo de quando los sangleyes e los naturales quisieran ponerse a ello porque de parte nuestra nynguna defensa abia e con la benyda del dicho capitan bartolome baes quedo todo seguro y esto responde.

10 a las dies preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo contenido en ella o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna en contra de lo que en ella se contine dixo que al tiempo que bino a esta çiudad el Señor doctor Santiago de Vera gobernador contenydo en la dicha pregunta estaba en ella el dicho capitan bartolome baes e sabe este testigo quel dicho señor presidente hizo mucho caso del dicho capitan bartolome baes por tener notiçia de lo mucho que a Su Magestad avia servydo e de quanto (p. 65)

en esta çiudad con su benyda abia holgado y el dicho señor gobernador dio al dicho capitan bartolome baes conduta de capitan para que fuese al maluco a reduçir la fortalesa de terrenate al servycio de Su Magestad e sabe este testigo que de los dos nabios que el dicho capitan bartolome baes traxo a esta çiudad ynbio uno a la china para que le truxesen bastimentos e THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 288 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

munyçiones a su costa para yr mas bien aperçebido e pertrechado a la jornada aunque por los tiempos contrarios no pudo bolber e para servyr mejor a Su Magestad sabe este testigo porque lo bio: que hizo en la playa desta çiudad un nabio a su costa en el qual y en el otro que le abia quedado de los que binyeron de la china llebo a su costa soldados no sabe que tantos en lo qual no pudo dexar de gastar mucho dinero por baler entonces las cosas muy caras e a oydo dezir a muchas personas que por aber benydo el dicho capitan bartolome baes a esta ciudad con los dichos dos nabios perdio muy grande ynteres que pudiera ganar si obiera ydo con ellos a otras partes e tratando este testigo con el dicho capitan (p. 66)

bartolome baes de lo mucho que por benyr a esta çiudad abia perdido le a oydo muchas vezes dezir que lo da todo por muy bien empleado por aberlo perdido en servycio de Su Magestad e que todo lo lo que le queda esta presto para ponerlo a riesgo de perder si a serbiçio de Su Magestad conbyene e que en todas quantas platicas del a oydo e segun de lo que este testigo del a sentido e siente le tiene por uno de los leales servidores e fieles basallos de Su Magestad de quantos en este reyno tiene y esto responde.

11 a las honze preguntas dixo que no las sabe ny lo contrario della.

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido e lo contrario della dixo que no la sabe ny lo contrario della tanpoco mas de que a oydo dezir que el dicho capitan bartolome baes en el maluco dio de comer a muchos soldados e gasto mucha hazienda alli. E a todos a los que de alla binyeron a oydo dezir muy bien del dicho capitan bartolome baes porqueste testigo con cuidado lo preguntaba.

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido e lo contrario della dixo que no la sabe ny lo contrario della. (p. 67)

tanpoco ny lo a oydo dezir.

14 a las catorze preguntas dixo que no la sabe ny lo contrario della mas que del padre alonso sanches e del fator jhoan bautista roman e de otras Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 289

personas que an estado en macan a oydo dezir lo contenido en esta pregunta porque le an afirmado ques una de las mas prinçipales personas de aquella çiudad e que mejor se trataba conforme a lo que la pregunta contiene.

15 a las quinze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o al contrario della y dixo que a las personas contenidas en la pregunta antes desta e a otras personas a oydo dezir que el dicho capitan bartolome baes a sido honbre muy rico e poderoso e con tal nombre entro en esta çiudad y sabe que agora esta muy pobre y endeudado y todo a sido por aber benydo a esta ciudad a servir a Su Magestad e que a oydo dezir que tenga mas de una hija en macan por casar y esto responde.

16 a las dies y seys preguntas fue preguntado por lo en ella contenido o si ay alguna cosa en contra della dixo que por las razones que en las (p. 68)

preguntas de atras se contiene e por otras muchas que en el ynterrogatorio no se contienen tiene este testigo al dicho capitan bartolome baes por honbre muy digno de que Su Magestad le haga mucha merced porque estando tan lejos de Su Magestad y en tiempos donde otros algunos no mostraron tanta boluntad a su real servycio el dicho capitan bartolome baes no solo con palabras sino con muchas e muy buenas obras se a mostrado muy servydor e leal basallo de Su Magestad e a tales servycios suelen los reyes acudir con entenyos en merçedes para renumerar a los que ansi le sirben e anymar a otros para que le sirban y esto responde.

17 a las dies y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho e que se afirma e refiere lo qual dixo ser verdad para el juramento que fecho tiene e lo firmo de su mano el obispo de las felipinas ante mi geronimo de mesa escrivano reçetor

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manyla en veynte dias del dicho mes de mayo del dicho año el dicho señor liçenciado pedro de Rojas oydor para la dicha ynformación secreta mando pareçer (p. 69) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 290 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

ante si al reverendisimo padre fray juan de valderama de la horden del señor San Agustin del qual tomo e recibió juramento yn berbo saserdote ponyendo la mano en el pecho so cargo del qual prometio de dezir verdad siendo preguntado por lo contenido en las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio del dicho capitan bartolome baes e por la contra dellas dixo e depuso lo seguiente:

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoçe al dicho capitan bartolome baes de tres años a esta parte que a queste testigo fue a macan. Generales Fue preguntado por las generales dixo que no le tocan nynguna dellas e ques de hedad de treynta e seys años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta del dicho ynterrogatorio fue preguntado si sabe o a oydo dezir lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna al contrario della dixo que en la ciudad de macan supo este testigo porque lo a oydo dezir a los vezinos della quel dicho capitan bartolome baes hera de los antiguos que pasaron aquella tierra y esto responde.

3 a la tercera pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir alguna cosa al contrario della dixo que en la dicha ciudad de macan oyo dezir como a muchos años que reside alli el dicho capitan bartolome baes e quel (p. 70)

es hombre de mas balor de aquella tierra e a quien los chinos tienen mas respeto porque alli los ha regalado mucho y esto sabe e no otra cosa.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o cosa alguna al contrario della dixo que sabe quel dicho capitan bartolome baes a sido siempre muy respetado de la gente mas prinçipal de japon e tenydo mucho trato con ellos y ansi es persona muy conoçida en aquel reyno porque ansi es cosa publica e notoria en macan donde este testigo estaba y esto sabe.

5 a la quynta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o a oydo o sabe alguna cosa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que en la pregunta se declara a muchos portugueses en la çiudad de macan e que crehe Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 291

este testigo ques verdad porque siempre a tenydo nabios despues que esta en aquella tierra el dicho capitan bartolome baes y esto sabe e no otra (p. 71)

cosa de lo en ella contenydo.

6 a la sesta pregunta fue preguntado por lo contenydo en la pregunta e si sabe o a oydo dezir lo en ella contenydo en contra della. dixo que al padre alonso sanches de la conpanya de jesus e a otras muchas personas de la çiudad de macan a oydo dezir este testigo por cosa publica e notoria como el dicho capitan bartolome baes salio a reçebir al puerto al dicho padre alonso sanches que llebaba el abiso que la pregunta declara por mandado de don gonzalo ronquillo que a la sazon gobernaba e que despues el dicho capitan bartolome baes le torno a traer a esta çiudad a su costa e mynçion e que alla a el e a los demas que con el fueron los regalo e anparo gastando con ellos su hazienda y esto responde e sabe de lo contenido en esta pregunta.

7 a la setima pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo contenido en ella o cosa al contrario della dixo que sabe la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo bio ser e pasar como en ella se dize e declara y esto responde y no sabe otra cosa (p. 72)

8 a la otaba pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa en contrario della dixo queste testigo fue una de las personas que aribaron en el dicho nabio a la dicha çiudad de macan con el capitan francisco de mercado que yba (tachado: e) por capitan del nabio de Su Magestad el qual bido este testigo como llego todo destroçado y el dicho capitan bartolome baes por ser el dicho nabio de Su Magestad le socorrio al dicho capitan con todo lo que obo menester para la dicha nao como bueno e leal basallo de Su Magestad e lo recojo en su casa e regalo e hizo muchos e buenos tratamientos dando cosas que ansi conbenya al servycio de Su Magestad porque obo contradiçion de otros portugueses en le regalarle e ansi en esto como en lo demas sienpre el dicho capitan bartolome baes fue particular en el servycio de Su Magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

9 a la nobena pregunta dixo siendo preguntado por lo contenido en ella THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 292 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

o al contrario que sabe la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque este testigo bio como (p. 73)

gobernando en estas yslas diego ronquillo bisto por el ofreçimiento quel dicho capitan bartolome baes hazia e boluntad que tenya de servyr a Su Magestad le escrivyo una carta en que le ynbio a pedir byniera a esta çiudad e yslas porque asi conbenya al servycio de dios e de Su Magestad e para tratar con el algunas cosas tocantes a su servycio e bido este testigo como luego que bido la dicha carta el dicho capitan bartolome baes se bino a esta çiudad con dos nabios grandes suyos que tenya pertrechados de armada prestos y fletados donde ynteresaba de ganar mas de treynta myll pesos todo lo qual dexo e perdio el susodicho por solo benyr a servyr a Su Magestad e que bido este testigo que a su costa e mynçion truxo en los dichos nabios muchos castellanos que alla estaban de los que abian aribado en el dicho nabio de Su Magestad e que fue su benyda de mucha ynportançia porquestas yslas estaban un poco alborotadas de los naturales e sangleyes e con su benyda todos los vezinos desta çiudad quedaron muy consolados y se aseguro todo y esto responde y sabe. (p. 74)

10 a las dies preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido e si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna al contrario della dixo queste testigo sabe la pergunta como en ella se contiene porque bido como abiendo benydo a estas yslas el señor dotor Santiago de Vera gobernador y capitan general dio horden de cómo ynbiar socorro de armada a las yslas del maluco contra los terrenates questan rebelados del servycio de Su Magestad e bido como para la dicha jornada se ofreçio el dicho capitan bartolome baes con una conpanya de abentureros e fue a ella con dos nabios de armada a su costa e mynçion es cosa publica e notoria dio de comer a todos los que llebo en su conpanya e ansi mysmo es cosa publica e notoria que ynbio a la china el nabio que la pregunta declara por bastimentos e que por los tiempos no pudo benyr y esto responde e que en la dicha jornada sabe este testigo por cosa publica e notoria quel dicho capitan bartolome baes gasto mucha suma de pesos de oro en las cosas que la pregunta declara y esto responde.

a las honze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 293

sabe o a oydo alguna cosa (p. 75)

en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir a muchas personas de los que fueron a la dicha jornada lo que la pregunta declara por cosa publica e notoria y esto responde.

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa al contrario della dixo que no sabe mas de aber oydo dezir como fue e paso lo que en la pregunta se declara y en esta çiudad bio este testigo dar de comer en su casa al dicho capitan bartolome baes a muchos soldados cada dia y esto responde.

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe o a oydo dezir lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo cosa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize en esta çiudad por publico e notorio.

14 a las catorze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo cosa en contrario della dixo que en la çiudad de macan y en esta çiudad siempre a bisto este testigo tratarse el dicho capitan bartolome baes como hijodalgo y honbre muy prinçipal con muchos criados e sustentado su casa harmas e cavallo e mucha gente e artilleria y esto responde.

15 a las quinze preguntas dixo que en la çiudad de macan oyo este testigo dezir a muchas personas como el dicho capitan bartolome baes (p. 76)

siempre a sido honbre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda e muy gastador en cosas tocantes al servycio del rey y esto responde.

16 a las dies y seys preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o cosa algua en contrario della dixo que conforme al balor e calidad de la persona del dicho capitan bartolome baes e a sus meritos e servycios es justo que Su Magestad le haga merced la que fuere servydo la qual caera muy bien en el por su mucha cristiandad e aberse sienpre mostrado muy deboto de las religiones ansi en el reyno de china como de xapon comprandoles sitios e haziendoles ygleçias e llebandolos a su costa y mynçion y esto responde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 294 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

17 a las dies e siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e refiere lo qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre fray jhoan de balderama e liçenciado pedro de rojas ante my geronimo de mesa escrivano reçetor

Testigo E despues de lo susodicho en la dicha çiudad de manyla en veinte y un dias del dicho mes de mayo del dicho año el dicho señor oydor para la dicha ynformación tomo e recibio juramento por dios e por santa maria e por la señal de la cruz del capitan jhoan de arçega so cargo del (p. 77)

qual siendo preguntado por el ynterrogatorio del dicho bartolome baes e por la contra del dixo e depuso lo seguiente

1 a la primera pregunta fue preguntado si conoce al dicho capitan bartolome baes landero e de que tiempo a esta parte dixo que conoce al dicho capitan bartolome baes landero de un año a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le tocan nynguna dellas e ques de hedad de veinte y siete años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o a oydo o sabe cosa alguna al contrario della dixo que no la sabe ny a oydo cosa en contra della.

3 a la tercera pergunta fue preguntado si sabe lo contenido en ella o en contra della (tachado: dixo) o lo a oydo dezir dixo que a oydo dezir que de muchos años a esta parte el dicho capitan bartolome baes a reçidido en el puerto de macan.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o a oydo algo en contra della dixo que no sabe nada della en ella contenido.

5 a la quinta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o a Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 295

oydo algo en contra della dixo que no sabe nada della.

6 a la sesta pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si a oydo cosa en con (p. 78)

tra della dixo que en esta çiudad y en el maluco donde este testigo a residido a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara por cosa publica e notoria e no a oydo cosa en contrario della y esto responde.

7 a la setima pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir en esta çiudad lo que la pregunta declara por cosa publica e notoria porque en la sazon que paso este testigo no estaba en esta çiudad y esto responde.

8 a la otaba pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa al contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara y esto sabe y no otra cosa.

9 a la nobena pregunta fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo cosa alguna en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir en esta çiudad y en el maluco lo que la pregunta declara por cosa publica e notoria y esto responde

10 a las dies preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir alguna cosa en contrario della dixo questando este testigo en las yslas del (p. 79)

maluco bio como fue a ellas siendo socorro de armada que ynbio el doctor santiago de vera gobernador y capitan general destas yslas contra los terrenates que estan rebelados del serviçio de Su Magestad e con el dicho socorro bido este testigo que fue el dicho capitan bartolome baes landero a servyr a Su Magestad con una companya de aventureros llebando consigo dos nabios de armada a su costa e mynçion dando de comer a todos los soldados de su conpanya e lo demas que la pregunta declara lo a oydo dezir y esto responde. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 296 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

11 a las honze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguma en contrario della dixo que sabe e bido este testigo como llegado que fue el dicho capitan bartolome baes landero a la dicha ysla de tidore con los dichos dos nabios suyos hallo a los dos capitanes mayores rebueltos sobre quel uno no queria entregar la fortalesa a el otro que benya por Su Magestad y el bisorey de la yndia a la reçebir e los vezinos estaban ansi mysmo rebueltos y escandalisados y espantados de ver que no heran (p. 80)

obedeçidas las provyçiones de Su Magestad e del bisorey de la yndia e sobre esto tenyendose el capitan diego de azambuxar ques publica bista la mucha razon quel duarte pereyra traya de ser la boluntad de Su Magestad e en su real nombre el bisorey de la yndia entrase en aquella fortalesa el dicho duarte pereyra no le ayudase como se sonaba querian ayudar los vezinos del publico al dicho duarte pereyra a entrar en ella por fuerca o por grado el dicho diego de azanbuja estando quieto y paçifico el dicho duarte pereyra en su casa salio de su casa, que hera la fortalesa el dicho diego de azambuja con caxa e pifano tocando a harma e fue con muchos vecinos criados harmados e otras personas a casa del dicho duarte pereyra a quererle matar por la sospecha ariba dicha adonde le tiraron a el e a los de su casa que se pusieron en defensa muchos alcabusasos e bonbas de fuego a la nypa a la casa para quemallos y en esta ocasion se hallo este testigo con su capitan (p. 81)

que hera Pedro Sarmiento en aberiguar esto e bido al dicho capitan bartolome baes con gente armada de la de su companya abentureros benyr a paçificar lo susodicho a bido entre este testigo e el capitan pedro sarmiento e el dicho capitan bartolome baes se conserto de quel dicho capitan duarte pereyra se fuese dexando su muger casa e famylia a uno de dos nabios que estaban en la mar o a la capitana del capitan sarmiento o a la del dicho capitan duarte pereyra porque no tubiese ocasion el dicho diego de asanbuja de matarle como en efeto lo deseaba pues sin ocasion nynguna abia ffecho lo susodicho e asi el dicho capitan bartolome baes dixo que para poner en pas y quietud asi a los dichos capitanes como vezinos e naturales moros basallos del rey de tidore el qual con ellos estaba escandalisado e puesto en arma por ver que no se obedeçian los mandatos de Su Magestad e del bisorey de la Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 297

yndia en su nombre y como resconoscia ya por una carta el bisorey reconoçiese por capitan al dicho duarte pereyra de la propia manera que abia fecho a diego de azanbuja e bisto questo no tenya a cumplir juntamente con las dichas probiçiones reales (p. 82)

estaba escandalisadysimo y deber que no obstante que no los queria obedeçer el dicho diego de azambuja aun le queria matar e ansi este propio dia el dicho rey baxo de su pueblo a la poblacion de los portugueses a llebar al dicho duarte pereyra a su poblason porque no le matasen en estotra que por esto y porque se apaziguase el pueblo de los portugueses junto con los capitanes se determyno fuese el dicho duarte pereyra a holgar con el dicho capitan bartolome baes a su nabio e no en son de preso como despues remaneçio estarlo por horden e mandado del dicho diego de azanbuja e puestos guardas por mandado del dicho capitan bartolome baes y esto supo este testigo en lo que toca a las dichas guardas e prision del sargento francisco moran que quedo por guarda aquel dia con otros soldados porque fue aquel dia a bisitar al dicho duarte pereyra este testigo e lo supo como dicho tiene de que pudiera benyr a redundar en dano escandalo e alboroto si el dicho duarte pereyra lo binyera a saber e oyo dezir despues publicamente quel dicho capitan bartolome baes hera muy apaçionado a las cosas del dicho diego de azanbuja y esto responde a esta pregunta.

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo alguna cosa al contrario della dixo que sabe la pregunta como en ella se qontine (p. 83)

porque lo bido ser e pasar todo como en ella se dize e declara e es verdad e no ay cosa al contrario y esto responde.

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna en contrario dello dixo ques verdad e sabe este testigo que a pedimiento del capitan mayor diego de azanbuja dexo el capitan jhoan de moron en el maluco la galera que la pregunta declara la qual este testigo queria dexar e la dexo de causa de quel dicho capitan bartolome baes se obligo de que si la pudiera arya hera por no ser como no hera de Su THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 298 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

Magestad la pidiese quel la pagaria e a bisto que hizo recaudo della e a oydo dezir en esta çiudad que a sido condenado el dicho capitan bartolome baes a la paga della y esto responde.

14 a las catorze preguntas fue preguntado si sabe lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo dezir cosa alguna en contrario della dixo queste testigo tiene al dicho capitan bartolome baes por hombre muy honrrado e prinçipal e le a bisto que a tratado su casa e persona como la pregunta lo dize y esto responde.

15 a las quinze preguntas fue preguntado por lo en ella contenido o si sabe o a oydo al contrario della dixo que en esta çiudad y en el maluco a oydo dezir publicamente como el dicho capitan bartolome baes a sido honbre muy rico e pode (p. 84)

roso de hazienda e que tiene dos hijas por cassar e que al pressente esta muy pobre e que lo a gastado todo en servicio de su magestad y esto responde.

16 XVI a las diez y seis preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que por los meritos y servicios del dicho capitan bartolome vaez es digno e merecedor de que su magestad le haga una dellas mercedes contenidas en la pregunta la qual cabra en el muy bien por ser de las calidades que tiene dicho y esto responde.

17 XVII a las diez y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma y refiere la qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene fecho e lo firmo de su mano el licenciado pedro de rrojas juan de arcega de mi geronimo de messa escrivano receptor.

Testigo

E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha ciudad de manila en seis dias del dicho mes de junio del dicho ano el dicho Señor oydor para ynformacion de lo susodicho tomo e rreçivio juramento en forma del muy reverendo padre Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 299

antonio sedeno Retor de la orden de jesus del qual fue tomado e rrecivido juramento y esto hizo por dios e por las hordenes sacras que tiene poniendo la mano en el pecho so cargo del qual prometio dezir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo e depusso lo seguiente

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoce al dicho capitan bartolome baez landero de dos años a esta parte poco mas o menos. Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le toca ninguna dellas e que es de hedad de cinquenta años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta del dicho ynterrogatorio fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que no la save ni cossa al contrario della.

3 a la terçera pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa (p. 85)

al contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara a personas que an estado en la dicha ciudad del macan.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que este testigo a oydo dezir a algunas personas como el dicho capitan bartolome vaez a fecho lo que la pregunta dize e declara e por ello a sido el muy temido e rrespetado e a perdido mucha suma de pesos de oro y esto responde.

5 a la quinta pregunta si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que no la save ni cossa alguna en contrario de ella y esto responde.

6 a la sesta pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que save e vido este testigo que luego que se supo por don gonzalo ronquillo de penalossa governador e capitan general que fue destas yslas la muerte del rrey don THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 300 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

sevastian que sea en gloria despacho a macan e otras partes a dar dello aviso a la gran china e otras partes donde avia portuguesses el qual dicho aviso vido esto testigo que llevo el padre alonso Sánchez de la conpania de jesus y despues de buelto a estas yslas el dicho padre alonso Sánchez dixo a este testigo como yendo a la ciudad de macan se avia perdido e que el dicho capitan bartolome vaez avia enbiado por el e por los demas que con el se avian perdido e los avia llevado a la dicha ciudad de macan donde avia recivido del dicho capitan bartolome vaez mucho bien y rregalo el qual dicho capitan bartolome vaez e los demas avian luego jurado por rey e senor a su magestad e que para mejor mostrarse el dicho capitan bartolome vaez (p. 86)

avia dadoles un navio grande suyo e a su costa en que viniessen el qual dicho navio vido este testigo que vino y en el muchos rregalos y bastimentos para esta ciudad y entiende este testigo que el susodicho se enbio a ofrecer al servicio de su magestad y esto responde e save desta pregunta.

7 a la septima pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que save y vido este testigo que al tiempo que llego a esta ciudad el dicho navio del dicho capitan bartolome vaez esta ciudad estava toda quemada perdida e asolada y muy falta de bastimentos por lo qual fue el dicho de mucho consuelo e alegria para todos los vezinos desta ciudad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

8 a la octava pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e declara al capitan francisco de mercado que fue por capitan del navio contenido en la pregunta e otras personas y esto responde.

9 a la novena pregunta fue preguntado si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que este testigo oyo dezir como el dicho diego rronquillo que a la sazon governava escrevio una carta al dicho capitan bartolome vaez en que le enbio a llamar para que viniesse a estas yslas porque asi convenia al servicio de su magestad e despues desto vido este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome Vaez vino a estas çiudad con dos navios grandes e bastecidos de gente artilleria e muniçiones e muchos bastimentos e oyo dezir este testigo al susodicho capitan e a un sobrino suyo como por Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 301

venir a esta ciudad avia dexado de ganar mas de treinta mill pesos que (p. 87)

tenia fletados los dichos sus dos navios y que todo lo avia dexado por solo servir a su magestad y esto responde.

10 a las diez preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa al contrario della dixo que save e vido este testigo como por horden del doctor santiago de vera governador e capitan general destas yslas fue armada al socorro del maluco contra los terrenates que estavan y estan revelados de servicio de su magestad a la qual dicha jornada vido este testigo que se ofrecio y fue el dicho capitan bartolome baez con una compania de aventureros de que fue por capitan en dos navios de armada suyos e a su costa e mincion dando de comer e lo necessario a todos segun es cosa notoria e asi mismo save este testigo que enbio a la china por un navio grande con bastimentos para el dicha viaje e soldados el qual con tiempos forcossos a oydo dezir no pudo venir por lo qual el susodicho se enpeño en mucha cantidad de pesos de oro para el dicho viaje e jornada y esto responde.

11 a las honze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que no la save ni cossa al contrario della y esto rresponde.

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir como el dicho capitan bartolome baez dio de comer a todos los soldados de su compania teniendo messa publica e no save lo demas de la pregunta ni cossa alguna al contrario della y esto responde

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella (p. 88)

contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta dize e delcara e no a oydo cossa en contrario dello ni lo save. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 302 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

14 a las catorze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo queste testigo tiene al dicho capitan bartolome vaez por hombre principal hijodalgo capitan de los del numero de su magestad e como tal a visto que se a trtatado e trata teniendo su cassa poblada con muchas armas e soldados e esto rresponde e que por tal es avido e tenido e no a visto ni savido cossa al contrario della y esto rresponde a esta pregunta.

15 a las quince preguntas fue prguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que este testigo a oydo dezir como el dicho capitan bartolome baez a sido hombre muy rico e poderoso de hazienda e save que al pressente esta muy pobre e necessitado porque asi es publico e notorio e que a oydo dezir que lo a gastado en servicio a su magestad e a oydo que tiene dos hijas por cassar y esto responde.

16 a las diez y seis preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que por los meeritos y servicios que el dicho capitan bartolome vaez a ffecho a su magestad contenidos en las preguntas antes desta le parece a este testigo es digno e merecedor de que en gratifficacion dellos se le haga merced de le encomendar la fortaleza de malaca o la de chaul o la del maluco por vida o de darle que haga dos viajes de china al japon lo qual cave en el e otras qualquier merced que su magestad fuera servido de le querer hazer y esto rresponde a esta pregunta.

17 a las diez y site preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene este su dicho en que se afirma y reffiere lo qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el licenciado pedro de roxas antonio redano ante mi jeronimo de mesa escrivano receptor (p. 89)

Testigo E Despues de lo susodicho en la dicha ziudad de Manila en siete dias del dicho mes de junio del dicho ano el dicho señor oidor para la dicha ynformacion tomo e recivio juramento por dios e por la senal de la cruz del capitan Joan Pacheco Maldonado vecino desta ziudad so cargo del qual prometio de decir verdad e siendo preguntado por las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio dixo e depuso lo seguiente Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 303

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoçe al dicho capitan bartolome baez landero de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos Generales Fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le toca ninguna dellas y que es de hedad de mas de quarenta años.

2 a la segunda pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido e si ssave o a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oido lo que la pregunta declara.

3 a la tercera pregunta fue preguntado si ssave lo en ella contenido o si save o a oido decir alguna cosa en contrario della dixo que a oido decir a muchos portugueses como el dicho capitan bartolome baez a que reside en la dicha ciudad de macan de tiempo que la pregunta declara y que alli es temido e tenido asi de amigos como de enemigos y que no ssabe otra cossa dello ni a la contra dello y esto y esto responde.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido y si ssabe e o vido dezir alguna cossa en contrario dello dixo que no ssabe lo en la pregunta qontenido o cossa al contrario mas de que señalado por el valor del dicho capitan bartolome baez que honra lo que la pregunta declara e que a vido decir la persona del dicho capitan bartolome baez es tenida e temida por su mucho balor y esto responde.

5 a la quinta pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido e si ssabe o a oido alguna cossa en contrario dello dixo que no sabe nada della ni en contra della.

6 a la sesta pregunta dixo queste testigo ssabe e oido como por mandado del governador destas yslas el padre alonso Sánchez llevo a macan y a otras partes de portugueses abiso de como el rrey don sebastian era muerto e despues de benido le oyo este testigo decir quel dicho capitan bartolome baez avisso todo lo que la pregunta declara y que le avia assimismo hecho cortessia dandole navio en que biniesse el y los demas españoles y esto responde.

7 a la setima pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido y si ssabe e a vido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que las ssabe como en ella se qontiene e que lo vido ser y passar como en ella se declara THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 304 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

8 a la ochaba pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido o si ssabe o a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario dixo queste testigo ssabe por parte otro testigo como el navio contenido en la pregunta arribo a macan y quando a esta ziudad vino el dicho capitan francisco de mercado le oyo decir este testigo y a otros muchos que con el venian que el dicho capitan bartolome baz avia ffecho elo que la pregunta dize y y declara y esto responde y no ssabe otra cossa qontenido della.

9 a la novena pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido e si ssabe e a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oido decir lo que la pregunta declara y bido este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome baez vino a estas yslas con dos navios grandes suyos de armada con artilleria y muniçiones e que a muchos portugueses oyo decir este testigo como el dicho capitan bartolome baez tenia ffletados los dichos dos navios e que ynteressaba a ganar mucha suma de pesos de oro e que todo lo avia depuesto por solo venir a estas yslas en servicio de su magestad y esto ssabe esta pregunta e no ssabe ni a oydo cossa en contrario dello.

10 a las diez preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido e si ssabe e a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario de lo dixo que sabe e vido este testigo como aviendo ordenado el dotor santiago de bera governador y capitan jeneral destas yslas enbiar socorro a las yslas del maluco contra los enemigos terrenates estaban alzados el dicho capitan bartolome baez por solo servir a Su magestad se ofreçio a hir a servir a su magestad y fue a ella con dos navios suyos un navio grande y una galeota e con una compañia de abentureros a su costa e minsion en la qual jornada sirvio el susodicho capitan bartolome baez a su magestad todas en las ocasiones que se ofreçieren e gasto en ella muchos pesos de oro de su hazienda porque para ello no fue ayudado de socorro ni otro entretenimiento y esto sabe desta pregunta e no conoce al contrario della.

11 a las onzee preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido o cossa alguna en contrario dello dixo que a oido decir todo lo que la pregunta declara a muchas personas dellos (p. 90)

De los que ffueron a la dicha jornada del maluco y que no a oido ni sabe cossa al contrario della. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 305

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido e si ssabe e a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oido decir lo que la pregunta declara.

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido e si ssabe y a oydo decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que no la sabe ni cossa en contrario della y esto rresponde.

14 a las catorze preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido y si ssabe e a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo queste testigo siempre a tenido e tiene e a visto que a sido avido e tenido el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero por ombre muy prinzipal e hijodalgo e que a visto que a tratado su persona como tal teniendo en su cassa de ordinario mesa publica y muchas personas a ella e muchos soldados armas e caballos para serbir a su magestad y esto responde.

15 a la quinze preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido y si ssabe e a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario dixo que en su trato gasto y aparato a mostrado el dicho capitan bartolome baez aver sido hombre rico y poderoso de haçienda e asi mismo a oido decir a muchas personas que lo a sido que al presente a oido dezir por publico e notorio quel susodicho esta muy pobre y enpeñado por los muchos gastos que a hecho en servicio de su magestad que tanbien a oido decir que tiene dos hijas por cassar y esto responde a esta pregunta.

16 a las diez y seis preguntas fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella qontenido y si ssabe o a oydo decir alguna cosa en contrario della dixo queste testigo tiene a el dicho capitan bartolome baez por persona en quien caben la merced que la pregunta declara y otras mayores que su magestad ffuere servido de hazerle por tener necesidad y caber en le y esto responde.

17 a las diez y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene sobre su dicho e la qual se afirma e rrefiere lo qual dixo ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho y lo firmo de su nombre el licenciado pedro deroxas e Joan pacheco maldonado ante my geronimo de mesa escrivano receptor.

Testigo E Despues de lo susodicho la dicha ziudad de manila en nueve dias del THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 306 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

dicho mes de junio del dicho ano el dicho señor oydor para la dicha ynformacion hizo parecer a testigo a el capitan don joan Ronquillo del Castillo de que fue tomado e rrezebido juramento en forma de derecho so cargo del que prometio de decir verdad y siendo preguntado por las preguntas del dicho ynterrogatorio del dicho capitan bartolome baez landero e por la contra dellas dijo e depuso lo siguente.

1 a la primera pregunta dixo que conoce a el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero de tres años a esta parte poco mas o menos. (p. 91)

Generales fue preguntado por las preguntas generales dixo que no le tocan ninguna dellas y que es de hedad de treinta años poco mas o menos.

2 a la segunda pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido y si sabe y a oido dezir alguna cossa contraria (tachado: e) della dixo que no sabe nada de lo en ella contenido.

3 a la terçera pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido si ssabe o a oido dezir quel dicho capitan bartolome baez a muchos dias que esta en la çiudad de macan en la china y ques uno de los hombres que mas respetan en ella.

4 a la quarta pregunta fue preguntado si ssabe lo en ella contenido y si ssabe o a oido decir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que no la sabe ny cossa alguna en contrario della.

5 a la quinta pregunta si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que no la sabe ni cossa alguna en contrario della.

6 a la sesta pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que save e vido este testigo como luego que se supo en estas yslas por don gonzalo ronquillo de penalossa governador e capitan general que fue destas yslas la muerte del Rey son Sevastian que sea en gloria despacho a macan e otras partes a dar Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 307

dello avisso a lo qual fue el padre alonso Sánchez y despues de buelto a esta çiudad oyo este testigo dezir por publico e notorio e publica voz e fama como el dicho capitan bartolome vaez avia ffecho todo lo que la pregunta dize e declara el qual vino en un navio grande del dicho bartolome vaez y traxo bastimentos y otras cossas y se ofrecio el dicho capitan bartolome vaez a servir a su magestad y esto responde.

VII a la septima pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo (p. 92)

que save la pregunta como en ella se contiene porque lo vido ser e passar como en ella se dize e declara e no a visto ni savido cosa en contrario dello y esto responde.

8 a la octava pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cosa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara al dicho capitan francisco de mercado y a otras personas de los que fueron en la dicha nao e asi es publico e notorio e publica voz e fama e no ay cossa en contrario dello y esto responde.

9 a la novena pregunta fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que save e vido este testigo como el dicho diego ronquillo siendo governador enbio a llamar al dicho capitan bartolome vaez landero para que viniesse a estas yslas a tratar negocios que convenia al servicio de su magestad en cumplimento de lo qual vido este testigo como el dicho capitan vino de su tierra a esta çiudad con dos navios grandes suyos de armada pertrechados e aderecados para lo que fuesse necessario al servicio de su magestad e oyo dezir que los dichos navios estavan prestos y fletados en que ynteresava ganar mucha suma de pesos de oro e que todo lo dexo por solo servir a su magestad y esto responde e no save ni a oydo dezir cossa alguna al contrario della y esto rresponde a esta pregunta.

X a las diez preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que save y bido este testigo como llegado que fue a estas yslas el dotor santiago de vera THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 308 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

governador e capitan general destas yslas dio horden como enbiar socorro de armada a las yslas del maluco contra los terrenates que estan rrevelados (p. 93)

al servicio de su magestad a la qual jornada save este testigo que se ofreçio el dicho capitan bartolome vaez e fue a ella con una compania de aventureros con dos navios de armada suyos y a su costa y mincion dando de comer e lo necessario a todos los soldados de su compania e asi mesmo save este testigo que el dicho capitan bartolome vaez envio el navio que la pregunta declara a la china e por no venir a tiempo le fue forcosso comprar otro navio y se enpeno en comprar bastimentos e lo necessario para la dicha jornada en servicio de su magestad y esto responde a esta pregunta.

11 a las onze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que a oydo dezir que ubo diferencias entre los dichos capitanes y que el dicho capitan bartolome vaez con su buena prudençia y balor los metio en paz e que esto save e no otra cossa.

12 a las doze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cosa en contrario della dixo que este testigo a oydo dezir lo que la pregunta declara a algunas personas de las que fueron a la dicha jornada e socorro y que no a oydo al contrario della.

13 a las treze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que no save nada de lo contenido en la pregunta ni en contra della y esto rresponde.

14 a las catorze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que (p. 94)

siempre este testigo a visto tener e a tenido a el dicho capitan bartolome baez landero por hombre principal e hijodalgo capitan de ynfanteria de su magestad e siempre a visto este testigo que a tratado su cassa e persona como tal teniendo su cassa poblada con muchos soldados armas e cavallos para servir a su magestad e que no a visto ni save cosa en contrario dello y esto Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 309

rresponde.

15 a las quinze preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella contenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo queste testigo a oydo dezir quel dicho capitan bartolome vaez a sido hombre muy rico e que tal parece por su trato e comunicaçion e que al pressente esta muy pobre y empeñado e a oydo dezir que tine una hija o dos por casar y esto rresponde.

16 a las diez y seis preguntas fue preguntado si save lo en ella qontenido o si save o a oydo dezir alguna cossa en contrario della dixo que save este testigo que por los servicios que el dicho capitan bartolome vaez a ffecho a su magestad es digno e mercedor de que su magestad le haga merced de en gratificaçion de sus servicios darle una de las cossas que se declaran en la dicha pregunta la qual cave muy bien en el e otra qualquiera merced que su magestad fuere servido de le hazer e esto responde e no save cossa al contrario della.

XVII a las diez y siete preguntas dixo que dize lo que dicho tiene en este su dicho en que se afirma e rrefiere la qual dicho ser la verdad para el juramento que tiene ffecho e lo firmo de su nombre el (p. 95)

licenciado Pedro de rrojas don joan rronquillo ante mi geronimo de messa escrivano receptor. en la ciudad de manila veinte y seis de junio de mill y quinientos y ochenta e seis años yo alonso beltran escrivano de camara desta rreal audiencia hize sacar un treslado desta ynformaçion que se hizo de officio contra la ffecha por parte del capitan bartolome baez landero e va cierto e verdadero siendo testigo estevan de marquina e phelipe roman e tal e una. Yo Alonso Beltras scrivano de camara de la audiencia e chancilleria real de las yslas philippinas por su magestad fize escrivir e va çierto y firmo mi signo. (signo notarial) scrivano de verdad Duplicado a xxxvi maravedis por hoja. Alonso de beltran (firma) (p. 96) THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 310 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

ynformaçion fecha de officio en la real audiencia de las yslas Philipinas sobre la fecha por parte del cappitan bartolome vaez landero sobre los servicios que a su magestad a ffecho en estas yslas meritos y calidad de su persona y mercedes que pretende va escrita en veinte y dos folios con la del signo (p. 97)

Catolica Real Majestad Parecer de la audiencia de Manila

El capitan bartolome baes landero portugues que reside en la ciudad de macan segun parece por las ynformaciones que de sus servicios se an hecho de parte y officio a servido muy bien en la yndia a Vuestra Magestad y ansi mismo en descubrir la carrera de macan para estas yslas, y en haver enbiado a ellas un navio suyo a su costa y mision a solo traer al padre alonso Sánchez de la compañia, y en el año que se quemo esta ciudad luego que tubo la nueva enbio otro navio con bastimentos y otras cosas necesarias para el socorro de los espanoles aflixidos con la quema pasada y ansi mismo fue muy ymportante el socorro que hizo al capitan mercado que arivo a macan con una nao destrocada de su magestad para el reparo de la qual le dio todo el favor necesario y governando diego Ronquillo en estas islas en tiempo que en ellas se temian de los enemigos enbio para asegurarse a llamar al dicho capitan bartolome baez a macan el qual luego que recivio la carta del dicho governador por hacer servicio a vuestra magestad se vino a estas islas con dos navios suyos bien artillados y con muchos bastimentos y gente que en ellos traia, dexando de hacer otras jornadas en que ynteresava mucha suma de pesos de oro, con los quales sus dos navios por mandado de vuestra presidente governador y capitan general doctor sanctiago de vera fue al socorro que se hacia al maluco por orden de vuestra magestad por capitan de una compañia de soldados españoles aventureros a los quales a la yda, y buelta y todo el tiempo que alla se detubieron proveyo y dio todo lo necesario a su costa y mision en lo qual gasto mucha hacienda para hacer la dicha jornada en la qual hiço el dever como buen capitan y leal basallo de vuestra magestad es persona benemerita y que a servido muy bien a vuestra magestad y en estas islas hechole muchos servicios mereçe y cabe bien en el merced que a vuestra magestad suplica y otras mayores siendo vuestra magestad servido de hacerselas. Document 3 ConclusionInformation on the Life of Captain Bartolomeu Vaez Landeiro, 19 April, 1586 311

El doctor Santiago de Vera (firma) el licenciado Melchor de Avalos (firma) el licenciado Pedro de Rojas (firma). (p. 98)

APPENDIX

APPENDIX 315

TABLE Ouvidors (judicial magistrates) of Macau 1582-1589 Ouvidors (judicial magistrates) ofMacau Years Matias Penela 1582 Damião Gonçalvez 1582 BaltazarArnaldoLobo 1587 AlexandreRebelo 1587(senttoMacau?) Estêvão Barreiros 1589 JoãoXimenesCalderon 1589 RuiMachadoBarbosa 1589

TABLE List of the Kings of Portugal, 1557-1614 House of Avis D. Sebastião I 1557-[1568]-1578 [D. Catarina of Áustria, regent] [1557-1562] [Cardinal D. Henrique, regent] [1562-1568] Cardinal D. Henrique 1578-1580 [5 governors, under the presidency of [1580] D. Jorge de Almeida, Archbishop of Lisbon] D.António,PriorofCrato 1580 House of Austria Philip I (II of Spain) 1580-1598 Personal government of 1581-1583 Philip I Cardinal-archduke Carlos 1583-1593 Alberto, Viceroy Junta of 5 Governors, under the presidency of 1593-1600 D. Miguel de Castro, Arch Bishop of Lisbon Philip II (III of Spain) 1598-1621 Cristóvão de Moura, Marquis of Castelo 1600-1603 Rodrigo, Viceroy D. Afonso Castelo Branco, 1603-1604 Bishop of Coimbra, Viceroy THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 316 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

(cont.) D. Pedro de Castilho, Bishop of Leiria and 1605-1608 General-Inquisitor, Viceroy Cristóvão de Moura, Marquis 1608-1612 of Castelo Rodrigo, Viceroy D. Pedro de Castilho, Bishop 1612-1614 of Leiria, Viceroy

TABLE Viceroys and Governors of the State of India, 1568-1619 D. Luís de Ataíde 1568-1571 D. António de Noronha 1571-1573 António Moniz Barreto 1573-1576 D. Diogo de Meneses 1576-1578 D. Luís de Ataíde 1578-1581 FernãoTelesdeMeneses 1581 D. Francisco Mascarenhas 1581-1584 D. Duarte de Meneses 1584-1588 Manuel de Sousa Coutinho 1588-1591 Matias de Albuquerque 1591-1597 D. Francisco da Gama 1597-1600 Aires de Saldanha 1600-1605 D. Martim Afonso de Castro 1605-1607 D. Friar Aleixo de Meneses 1607-1609 André Furtado de Mendonça 1609 Rui Lourenço de Távora 1609-1612 D. Jerónimo de Azevedo 1612-1617 D. João Coutinho 1617-1619 APPENDIX 317

TABLE Governors of the Philippines, 1569-1616 Miguel López de Legazpi 1569-1572 Guido de Lavezaris 1572-1575 Francisco de Sande 1575-1580 Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa 1580-1583 Diego Ronquillo 1583-1584 Santiago de Vera 1584-1590 Góméz Pérez Dasmariñas 1590-1593 PedrodeRojas 1593[October-December] Luis Pérez Dasmariñas 1593-1595 António de Morga 1595-1596 Francisco Tello de Guzmán 1596-1602 Pedro Bravo de Acuña 1602-1606 [Audience, interregnum] [1606-1609] Juan de Silva 1609-1616

TABLE List of the Captains General of Macau, 1557-1615 Francisco Martins 1557 Leonel de Sousa 1557-1558 Diogo Pereira 1558-1560 Rui Barreto 1559 Manuel Mendonça 1559-1560 Fernão de Sousa 1561 Pêro Barreto Rolim 1562 Diogo Pereira 1562-1564 D. João Pereira 1564-1565 Simão de Mendonça 1565-1566 Tristão Vaz da Veiga 1566-1567 D. António de Sousa 1567-1568 Manuel Travassos 1568-1569 Manuel Travassos 1560-1570 Tristão Vaz da Veiga 1570-1571 D. João de Almeida 1571-1572 D. António de Vilhena Manuel 1572-1573 Simão de Mendonça 1574-1575 THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 318 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

(cont.) Vasco Pereira 1575-1576 Domingos Monteiro 1576-1577 Domingos Monteiro 1577-1578 Domingos Monteiro 1578-1579 Leonel de Brito 1579 D. Miguel da Gama 1580 Inácio de Lima 1581 D. João de Almeida 1582 AiresGonçalvesdeMiranda 1582 Aires Gonçalves de Miranda 1583-1584 Francisco Pais 1584-1585 Domingos Monteiro 1585-1586 Jerónimo Monteiro 1587-1588 Uncertain Macau captainship due to the fact that the journey to Japan did not take place: 1588-1589 D. João da Gama Domingos Segurado Domingos Monteiro Anrique (ou António) da Costa 1589-1590 Roque de Melo Pereira 1590-1591 Domingos Monteiro 1592-1593 Gaspar Pinto da Costa 1593-1594 ThejourneytoJapandidnottakeplace 1594 Manuel de Miranda 1595 Rui Mendes de Figueiredo 1595-1596 Rui Mendes de Figueiredo(?) and Nuno de Mendonça: uncertain Macaucaptainshipduetothe 1597 fact that the journey to Japan did not take place Nuno de Mendonça 1598 D. Paulo of Portugal 1598-1602 Gonçalo Rodrigues de Sousa 1602-1603 João Caiado de Gamboa 1604 D. Diogo de Vasconcelos de Meneses 1604-1606 André Pessoa 1607-1609 APPENDIX 319

(cont.) D.DiogodeVasconcelosdeMeneses(?) 1610-1611 Pedro Martins Gaio 1611 Miguel de Sousa Pimentel 1612-1613 João Soares (Serrão?) da Cunha 1613-1614 João Soares (Serrão?) da Cunha 1614-1615

TABLE List of Military Chiefs of Japan, 1573-1623 Oda Nobunaga 1573-1582 Toyotomi Hideyoshi 1582-1598 Council of five elders 1598-1600 Tokugawa Ieyasu 1600-1603 Shoguns of the Tokugawa Dynasty 1603-1605 Tokugawa Ieyasu (abdicatedhistitleinfavourof his son) Tokugawa Hidetada 1605-1623

TABLE List of Popes, 1572-1621 Gregory XIII 1572-1585 Sixtus V 1585-1590 Urban VII 1590 Gregory XIV 1590 Innocent IX 1591 Clement VIII 1592-1605 Leo IX 1605 Paul V 1605-1621 THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 320 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

TABLE List of Superior Generals of the Society of Jesus, 1565-1615 Francisco de Borja 1565-1572 Everard Mercurian 1573-1580 Claudio Acquaviva 1581-1615

TABLE List of Visitors of the Society of Jesus (China and Japan), 1574-1619 Alessandro Valignano 1574-1606 Francesco Pasio 1611-1612 Francisco Vieira 1615-1619

TABLE List of the Nagasaki Governors/Bugyō, 1587-1615 Terazawa Shinano-no-kami and Todo Sado-no-kami Takatora as 1587-1588 provisional Commissionners Terazawa Shinano-no-kami 1592-1602 Resident Governor Ogasawara Ichian 1603-1605 Visiting Governor Hasegawa Sahioye Fujihiro 1606-1615

TABLE List of the Procurators in Japan, 1563-1618 Miguel Vaz 1563-1582 João de Crasto 1583-1594 Gaspar de Crasto 1596-1598 Rui Barreto 1598 João Rodrigues Tçuzzu 1598-1610 Sebastião Vieira 1610-1612 Carlo Spinola 1612-1618 APPENDIX 321

TABLE List of the Heads of Mission of the Society of Jesus in Japan, 1549-1617 Francisco Xavier - Superior 1549-1551 Cosme de Torres - Superior 1551-1570 Francisco Cabral - Superior 1570-1581 Gaspar Coelho - Superior 1581 Gaspar Coelho – Vice-provincial 1581-1590 Pedro Gomez – Vice-provincial 1590-1600 Francisco Pasio – Vice-provincial 1600-1611 Valentim de Carvalho – Provincial 1611-1617 Jerónimo Rodrigues – Vice-provincial 1614-1617

TABLE List of Bishops (Macau), 1568-1623 D. Belchior Carneiro, S.J. – Bishop. of Nicaea and 1568-1581 Apostolic Vicar in China and Japan. Foundation of the Diocese of Macau 1576 D. Diogo Nunes de Figueira – Having been appointed, he renounced his position before 1576 being consecrated. D. Leonardo de Sá, O.C. e O.M.C. – First Tutelary Bishop, consecrated and active. Summoned to the Third Goa Council and later arrested in 1581-1597 Sumatra, he was replaced in his absences by the Bishop of Japan. D. Pedro Martins, S.J. – Bishop of Funai and Administrator of the Diocese of Macau during 1585-1594 the impediment suffered by D. Leonardo de Sá, O.C.. Father Manuel de Aguiar – Governor of the 1597-1599 Bishopric. Friar Miguel dos Santos, O.S.A. – Governor of 1599-1608 the Bishopric. D. João Pinto da Piedade, O.P. – Bishop of Macau. In his absences to Manila, Portugal and 1608-1626 Spain, he was replaced by Friar António do Rosário, O.P.. THE EARLY EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN CHINA, JAPAN, THE PHILIPPINES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1555-1590) 322 _The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro

(cont.) Friar António do Rosário, O.P. – Vicar of the Convent of Saint Dominic de Macau, Governor 1615-1623 of the Bishopric, due to an impediment suffered by D. João da Piedade, O.P..

TABLE List of the Archbishops of Manila, 1581-1616 Fr. Domingo de Salazar, O.P. 1581-1594 Fr.IgnaciodeSantibáñez,O.F.M. 1598 Fr. Miguel de Benavides, O.P. 1603-1606 D. Diego Vázquez de Mercado 1610-1616

TABLE List of the Bishops of Japan, 1576-1614 D. Diogo Nunes de Figueira 1576 Bishop of Macau – Was not in Macau D. Leonardo de Sá 1577 Bishop of Macau – Arrived in Macau in 1580 FoundingoftheDioceseofFunai 1588 D. Sebastião de Morais 1588 Died before arriving in Japan D. Pedro Martins 1592-1598 Arrived in Japan in 1596 D. Luís de Cerqueira 1598-1614 Lived in Japan from 1598

TABLE List of the Viceroys of New Spain, 1568-1614 Martín Enríquez de Almansa 1568-1580 Lorenzo Suárez de Mendoza, conde de la 1580-1583 Coruña Pedro Moya de Contreras Arzobispo de México, Inquisidor y 1584-1585 Visitador de la Nueva España Álvaro Manrique y Zúñiga 1585-1590 Marqués de Villa-Manrique APPENDIX 323

(cont.) Luis II de Velasco 1590-1595 Marqués de Salinas Gonzalo Méndez de Cancio y Donlebún 1595-1603 Señor de la Tapia de Casariego Juan de Mendoza y Luna 1603-1607 Marqués de Montes-Claros D. Luis II de Velasco 1607-1611 Marqués de Salinas Fray García Guerra 1611-1612 Arzobispo de México Diego Fernández de Córdoba 1612-1621 Marqués de Guadalcázar

BIBLIOGRAPHY 325

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