Belarus – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 24 February 2012
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Individual V. State: Practice on Complaints with the United Nations Treaty Bodies with Regards to the Republic of Belarus
Individual v. State: Practice on complaints with the United Nations treaty bodies with regards to the Republic of Belarus Volume I Collection of articles and documents The present collection of articles and documents is published within the framework of “International Law in Advocacy” program by Human Rights House Network with support from the Human Rights House in Vilnius and Civil Rights Defenders (Sweden) 2012 UDC 341.231.14 +342.7 (476) BBK 67.412.1 +67.400.7 (4Bel) I60 Edited by Sergei Golubok Candidate of Law, Attorney of the St. Petersburg Bar Association, member of the editorial board of the scientific journal “International justice” I60 “Individual v. State: Practice on complaints with the United Nations treaty bodies with regards to the Republic of Belarus”. – Vilnius, 2012. – 206 pages. ISBN 978-609-95300-1-7. The present collection of articles “Individual v. State: Practice on complaints with the United Nations treaty bodies with regards to the Republic of Belarus” is the first part of the two-volume book, that is the fourth publication in the series about international law and national legal system of the republic of Belarus, implemented by experts and alumni of the Human Rights Houses Network‘s program “International Law in Advocacy” since 2007. The first volume of this publication contains original writings about the contents and practical aspects of international human rights law concepts directly related to the Institute of individual communications, and about the role of an individual in the imple- mentation of international legal obligations of the state. The second volume, expected to be published in 2013, will include original analyti- cal works on the admissibility of individual considerations and the Republic of Belarus’ compliance with the decisions (views) by treaty bodies. -
Evolution of Belarusian-Polish Relations at the Present Stage: Balance of Interests
Журнал Белорусского государственного университета. Международные отношения Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relations UDC 327(476:438) EVOLUTION OF BELARUSIAN-POLISH RELATIONS AT THE PRESENT STAGE: BALANCE OF INTERESTS V. G. SHADURSKI а aBelarusian State University, Nezavisimosti avenue, 4, Minsk, 220030, Republic of Belarus The present article is dedicated to the analysis of the Belarusian-Polish relations’ development during the post-USSR period. The conclusion is made that despite the geographical neighborhood of both countries, their cultural and historical proximity, cooperation between Minsk and Warsaw didn’t comply with the existing capacity. Political contradictions became the reason for that, which resulted in fluctuations in bilateral cooperation, local conflicts on the inter-state level. The author makes an attempt to identify the main reasons for a low level of efficiency in bilateral relations and to give an assessment of foreign factors impact on Minsk and Warsaw policies. Key words: Belarusian-Polish relations; Belarusian foreign policy; Belarusian and Polish diplomacy; historical policy. ЭВОЛЮЦИЯ БЕЛОРУССКО-ПОЛЬСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ НА СОВРЕМЕННОМ ЭТАПЕ: ПОИСК БАЛАНСА ИНТЕРЕСОВ В. Г. ШАДУРСКИЙ 1) 1)Белорусский государственный университет, пр. Независимости, 4, 220030, г. Минск, Республика Беларусь В представленной публикации анализируется развитие белорусско-польских отношений на протяжении периода после распада СССР. Делается вывод о том, что, несмотря на географическое соседство двух стран, их культурную и историческую близость, сотрудничество Минска и Варшавы не соответствовало имеющемуся потенциалу. При- чиной тому являлись политические разногласия, следствием которых стали перепады в двухстороннем взаимодей- ствии, частые конфликты на межгосударственном уровне. Автор пытается выяснить основные причины невысокой эффективности двусторонних связей, дать оценку влияния внешних факторов на политику Минска и Варшавы. -
Belarus Epr Atlas Belarus 110
epr atlas 109 Belarus epr atlas belarus 110 Ethnicity in Belarus Power relations The demographic majority in Belarus are the Byelorussians, they operate as senior partners next to the largest minority, the Russians. The Russians are junior partners. Russians of Belarus represent an advantaged minority. The current regime of Alexander Lukashenka is decidedly pro-Russian in economic, political and cultural terms. The Russian and Belarusian languages are very similar. And most Belarusians hold a clear affinity to and identification for Russia and the Soviet Union in general. Many of the former differences between the Belarusian and Russian culture and languages were diminished during Soviet rule. A large part of the Belarusian population identi- fies with Russia (161). The Russian and Byelorussian languages have 161 [Eke Kuzio, 2000] equal legal status, but, in practice, Russian is the primary language used by the government (162). Russians have also a special status in 162 [U.S. State Department, 2005 - 2009] Belarus, because the country is dependent on Russia (trade, energy) (163). Therefore the Belarusian government adopted inclusive poli- 163 [Hancock, 2006] cies towards the Russian minority. The ruling party for example, is ethnically mixed and extremely pro-Russian (164). 164 [Eke Kuzio, 2000] The Polish minority was powerless until 2004, then they be- came discriminated. Starting in May 2005, there was increased governmental and societal discrimination against the ethnic Pol- ish population (165). The government interfered in the internal af- 165 [U.S. State Department, 2005 - 2009] fairs of the most important Polish NGO: The Union of Belarusian Poles held a congress to elect new leaders. -
Europe Re-Opening by Country
Europe Re-Opening by Country Overview As European countries re-open, Schengen Area countries have mostly excluded U.S. travelers from entry, with some exceptions (see previous OSAC reporting). While each European country periodically reviews the list of “safe countries,” there is no indication if/when U.S. travelers will be able to conduct normal travel to these locations. The EU reported that its criteria relate to the epidemiological situation and containment measures, including physical distancing, as well as economic and social considerations in each country, applied cumulatively. Countries should meet the following criteria in particular: • Close to or below the EU 14-day average, as it stands on June 14, of the rate of new COVID-19 cases; • The trend of new cases over the same period in comparison to the previous 14 days is stable or decreasing; and • The overall response to COVID-19, taking into account available information on aspects such as testing, surveillance, contact tracing, containment, treatment, and reporting, as well as the reliability of available information and data sources; and if needed, the total average International Health Regulations (IHR) score across all dimensions. Those travelers who do not fit into an exemption category – most potential travelers from the United States are subject to restrictions – must wait for the EU to issue a new list, based on the criteria above, to enter one of the 27 EU member states. Private-sector security managers should remember that this restriction does not affect travel to the United Kingdom. Europe Re-Openings Each U.S. Embassy continues to update its COVID-19 information page for the latest entry/exit, testing, and quarantine requirements, where applicable. -
Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity Games and Policy Tools in Eastern Partnership Countries Andrey Makarychev
Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity games and policy tools in Eastern Partnership countries Andrey Makarychev No 2018/02, February 2018 Abstract This paper applies the concepts of hegemony and hybridity as analytical tools to help understand the structural changes taking place within the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries and beyond. The author points to the split identities of many post-Soviet societies and the growing appeal of solutions aimed at balancing Russia’s or the EU’s dominance as important factors shaping EaP dynamics. Against this background, he explores how the post-Soviet borderlands can find their place in a still hypothetical pan-European space, and free themselves from the tensions of their competing hegemons. The EaP is divided into those countries that signed Association Agreements with the EU and those preferring to maintain their loyalty to Eurasian integration. Bringing the two groups closer together, however, is not beyond policy imagination. The policy-oriented part of this analysis focuses on a set of ideas and schemes aimed at enhancing interaction and blurring divisions between these countries. The author proposes five scenarios that might shape the future of EaP countries’ relations with the EU and with Russia: 1) the conflictual status quo in which both hegemonic powers will seek to weaken the position of the other; 2) trilateralism (EU, Russia plus an EaP country), which has been tried and failed, but still is considered as a possible option by some policy analysts; 3) the Kazakhstan-Armenia model of diplomatic advancement towards the EU, with some potential leverage on Russia; 4) deeper engagement by the EU with the Eurasian Economic Union, which has some competences for tariffs and technical standards; and 5) the decoupling of security policies from economic projects, which is so far the most difficult option to foresee and implement in practice. -
The Anguish of Repatriation. Immigration to Poland And
EEPXXX10.1177/0888325414532494East European Politics and SocietiesGrzymała-Kazłowska and Grzymała-Moszczyńska 532494research-article2014 East European Politics and Societies and Cultures Volume XX Number X Month 201X 1 –21 © 2014 SAGE Publications The Anguish of Repatriation: 10.1177/0888325414532494 http://eeps.sagepub.com hosted at Immigration to Poland and Integration http://online.sagepub.com of Polish Descendants from Kazakhstan Aleksandra Grzymała-Kazłowska University of Warsaw Halina Grzymała-Moszczyńska Jagiellonian University Repatriation remains an unsolved problem of Polish migration policy. To date, it has taken place on a small scale, mostly outside of the state’s repatriation system. Thousands of people with a promised repatriation visa are still waiting to be repatri- ated. The majority of the repatriates come from Kazakhstan, home to the largest popu- lation of descendants of Poles in the Asian part of the former USSR. They come to Poland not only for sentimental reasons, but also in search of better living conditions. However, repatriates—in particular older ones—experience a number of problems with adaptation in Poland, dominated by financial and housing-related issues. A further source of difficulties for repatriates, alongside their spatial dispersion, insufficient lin- guistic and cultural competencies, and identity problems, is finding a place on and adapting to the Polish labor market. Despite their difficult situation and special needs, the repatriates in Poland are not sufficiently supported due to the inefficiency of admin- istration and non-governmental institutions dealing with the task of repatriates’ integration. It results in the anguish of repatriation. Keywords: repatriation; repatriates from Kazakhstan; Polish integration policy; immigration to Poland; Polish minority in the former USSR Introduction Over two decades after the beginning of the transformation of the political and economic system in Poland, repatriation remains an unresolved issue. -
The Case of Belarusians Acquiring Karta Polaka
ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION IN THE CONTEXT OF AN ALTERNATIVE STATE MEMBERSHIP REGIME: THE CASE OF BELARUSIANS ACQUIRING KARTA POLAKA By Volha Biziukova Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology. In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisors: professor Dan Rabinowitz professor Ayşe Çağlar CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Abstract This thesis deals with the ethnic identification of Belarusian citizens who applied for the Karta Polaka (The Pole’s Card), a type of alternative state membership regime introduced by Poland. The membership in two countries conditions a specific situation for ethnic identification. In the present research I consider the biographic dynamics of ethnic identification in connection with the cultural practices and family stories, the trajectories of identification and the construction of the categories of affiliation. The analysis is made on the basis of the in-depth interviews with the applicants for the Karta Polaka. The process of identification is contextualized in a broader structural and historical context. The narrative of the Karta Polaka affects the way the applicants assign themselves and their ancestors to the ethnic categories due to the introduction of bureaucratic discourse. The cultural practices changed dramatically through generations and at present moment cultural traits are not the strict criteria for the attribution to an ethnic category. The applicants affiliate themselves with several communities simultaneously but describe theirs ways of belonging using different tropes. The applicants follow multiple routes in their identification conditioned by the common structural and historical context along with individual biographical stories. The identification and the status of the Karta Polaka holders are characterized with exclusive and inclusive tendencies. -
XXXIX Polish Yearbook of International Law 2019
XXXIX POLISH YEARBOOK OF INTERNATIONAL LAW DOI 10.24425/pyil.2020.134481 2019 PL ISSN 0554-498X Wojciech Burek* CONFORMITY OF The ACT ON The POLIsh CARD WITH INTERNATIONal law FROM The peRspecTIVE OF The CONSTITUTIONal COURT OF BelaRUS Abstract: With the Act on the Polish Card Poland followed the pattern of some European states (mostly Central and Eastern European ones) of enacting specific domestic legislation conferring special treatment and benefits to persons who are recognized as its kin-minorities. The most important analysis of this phenomenon from the perspective of international law was the 2001 Venice Commission’s report entitled “Report on the Protection of National Minorities by their Kin-State.” The Polish legislation was adopted in 2007, so for obvious reasons it was not considered by the Venice Commission. However, a rather unexpected and unusual examination of the Polish kin-state legislation from the perspective of international law came from Belarus. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Belarus (CCRB) conducted a comprehensive examination of the Act on the Polish Card in 2011. The main aim of this article is to present and comment on the reasoning of the CCRB. Beginning with the broader context, this article starts with a presentation of the origins and a short description of the Act on the Polish Card, followed by a discussion of why the Polish Card and other kin-state legislation instruments are topics of concern in international law. The main part of the article is devoted to the presentation and assessment of the 2011 CCRB decision on the Act on the Polish Card. -
The Belarusian Minority in Poland
a n F P 7 - SSH collaborative research project [2008 - 2 0 1 1 ] w w w . e n r i - e a s t . n e t Interplay of European, National and Regional Identities: Nations between States along the New Eastern Borders of the European Union Series of project research reports Contextual and empirical reports on ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe Research Report #10 Belarus The Belarusian Minority Germany in Poland Hungary Authors: Konrad Zieliński Latvia Magdalena Cześniak-Zielińska | Ilona Matysiak Lithuania Anna Domaradzka | Łukasz Widła Hans-Georg Heinrich | Olga Alekseeva Poland Russia Slovakia Series Editors: Ukraine Hans-Georg Heinrich | Alexander Chvorostov Project primarily funded under FP7-SSH programme Project host and coordinator EUROPEAN COMMISSION www.ihs.ac.at European Research Area 2 ENRI - E a s t R e s e a r c h Report #10: The Belarusian Minority in Poland About the ENRI-East research project (www.enri-east.net) The Interplay of European, National and Regional Identities: Nations between states along the new eastern borders of the European Union (ENRI-East) ENRI-East is a research project implemented in 2008-2011 and primarily funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Program. This international and inter-disciplinary study is aimed at a deeper understanding of the ways in which the modern European identities and regional cultures are formed and inter-communicated in the Eastern part of the European continent. ENRI-East is a response to the shortcomings of previous research: it is the first large-scale comparative project which uses a sophisticated toolkit of various empirical methods and is based on a process-oriented theoretical approach which places empirical research into a broader historical framework. -
Vyacheslav Shved
Vyacheslav Shved Ethnic Groups, History, and Memory in Grodno As Arkadil Smolich wrote about Grodno in the Geography of Belarus (1919): 'It is one of the best and most interesting cities of Belarus, a little isle of an old western civilization which lies near the Nieman forests.'1 The settlement on the bank of Nieman appeared at the end of the tenth to the beginning of the eleventh centuries. It is mentioned for the first time in the Ipatev chronicle on 11 or 14 August 1127. Grodno (earlier Goroden, Gorodnia) was the center of Gorodnia Duchy till 1240 and was a vassal of the Grand Duke of Kiev. From then until 1795 (the third Partition of Poland) Grodno was a central district and a residence of the Grand Duke of Lithuania. It was considered one of the most important cities of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. After the Union of Lublin in 1596 it became a town of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. From 1795 to 1917 Grodno was the center of district and from 1802 of a province in the Russian Empire, where the provincial administration was concentrated. Grodno survived the First World War and German occupation. In 1917— 19 it was part of the Belarusian National Republic and the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR). From 21-28 April 1920 there were Polish armies in Grodno. Then Soviet armies took over for five months. The Polish army returned on 25 September 1920 and after the Treaty of Riga Grodno remained part of the Polish Second Republic as a regional town of the Bialystok region. -
National Minorities in Polish Politics and Its Eastern Neighbors Polonya Siyasetinde Ulusal Azınlıklar Ve Doğu Komşuları
Uluslararası Yönetim Akademisi Dergisi International Journal Of Management Academy Yıl: 2018, Cilt: 1, Sayı: 1, ss.22-36 Year: 2018, Volume: 1, Issue: 1, pp.22-36 National minorities in Polish politics and its eastern neighbors Polonya Siyasetinde Ulusal Azınlıklar ve Doğu Komşuları Marek BARWINSKY Makale Başvuru Tarihi: 05.03.2018 Department of Political Geography and Regional Studies, Makale Kabul Tarihi: 02.04.2018 University of Łódź, POLAND Jan A. WENDT Department of Regional Development Geography, Institute of Geography, Gdańsk University, POLAND ÖZET İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonraki siyasi değişimler sonucunda yüz binlerce Polonyalı doğu Polonya sınırını terk etti. Bu toplulukların eski Polonya toprakları ile olan ilişkileri ve Sovyetler Birliği'ne dahil olmaları eski Anahtar SSCB'deki en büyük Polonyalı azınlıklardan birini meydana getirdi. 1989'dan beri devam eden siyasi Kelimeler: değişimler ile Litvanya, Belarus ve Ukrayna'nın bağımsız bir devlet olarak ortaya çıkışı, Polonyalıların farklılaşarak şu anda üç farklı ülkede yaşamasına neden olmuştur. Litvanya, Belarus ve Ukrayna'daki siyasi Azınlıklar değişimler bu ülkelerdeki Polonyalı azınlığın mevcut durumlarında farklılıkların yaşanmasına sebep olmuştur. Litvanya, Polonya ile birlikte Avrupa Birliği ve NATO üyeliğine giden yolu onayladı. AB Belarus mevzuatının yükselmesine rağmen, ulusal duyarlılık Litvanya'daki Polonyalı azınlığın konumunun bozulmasına neden oldu. Başkan Lukashenko'nun iktidar varsayımı, Belarus'taki Polonya kuruluşlarının Litvanya ticari faaliyetlerinin azaltılmasına yol açtı. Polonya ile nispeten mümkün olan en iyi ilişkilere sahip ülke olan Ukrayna'da bile bu ülkede Polonyalı azınlığın pozisyonunu etkileyen bir milliyetçi düşünce hakim oldu. Polonya Polonyalı azınlığın konumu, Polonya'nın Schengen ülkelerine katılımını değiştirdi ve bu da Belarus ve Ukrayna'nın Polonya vatandaşlarının girişine yönelik vize politikasının sıkılaştırılmasıyla sonuçlandı. -
Mobilization of Non-Titular Ethnicities During the Last Years of the Soviet Union: Gagauzia, Transnistria, and the Lithuanian Poles
Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 26, pp. 141‒157 Mobilization of Non-titular Ethnicities during the Last Years of the Soviet Union: Gagauzia, Transnistria, and the Lithuanian Poles SATO Keiji Post-Soviet states spent their formative years in a struggle for statehood. The emergence of unrecognized states is one of the most extreme examples of this struggle. Four secessionist polities, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Ab- khazia, and South Ossetia, have gained de facto independence from their host countries, but their independence has not been recognized by the international community, and confrontations with the host states continue.1 Diplomatic ini- tiatives have barely produced feasible solutions, but, on the other hand, mas- sive bloodshed had not occurred after the ceasefires in 1992–94 until the South Ossetian War in August 2008. The international community, including influ- ential powers, then lost interest in these conflicts, which began to be regarded as “frozen and forgotten.”2 However, the South Ossetian War demonstrated that these conflicts could be “unfrozen” at any moment and, therefore, should not be “forgotten.” The unrecognized states in post-Soviet territories originated from non- titular3 ethnicities’ collective actions targeted at defending their culture and language. For this purpose, they tried to strengthen or even create anew a territorial autonomy, which they regarded as the most reliable legal guarantee against titular groups’ assimilative policy.4 One might find this motivation in a number of “hot points” in the late-Perestroika Soviet Union: Abkhazia and South Ossetia of Georgia, Crimea of Ukraine, Transnistria and Gagauzia of Moldova, the “Polish” districts of Lithuania, and the Narva-Sillamae region of Estonia.