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ORLAN FINAL PODCAST–ANNOTATION OF DYLAN’S CHRONICLES

00:00 00:00 (javascript:void(0);) Lily Orlan

17 March 2016

History 395—Final Project Podcast

Annotation Podcast of Dylan’s Chronicles

General Outline

1. Detailed account of Dylan “going electric” at Newport Folk Festival in 1965 2. Explanation of the significance of this event/ what I will be arguing about ’s conception of himself as an artist/ the folk music definition that Dylan wants to establish, and how I will arrive at that argument 3. Analysis of Chronicles details 4. Conclusion

Part I: Dylan goes electric

It is Sunday, July 25, 1965. Bob Dylan takes the stage of the Newport Folk Festival’s star-studded Sunday night concert. As far as his 17,000 folkie fans are concerned, Dylan is about to launch into one of his typical sets, involving the artist’s signature raspy voice, his acoustic guitar, and his harmonica. What the fans receive, however, is a far cry from the iteration of a traditional folk ballad that they expect. First, Dylan is not holding his acoustic guitar, but rather a Fender Stratocaster. Second, he is not alone; keyboardist Al Kooper and members of the Paul Butterfield Blues Band, including guitarist Mike Bloomfield, surround the revered artist. Before the audience can ask “What the ,” the band roars to life, playing an electric version of the traditionally acoustic “Maggie’s Farm,” off of Dylan’s recent album “Bringing it All Back Home.”

[Play beginning clip of song]

Bloomfield leads with an electric guitar riff; Dylan launches into the lyrics with an unexpectedly accelerated tempo. Simply put, the crowd of folk music enthusiasts

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is shocked. And they are not afraid to show it.

[Play clip of crowd booing Dylan]

This moment—recorded in public memory as the performance where Dylan “went electric”—is arguably one of the most pivotal in the entire history of 20th century music. In breaking with the traditional acoustic style of folk music through which he had amassed his following, and opting instead for the electric guitar and the newly popular rock ‘n’ roll genre, Bob Dylan committed an act that many folk purists considered sinful. It is rumored that Pete Seeger, renowned folklorist and mentor to Dylan, threatened to cut the chords to Dylan’s Stratocaster with an axe backstage upon hearing the electronic sound. Press immediately threw critiques at the artist; in one example, the Providence Journal reported that

Quote “Dylan now sings rock ‘n’ roll, the words mattering less than the beat…what he used to stand for, whether one agreed with it or not, was much clearer than what he stands for now.” End quote.

This is just one of the many critical voices—both contemporary and historical—that have asserted that in going electric, Bob Dylan sold out and “broke” with the folk music tradition, opting instead for what was popular, hip, and commercial. Upon being asked—multiple times, might I add—the question of why he made the switch, Dylan has never quite given a straight answer.

Consider this audio clip from a KQED press conference that Dylan gave in December 1965, just a few months after his performance at the folk festival:

[Play clip from KQED press conference]

Part II: Introduction

So—as folklorists, what are we to make of Bob Dylan? In particular, what are we to make of his transformative performance on the night of July 25, 1965? Is Dylan a sellout, having abandoned his purist folk roots in favor of popular commercialism? Or, in contrast, has Dylan remained consistent, a folk artist whose work progressed in a fluid manner that developed alongside American culture? In light of these questions, what is Bob Dylan’s definition of folk music, and what is his own conception of himself as an artist? In this podcast, I’ll closely examine two references from Chronicles, Dylan’s autobiographical memoir, to arrive at answers.

In order to most comprehensively ponder these questions, I’ve carefully chosen two references from Chronicles that I think are worth diving into—one is pre-“going electric,” and the other is post. Chronicles is essentially the story of Dylan’s career, as told by the artist himself. While autobiographies are inherently biased, we can use that bias to our advantage, examining what the author specifically chose to include, and allowing those choices to influence our ultimate judgments on the musician and cult icon. Specifically, I chose these two details not just because I found them interesting and rich, but because I think they tell their own story about how Dylan views himself as an artist.

Part III: Detail Analysis

The first detail I’ve chosen to analyze is from the very beginning of Chronicles. When Dylan first arrived in from his small hometown in Minnesota, he was somewhat of a nomad—a man with a passion and knowledge for folk music, and not much else. As Dylan puts it,

Quote: “I didn’t know a single soul in this dark freezing metropolis but that was all about to change—and quick” (9). End Quote.

It was 1961. Making his way to the West Village, where the folk music revival was about to pick up steam, Dylan managed to find fellow folklorists who would take him in to their various clubs, cafes, and institutions, and, through their immense folk knowledge, would begin molding him into the world-renowned artist he is today. The second of those folklorists was Izzy Young, who ran The Folklore Center on Macdougal Street in the West Village.

After a brief stint working with Freddie Neil at the Café Wha?, a restaurant and bar in , Dylan moved on and began hanging out at the Folklore Center on Macdougal Street. Dylan describes the storefront as “…the citadel of Ameriana folk music”—it was on Macdougal Street between Bleecker and Third, and it sold and reported on everything that had to do with folk music. It was here that Dylan met Izzy Young, proprietor of the Folk Center, as well as incredibly influential arbiter of folk music at the time.

Izzy Young opened the Folklore Center on MacDougal Street in the heart of Greenwich Village in 1957. At the time, folklore centers were not commonly found; this particular storefront opened right before the folk revival was about to take off, and as such, it could be described as somewhat of a rarity. However, as the revival developed, the center quickly became the central locale for the developing music scene in the West Village. Musicians were offered a place to meet, buy song books, and even occasionally perform. According to allmusic.com,

Quote: “Whatever the budding folk musician needed—sheet music, copies of Sing Out!, used guitars, and rare LPs—the Folklore Center had it.”

While the center and its resources were unarguably highly influential in Dylan’s developing relationship with folk music, it was its proprietor, Izzy Young, who seemed

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to have the most significant impact on the budding artist.

According to allmusic.com, Izzy Young was born in New York City on March 2, 1928. He grew up working at his father’s bakery in Brooklyn, and first interacted with folk music when he joined Margaret Mayo’s American Square Dance Group in 1945. He attended as a pre-med student, but left without his degree upon realizing that medicine was not the passion he wanted to pursue. While figuring out just what that passion would be, Young worked as a waiter in the Catskills, the skills he learned from the American Square Dance Group allowing him to lead Square Dances at the restaurant. In the mid 1950’s, he met Kenneth Goldstein, a well-known folk music producer who helped guide Young toward his passion for the subject. Young produced his first folk music project, a catalogue 15-page compilation listing rare publications, with Goldstein’s help. Young became known for his QUOTE “bent toward ‘authentic’ folk music such as Library of Congress recordings and eschewed popular performers like Harry Belafonte and the Tarriers.” End quote. This is a great detail about Young that allows us to begin digging into the ways that Dylan’s mentors influenced his conception of folk music.

Consider Harry Belafonte’s legacy as an artist:

According to biography.com, Belafonte was a well-known folk music singer in the 1950s, who, by the end of the decade, had transitioned from performing pop music to performing folk music. He played in many New York City folk clubs such as the Village Vanguard, and also sang on Broadway. In addition, he acted in numerous films throughout his career—his first movie was Bright Road, which premiered in 1953. After signing with RCA Victor Records, Belafonte released Calypso (1956), which featured the artist’s take on traditional Caribbean folk music. Calypso “introduced America to a new genre of music, and became the first album to sell more than one million copies.” Belafonte later went on to work with Bob Dylan. Thus, while he did transition towards an increasingly folk-centric style, Belafonte did arguably start out as a commercial artist—the exact type of artist that Young, and by proxy, the young Bob Dylan, would have rejected in their conception of what true folk music was.

We can connect this emphasis on authenticity and rejection of popular performers to Dylan’s initial exposure to folk music. Dylan makes many assertions about folk music as the authentic representation of a past American culture, and how he strove to understand that past culture, as opposed to immersing himself in contemporary culture. On page 20 of Chronicles, Dylan writes:

QUOTE: “The madly complicated modern world was something I took little interest in. It had no relevancy, no weight. I wasn’t seduced by it. What was swinging, topical and up to date for me was stuff like the Titanic sinking, the Galveston flood…this was the news that I considered, followed, and kept tabs on.” End quote.

Thus, just as Young became known for his emphasis on the authenticity of past folk music and his eschewing of contemporary performers, Dylan emphasizes his disillusionment with current popular culture and his greater fascination with the American past.

Dylan gives more detail about Izzy Young in this section of Chronicles, describing his initial impression of the folk connoisseur: on page 18, Dylan writes:

the old-line folk enthusiast was QUOTE “…sardonic and wore heavy horn-rimmed glasses, spoke in a thick Brooklyn dialect, wore wool slacks, skinny belt and work boots, tie at a careless slant. His voice was like a bulldozer and always seemed too loud for the little room. Izzy was always a little rattled over something or other. He was sloppily good natured. In reality, a romantic.” End Quote.

I love this detail about Young being “romantic”—sometimes, upon reading through Chronicles, it is easy to start seeing Dylan as a pessimist, particularly when he starts talking about his disillusionment with contemporary society. However, it is details like this—describing Young, one of his original folk music mentors, as a romantic—that key us into Dylan’s lighter side. It shows that at least on a certain level, Dylan did link the folk movement to romanticism.

Young, as previously mentioned, did more than just curate his folklore shop—he was also shaking things up in the folk revival, and helping it progress. He established concert series featuring artists such as Peggy Seeger, , and Paul Clayton. His space soon became a grounds for other up-and-coming artists; he sponsored Dylan’s first concert in 1961. Additionally, Young became a well-known folk music critic; Scott Barretta’s book, The Conscience of the Folk Revival: The Writings of Israel ‘Izzy’ Young, is a collection of his writings. Young wrote a significant amount of content on Bob Dylan, much of which is included in Barretta’s collection. There’s a lot to be deduced about the relationship between Young and Dylan, and by proxy, Young’s influence on the artist, from these writings. One particular example involves an interview of Young by P. Dingle of Rat Subterranean News, conducted on March 7-13, 1969. Here’s the transcript:

The interviewer begins with an introduction to Young’s past comments on Dylan. He narrates,

QUOTE: “In a ’66 Interview in the Philadelphia Folk Festival Magazine [Young] wrote: quote ‘…When [Dylan] came here, he sat around the Folklore Center and lived in Bob Shelton’s apartment for a month: everybody coddled him, nursed him, and encouraged him…I think there was more help with the beginning of Bob Dylan than anyone I ever met. He was young, seemingly innocent and writing good songs.’ End quote. Everyone coddled him except the music company. Quite a few kicked Dylan out when Young took him around… Quote. ‘I took him off to Elektra records. They turned him down and to this day Jac Holzman denies that he ever came up…I never really figured out why the people didn’t jump on to him in the beginning.’ ‘Even when Columbia signed him they thought he was a freak.’ End quote. In the first issue of EVO, [the East Village Other], Young wrote: quote ‘He never said he was a writer of protest songs. He merely reflected accurately the healthiest feelings of the time. For four years Bob Dylan allows himself to be considered in the ‘protest bag’…In the case of Bob Dylan everyone conveniently forgot that he allowed Columbia Records to delete the ‘John Birch Society Talking Blues’ from his second album. This was soon after he swore that Columbia would have its way ‘over his dead body!’ End quote. This is also the end of the introduction to the interview.

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In this account, we can definitely see some level of resentment harbored by Young towards Dylan– (remember, this interview was done in 1966, post-Newport folk festival.) There’s something hostile about the way Young describes Dylan as having been “coddled” by the industry when he was first starting out, as well as the reference to Dylan’s shifting attitude towards Columbia records at the end of the quote. As the interview goes on, we see an interesting development:

The interview goes on to talk about how after the release of a Saturday Evening Post article that referenced an incident that involved Izzy Young ignoring Dylan on the street, Young released a newsletter from the Folklore Center finding it necessary to deny that there was any feud between himself and Dylan.

It’s definitely interesting to consider that despite Young’s passive-aggressive tone regarding Dylan in the Philadelphia Folk Festival Magazine Interview in 1966, he still felt the need to publicly deny any fallout or feud between the two—as a reader and researcher, this led me to ask some questions. What did Young really think of the trajectory of Dylan’s career? Did he agree with the majority of the original folk revivalists, who will assert that Dylan broke with the movement? Or was he a defender of Dylan’s vision, proud of the musician in whose establishment as an artist he had so much influence? The interview continues, evidently in consensus with my uncertainty:

Asks Rat Subterranean: Is [Dylan] one of the people who can come to you in ten years and say, Quote: “I’m a folk singer.”

Young: “Sure he can. He’s still one of the best singers around. He never was one of the best guitar players around but I like his mouth harp better than anyone’s. I think for a while though, he was saying more through his voice than through his words. I think it’s a strange career that someone like Alan Weberian is building on him—Dylanology.’” (Barretta 183-185).

I find Young’s answer simultaneously informative and incredibly frustrating. On the one hand, it is communicating Young’s ultimate defense of Dylan—he is clearly given the opportunity to be critical of Dylan here, and he chooses not to be. On the other hand, Young certainly indicates undertones of uncertainty regarding Dylan’s development as an artist—for instance, when he says “I think for a while though, he was saying more through his voice than through his words.” Exactly what this means, I can’t be sure, but it seems like he is criticizing Dylan’s public appearance by saying that his “words” said less than his “voice.” This is certainly indicative of how many folk revivalists felt about Dylan in the wake of his stylistic transition.

Ultimately, what’s important to consider is the undeniable camaraderie Dylan felt between Young and himself when he first met the folk critic. On page 19 of Chronicles, Dylan writes:

QUOTE: “to [Young], folk music glittered like gold. It did for me, too. The place was a crossroads junction for all the folk activity you could name and you might at any time see real hard-line folksingers in there.”

Thus, despite discrepancies that came later, it is clear what Dylan initially saw in Izzy Young—he was someone with the same appreciation for the past, with the same appreciation for authenticity, with the same appreciation for the original folk music movement as Dylan had. He was someone with whom Dylan connected ideologically, and who had much to teach him, as well as having connections he could provide Dylan with. For example, Young had connections with those “authentic” folk singers that he and Dylan both sought to work with. One example is Clarence Ashley, for whom Young produced concerts.

According to allmusic.com, Clarence Ashley was a folk singer and banjo player active in the 1920s and 30s whose songs on The Anthology of American Folk Music, Vols. 1-3 helped spark his rediscovery in the 1960s. He had been a medicine show performer in the 1910s and 1920s– medicine shows were traveling truck, horse, and wagon teams that peddled “miracle cure” medications and other products between various entertainment acts. In this sense, Ashley had a real authenticity to his folk roots, as he was inspired by local cultural practices in the late 19th and early 20th century American West. According to the website,

Quote: “Ashley, who took his last name from the maternal grandfather who raised him, was inspired by the jokes and songs that he heard playing by transients who boarded in his family home. His mother’s two older sisters taught him songs and instructed him on the banjo. Joining his first medicine show in 1913, Ashley raveled by horse and buggy through the southern Appalachian region, playing songs while ‘the doc’ sold his elixirs.” End quote.

By 1927 Ashley was performing with numerous string bands, including the Blue Ridge Entertainers; he recorded as a member of Byrd Moore & His Hot Shots and the Carolina Tar Heels. His solo debut came in 1929, when he recorded “The Cuckoo Bird” and “The House Carpenter” for Columbia Records. His songs were revived by some string band instrumentalists in the 1950s; however, Ashley disappeared from the music scene at this time, buying a truck and opting to haul coal, furniture, and lumber with his son J.D. to earn his living. In 1960, however, he recorded with Doc Watson, and, beginning in 1961, Ashley and Watson, along with fiddler Fred Price, performed at northern folk festivals, coffeehouses, and clubs. Their concert at New York’s Town Hall, facilitated by Young, was recorded and released as their second album.

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Ashley is an interesting study in that he is perfectly emblematic of the type of folk artist that Izzy Young chose to work with. He had an authenticity about him in the traditional, folk artist conception of the word in that he actually experienced developing marginal American culture in the early 20th century, and the music he produced later was a reflection of that. Working in traveling medicine shows, Ashley can be compared to collectors like the Lomaxes, who traveled around the country in the 1920s and 30s, recording American folk music from people who represented the “margins” of American culture at the time. Again, this has an interesting reflection on Dylan, who evidently began his career as being inspired by artists exactly like Ashley.

At one point, Dylan describes the records Young kept at the center: “There were a lot of esoteric folk records, too, all records I wanted to listen to. Extinct song folios of every type—sea shanties, Civil War songs, cowboy songs, anti-Jim Crow songs, union songs…”

I think the language that Dylan uses here is key. By definition, just using the word esoteric is illustrative—as defined by Google, esoteric means “intended for or likely to be understood by only a small number of people with a specialized knowledge or interest.”

Izzy had curated a highly specialized shop that focused on what you could call the real deal: a very specialized and comprehensive collection of folk music and literature. In addition, Dylan describes the esoteric folk records as QUOTE “all records I wanted to listen to” end quote on page 19. Dylan was inspired by these “extinct” song folios. Again, Dylan was not interested in the contemporary, but rather the American past that inspired the contemporary.

In The Conscience of the Folk Revival, Scott Barretta references a song Dylan wrote on February 22, 1962 entitled “Talking Folklore Center” for Young. Though he never performed or recorded it, it did appear in a live performance by Dylan of his “Talking New York” that was unofficially recorded at Gerde’s Folk City, likely in April 1962. It references The Folklore Center, and clues us into how he felt about the store’s influence on him. Here are the lyrics:

“On MacDougal Street I saw a cubby hole

I went in to get out of the cold

Found out after I’d entered

The place was called the Folklore Center

—Owned by Izzy Young—he’s always in back—of the center

They got real records and real books

Anybody can walk in and look

You don’t have to own a Cadillac car

Or a nine hundred and fifty-two dollar guitar

—Do like most people do—walk in—walk around—walk out

But that’s not the way you see,

That ain’t the way it oughta be

There’s just one way a lookin’ at it

You shouldn’t take this place for granted

—That’ll always be there

So go down and buy a record or book,

DOn’t just walk around and look,

You can do that when you go uptown,

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When you come down here you’re on common ground

—common people ground—common guitar people ground

WE NEED EVERY INCH OF IT!”

These lyrics are richly interesting in the context of considering how Dylan felt about his early roots in New York City and the folk revival. That he even wrote a song on the Folklore Center, though he never officially recorded it, says a lot about how Dylan felt about his experience spending time there and digging through all of these artifacts that he lists, as well as how he felt about Izzy Young, the curator of those artifacts. Examining its lyrics also clues us into how Dylan felt about the folklore center’s contents, and thus by proxy the American folk movement: he calls them “real” records and “real” books, and then talks about their accessibility, pointing out that anyone can walk in, not just wealthy or connected people—for example, “you don’t have to own a cadillac car/or a nine hundred and fifty-two dollar guitar.” Dylan references this idea of accessibility/ lack thereof throughout Chronicles. For example, in one section, he tells the story of his uncle explaining to him why he couldn’t get into West Point, and that he should just work in the mines. On page 42, he writes:

“Mines or no mines, it was the connections and credentials thing that rattled me. I didn’t like the sound of it, made me feel deprived of something. It wasn’t long before I discovered what they were and how these things can sometimes interfere with your plans.”

I also like the lyric about not taking the folklore center for granted—it shows that he has an understanding and appreciation for the fact that reviving these folkloric songs and artifacts is vital to keeping the movement alive. It definitely clues us in to his intentions as an artist, and what he’s trying to do—on one hand, he’s praising folk music for its accessibility to the masses and “real” ness, and on the other hand, he’s referencing the importance of continuing to acknowledge it and revive it as a cultural phenomenon.

In a description of the back room of the folklore center, Dylan remembers:

-old patriots and heroes on the wall

-pottery with cross-stitched design

-lacquered black candlesticks

-lots of things having to do with craft

-american records and a phonograph

These references are emblematic of what the folk movement represented— it wasn’t just about the music, but about referencing past local organic American cultures, and this is what Dylan loved about folklore. Here, I’ll bring up a quote I already mentioned, the one about how Dylan felt about past culture, as opposed to contemporary culture. The one about the madly complicated modern world as being of little interest to him, and past events such as the Titanic being quote “topical, swinging, and up to date” for Dylan.

“I listened to as many [of Young’s records] as I could, even thumbed through a lot of his antediluvian folk scrolls. The madly complicated modern world was something I took little interest in. It had no relevancy, no weight. I wasn’t seduced by it. What was swinging, topical and up to date for me was stuff like the Titanic sinking, the Galveston floor, John Henry driving steel, John Hardy shooting a man on the West Virginia line. All this was current, played out and in the open. This was the news that I considered, followed, and kept tabs on” (20).

I absolutely love this part of Chronicles. Particularly, I love the word “seduced”—it says a lot about the passion Dylan felt for the type of music he was writing and playing, and how strongly he felt about translating his fascination with the past into his music. What inspired Dylan wasn’t popular culture, but rather the historical events that had shaped America’s history. So, he saw himself as a folk artist to the extent that he was concerned with representing and maintaining a relationship with America’s cultural history—this is one of the primary tenets of the folk revival.

Overall, what I think this detail on Izzy Young and the Macdougal Street Folklore Center adds to our developing story about Dylan is that his roots as a musical artist lie in the folk movement to the extent that he was primarily interested in turning his “seduction” with the cultural past into art. Dylan had the itch to “authentically” represent American folk music and culture, and that itch can at least partially be traced back to his time spent with Izzy Young in the West Village. Folklorist Benjamin Filene discusses this specific aspect of the folk revival, calling it the “cult of authenticity.” Filene points to John Lomax and his son, Alan, two of founding figures of the American folk music revival, as the pioneers of this phenomenon. On page 49, He writes:

“Eager to promote their vision of America’s musical past, [The Lomaxes] recognized early on the power of enlisting living vernacular musicians—‘actual folk’—to aid their cause. In a pioneering move, the Lomaxes began to promote not just the songs they gathered but the singers who sang them. In doing so they produced a web of criteria for determining what a ‘true’ folk singer looked and sounded like and a set of assumptions about the importance of being a ‘true’ folk singer. In short,

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they created a ‘cult of authenticity,’ a thicket of expectations and valuations that American roots musicians and their audiences have been negotiating ever since.” (Filene 49).

Just as John and were concerned with “promot[ing] their vision of America’s musical past,” Bob Dylan was concerned with translating his fascination with America’s cultural past into his music. For this reason, Dylan’s beginnings as an artist have undeniable roots in the folk revival movement. The fact that he includes the Folklore Center in his memoir demonstrates the profound effect he feels it has had on him throughout his career.

The Chronicles detail I chose to examine post-Dylan “going electric” was one he wrote about visiting the home of Archibald MacLeish, a Tony award-winning playwright, poet, lawyer, and former Army Captain. Dylan visited MacLeish in 1968, after the playwright wrote to the singer requesting that he consider composing the music for his recently written play, entitled Scratch, based on a Stephen Vincent Benet short story. Dylan describes driving with his wife to Conway, Massachusetts, where the playwright lived, explaining that QUOTE “it seemed like the civilized thing to do” (109). I love Dylan’s language here—there are so many possibilities to what he could mean by “civilized.” Later on, Dylan elaborates a bit on why he felt it appropriate that he consider MacLeish’s request. On page 109, he writes:

“MacLeish wrote deep poems, was the man of godless sand. He could take real people from history, people like Emperor Charles or Montezuma and Cortés the Conquistador, and with the tender touch of a creator, deliver them right to your door” (109).

I think what Dylan is trying to say here is that he identified with MacLeish’s appreciation for heroes of antiquity, or, more generally speaking, the cultural past, and thus admired his ability to make that culture accessible through art. This is consistent with Dylan’s inferences throughout Chronicles about his fascination with/ seduction by America’s cultural past. It clues us into what Dylan sees himself as trying to accomplish as an artist.

This point is further illustrated by what Dylan writes next, placing the reader in the chronological/ cultural context of his visit to MacLeish’s home. On page 109, he writes:

“The events of the day, all the cultural mumbo jumbo were imprisoning my soul—nauseating me—civil rights and political leaders being gunned down, the mounting of the barricades, the government crackdowns, the student radicals and demonstrators versus the cops and the unions…the lying, noisy voices—the free love, the anti-money system movement—the whole shebang. I was determined to put myself beyond the reach of it all” (109).

Just as Dylan points out that the common thread between himself and MacLeish is their mutual admiration for the past and its heroes, he also makes clear his disdain for the contemporary culture of the time. This is very interesting in light of how many people, including MacLeish, saw Dylan: as the “spokesman” of his generation. In fact, it seems that Dylan couldn’t have seen himself as anything further from that. On page 115 of Chronicles, Dylan includes an anecdote that reflects on this discrepancy:

“A few years earlier Ronnie Gilbert, one of The Weavers, had introduced me at one of the Newport Folk Festivals saying, ‘And here he is…take him, you know him, he’s yours.’…Elvis had never even been introduced like that. ‘Take him, he’s yours!’ What a crazy thing to say! Screw that, as far as I knew, I didn’t belong to anybody then or now…the big bugs in the press kept promoting me as the mouthpiece, spokesman, or even conscience of a generation…I had very little in common with and knew even less about a generation that I was supposed to be the voice of.”

Here, we see Dylan himself point out this crucial inconsistency between how the press, as well as a large portion of the American public, have traditionally viewed him as an artist, and how he views himself. Whereas Dylan, post-going electric, has traditionally been seen as a popular culture icon, he never shared this image of himself. Rather, he saw himself as someone trying to capture what he viewed as true culture—that of the American past—and making it tangible by turning it into art. His description of the rest of his visit with Archie MacLeish reflects this impeccably.

Dylan begins his story by detailing how he first encountered MacLeish—not through actually meeting him, but through the photographs that he gazed upon while waiting for the playwright to enter his studio for their meeting. He sees photographs of MacLeish as the head of his class at Harvard, at Yale, as World War I captain in the artillery, photos of him taken at the Library of Congress, with the board of editors of Fortune magazine, and one with MacLeish being given the Pulitzer Prize. Combine this with how Dylan describes him once he actually walks into the room. On page 110, he writes:

“He had the aura of a governor, a ruler—every bit of him an officer—a gentleman of adventure who carried himself with the peculiar confidence of power bred of blood” (110).

According to poetryfoundation.org, Archibald MacLeish was born in Glencoe, Illinois, in1892, and died in 1982. He was a playwright, lawyer, and statesman. He attended Hotchkiss School from 1907 to 1911, and Yale University from 1911 to 1915. He then went on to earn his law degree at Harvard. After graduating, MacLeish served in the US army—he was stationed in France during World War I, and then returned home to Boston to work as a lawyer—that is, until he resigned after finding that his job distracted him from his poetry. After publishing four books of poetry, MacLeish won the Pulitzer Prize in 1932. From 1930 to 1938, he worked as an editor at Fortune magazine, writing two radio dramas to increase patriotism and warn Americans against fascism. He went on to serve as Librarian of Congress, director of the War Department’s Office of Facts and Figures and assistant director of the Office of War Information, assistant Secretary of State for cultural affairs, and was the first American member of the governing body of UNESCO. After retiring from political affairs in 1949, he became Harvard’s Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory, followed by becoming a Simpson Lecturer at Amherst College. He continued to write critically acclaimed poetry, criticism, and stage- and screenplays.

Between MacLeish’s impressive background and the way that Dylan describes him—in particular, the way he describes him as having the aura of a ruler—it is clear that MacLeish could be considered a member of the American elite—another way to phrase this is that he was a member of the American “nobility.” Nobility is a term often discussed in relation to the American folk music revival. Robert Cantwell’s When We Were Good, an account of the many influences and legacies of the folk revival, makes an argument about the concept of nobility and its relation to the folk revival, taking a kind of Marxist view on what folk music achieves in our https://curricula.mmlc.northwestern.edu/bfmf/winter2016/2016/03/17/orlan-final-podcast-annotation-of-dylans-chronicles/ Page 7 of 13 Digitizing Folk Music History Seminar » Archive » Orlan Final Podcast–Annotation of Dylan’s Chronicles 4/21/16, 3:47 PM

society. Specifically, he discusses the traditional nobleman’s mutually dependent relationship with the lower classes of feudal society, as opposed to the king. On page 361, Cantwell writes:

“The old nobleman… belongs together with peasant and artisan in a web of communal obligation and … It is the nobleman, maybe bereft of his fortune, whom we are likely to see in league with the peasant or worker against the capitalist or king…with his sense of traditionality and family, his attachment to old and well-made things living or dead, the noble has more in common, finally, with the common people than with his neighbor…and may yearn for a reunion with the common people whose love and allegiance over many generations he has won.”

After establishing this connection between the traditional nobleman and the lower classes, as well as the interdependency of the two groups, Cantwell then connects this idea of nobility to the folk revival. He challenges that America is entirely free of class distinctions, and likens the American folk to a sort of nobility in its own right. He then explains that the folk revival, in a Marxist/ Leninist manner, served to unite American social classes in a way that had not been previously possible. He explains:

“My point is that though the picture of social stratification in America is indistinct…our ideas about it are venerable, compelling, and, as ideas go, powerful. Hence when we look at the alliance of upper-class Anglo-American and urban Jew, urban Jew and southern black, which can be observed at almost every point in the folk revival alongside equally strange and unlikely alliances, at the pungent but unstable solution of ruling-class ethnocentrism and a displaced cultural version of Marxist-Leninism, at lawyer’s and doctor’s sons and daughters playing bluegrass and blues and mixing on a ‘level of social equality’ with mountain farmers, southern sharecroppers, and urban pariahs, we must recognize it…[as] an instance of how received social ideas sometimes come together to create transient but definitive social and cultural transformation” (359).

Despite the admittedly wordy nature of his argument, what Cantwell is trying to say here is simple: the folk revival brought people together who otherwise wouldn’t have interacted socially. And, in a way, the fact that Dylan chooses to include his interaction with MacLeish in Chronicles is significant towards helping us understand his definition of folk music, as well as his view of himself as an artist. In many ways, the interaction between MacLeish and Dylan can be viewed as one between the contemporary “nobleman” and the commoner. MacLeish was a graduate of Hotchkiss, which was an elite boarding school, Yale Undergraduate, and Harvard Law; Dylan was a University of Minnesota dropout. MacLeish grew up in a wealthy suburb of Chicago, and his mother traced her familial lineage to a minister aboard the Mayflower; Dylan was raised in a working class mining town, the son of Jewish immigrants who had escaped anti-Semitic Russian pogroms in the early 20th century. Throughout the interaction between the two, both artists bring up respective references and inspirations, and in doing so, the discrepancy between them becomes apparent. For example, on page 111, Dylan writes:

“At some point, I was going to ask him what he thought about the hip, cool Ginsburg, Corso and Kerouac, but it seemed like it would have been an empty question. He asked me if I had read Sappho or Socrates. I said, nope, that I hadn’t, and then he asked me the same about Dante and Donne. I said, not much” (Dylan 111).

Despite the obvious differences between Ancient Greek Philosophers and Renaissance Poets and 1960s counterculture writers, Archibald MacLeish and Bob Dylan sat across from each other in the former’s studio, brought together by a common interest—the latter’s music. Dylan writes:

“MacLeish tells me that he considers me a serious poet and that my work would be a touchstone for generations after me, that I was a postwar Iron Age poet but that I had seemingly inherited something metaphysical from a bygone era” (Dylan 111).

There is a reason Dylan includes this anecdote about his interaction with MacLeish: it is perfectly emblematic of his definition of folk music, as well as his definition of himself as an artist. Dylan, like Cantwell, saw folk music as the bridge between the past and the present, between the upper and lower classes, between racial, sexual, and ethnic divides. And, by extension, he saw himself as writing music that attempted to attain that goal. Dylan didn’t see himself as having undergone any radical transformation when he picked up the electric guitar at the Newport Folk Festival in 1965—rather, he saw himself as continuing his goal of creating music that both brought people together and referenced an American cultural past that he found incredibly compelling. As far as he presents it in Chronicles, these two aspects combine to form Dylan’s notion of what it means to play folk music.

Part IV: Conclusion

In his American Roots Music, Benjamin Filene presents a more comprehensive notion of what constitutes folk music, and in doing so, fully contends that Dylan did not let go of his folk revivalist roots post-1965. On page 215, he writes:

“At the deepest level, Dylan’s move into the world of pop renounced one manifestation of the folk revival, not revivalism as a whole. Dylan broke with the Popular Front’s agenda for folk song: he no longer treated music as a tool for social reform…Although Dylan’s style had changed dramatically, he remained fundamentally committed to drawing on American roots music to produce vibrant new songs grounded firmly in tradition…Dylan never abandoned his allegiance to the folk song https://curricula.mmlc.northwestern.edu/bfmf/winter2016/2016/03/17/orlan-final-podcast-annotation-of-dylans-chronicles/ Page 8 of 13 Digitizing Folk Music History Seminar » Archive » Orlan Final Podcast–Annotation of Dylan’s Chronicles 4/21/16, 3:47 PM

process that Seeger so treasured. His post-1965 work represents a transmutation, not an abdication, of the folk-stylist role” (Filene 215).

In light of Dylan’s own perspective on his career, as presented in Chronicles, it seems that Filene is exactly on point in his analysis. While Dylan dramatically changed his performance style when he switched from traditional folk balladeer to the then-popular genre of rock ‘n’ roll, the artist never saw any form of discontinuity in the intention behind his work. That intention, which had remained in place since his arrival in the “dark freezing metropolis” that was New York City in winter of 1961, was to produce music that brought the people—or in other words, the folk—together—and that drew on the American cultural past as its basis.

[Fade into clip of Mr. Tambourine Man from 1964 Folk Festival]

Bibliography

“Archibald Macleish.” PoetryFoundation.org. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.poetryfoundation.org/bio/archibald-macleish (http://www.poetryfoundation.org/bio/archibald-macleish) .

Bob Dylan Live at the Newport Folk Festival. Performed by Bob Dylan. Accessed March 1, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G8yU8wk67gY.

Bob Dylan: San Francisco Press Conference (December 1965). Performed by Bob Dylan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DcPoZZVm3Dk.

Cantwell, Robert. When We Were Good: The Folk Revival. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996.

Dylan, Bob. Chronicles. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004.

Filene, Benjamin. Romancing the Folk: Public Memory & American Roots Music. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000.

Harris, Craig. “Clarence Ashley Biography.” Allmusic.com. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.allmusic.com/artist/clarence-ashley-mn0000130581/biography (http://www.allmusic.com/artist/clarence-ashley-mn0000130581/biography) .

“Harry Belafonte Biography.” Bio.com. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.biography.com/people/harry-belafonte-12103211.

“Izzy Young.” Allmusic.com. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.allmusic.com/artist/izzy-young-mn0001860322.

Mr. Tambourine Man (Live at the Newport Folk Festival 1964). Performed by Bob Dylan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OeP4FFr88SQ.

“The Day Dylan Went Electric.” History.com. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.history.com/news/the-day-dylan-went-electric (http://www.history.com/news/the-day-dylan-went-electric) .

Young, Izzy, and Scott Barretta. The Conscience of the Folk Revival: The Writings of Israel “Izzy” Young. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2013.

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