CHAPTER - III 48

RELIGION AND TRADITIONAL SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION IN IRAN

XII.1 Religion

Before we discuss the development of education and contextualise it in the Islamic history, it is necessary first to delve on religion in Iran. However, the scarce and fragmented data have so far hampered an systematic reconstruc­ tion of religions of ancient Iran. Available information mostly focusses on elements of Zoroastrianism, as organic system endowed with a specific pantheon, a mythology, parti­ cularly creeds, cosmogonic and cosmological ideas, and precise eschatological notions. The existence of other religions can be postulated only through a careful analysis of those elements contained with Zoroastrianism that can be linked to a pre-zoroastrian paganism and through an Indo-Iranian comparison. Thus, we have no sources, other than the Zoroastrian, for any Iranian religion. Some scholars have viewed as testimony of a non-zoroastrlan cult those few 2 religious references found in certain inscriptions. Given this meager material, we cannot be sure that the cults referred to were not affected in some way or at some time by the Zoroastrian "reform". In fact, it is probably most prudent to consider the religion of the Achaemenids - whose incrip- tions also never mention Zarathushtra - as belonging to the 49

Zoroastrian tradition and as a stage in its troubled and complex 3 historical development.

It is nonetheless possible to reconstruct a few essential elements of ancient Iranian religions through tracing ideas and beliefs that appear to be independent of the Zoroastrian tradition. Some of these are completely original, but most are held in common with ancient, especially Vedic period. Such elements pertain mainly to rituals, the pantheon, concepts 4 of death and the after-life, and cosmology.

Rituals included libations (Zaothra), offered both to Apas (Water) and to Atar (Fire). The latter was called Atash. The libations offered to water were a blend of three ingredients: milk and the juice or leaves of two plants. Those offered to fire were also a blend of three ingredients! dryfuel, incense and animal fat. In both the libations to water and fire, called ' abzohr' and 'atakhsh-zohr' in late Zoroastrian literature, we find the symbolism of the number three, which also occurs in a number of Brahmanic practics, as well as the blending of the ingredients from the animal and vegetable worlds.

These offerings to water and fire, typical of a daily and familiar ritual, were also at the heart of the priestly ritual called the 'Yasna* by the Iranians, from the root yaz or yaj(Msacrifice, worship"i. Animal sacrifice was certainly practised in the oldest 'yasna* and was accompanied by prayers that made it sacred and justified it as a religious act through 50 which the spirits of the household animals being sacrified became absorbed into a dwine entity called "soul of the bull." Herbs also played an important role in the 'yasna', and the priest who carried out the sacrifice held a bundle of herbs in his left hand, called a baresman by the Iranians. In time the bundle of herbs was discarded in favour of a bundle of consecrated twigs. In short ritual symbolism was a dominant element of religion in ancient Iran.

Undoubtedly, haoma constituted a central element in the cult. The offering made to the waters at the conclusion of the yasna was prepared by blending milk. The leaves of a plant. The substance's name, haoma, applied to both the sacrificial matter and its yazata, that is, the "being worthy of worship", or deity, whom it represented. Haoma, which was endowed with hallucinogenic and stimulating properties and was seen as a source of strength for warriors, inspiration for poets, and wisdom for priest and the learned people, was extracted in a stone mortar during a preparatory ritual, after which the con­ secrated substance was consumed by the priests and by those taking part in the ceremony

The Iranian pantheon, was subdivided into two main groups of dwine beings, ' ahuras' (similar to asuras in Sanskrit) and daivas (same as Devas in Sanskrit) although there exists suffi­ cient evidence to hold that in Iran the latter word at one time indicated the gods in general. This can be inferred from the Avestan expression "daeva/mashya", and the Latin hominesque. 51 all of which mean "gods and men". Daivas, as gods of an ancient polytheism condemned by Zara Thushtra acquired negative connotations only with the Zoroastrian reform. The term ahura (same as asuras in Sanskrit), maintained its positive connota­ tions and became part of the name of the supreme god of Zoroastrianism. Ahura Mazda, as well as being attached to 9 the name of some of the ancient gods from the Iranian pantheon.

Essential elements are also provided by an Indo-Iranian comparison in matters pertaining to cosmology. Both Iranian and Indians believed that the world was divided into seven regions, (of the sky, of water, earth, vegetation, animal life, man and fire) whose Avestan name was karshvar, and that it was surrounded by a mountain range. The central region was called Khvaniratha in Iran and yambuddudvipa in India, and at its center was a high mountain, called Mount Hara in Iran. The Tree of All Seeds was thought to be at the center of the great sea Vourukasha, to the south of the mountain standing at the center of the world, also called, in Avestan, HukairyaC'of good activity") or, in Pahlavi, Hukar.

The Iranian religions other than Zoroastrianism, can, as we have soon, be partially reconstructed, not as organic systems, but rather in some of their particular and characteristic elements, cult and pantheon, cosmogony and cosmology, individual eschatology, anthropology, and psychology, as well as a concept of the experience of initiation substantially common to the entire 52 ancient Indo-Iranian world. Such a common heritage was handed down in ancient Iran by schools of sacred poetry, which left their mark both on Zarathushtra's Yathas and on the Yashts of younger Avesta.1 2

111.2 Islam in the Caucasus and the Middle Volga

When the first Arab invaders appeared in eastern Transcaucasia in the seventh century, the Caucasus was a borderland between the nomadic world to the north and the old sedentary world to the south, and between the Greek civilization in the West and the Iranian world in the East 13 It had a highly sophisticated urban civilization where several world religions, including Judaism, Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity, were already well entrenched. Among the Christians, the Georgians and Alans were Orthodox, and the Anaenians and Albanians were Monophysites. Unlike central Asia, which has been characterized by religious tolerance, the Caucasus for centuries has been the fighting ground for three great monotheistic religions - Christianity, Judaism, and Islam.

111.3 Islam in the Caucasus

The spread of Islam was inhibited by powerful political rivals who reinforced religious rivalries. The Turkish Khazar empire in the north formed an effective barrier against the progress of the conquering Arabs north of Derbent; the Christian 53

Georgian and Armenian principalities, backed by the Byzantine empire, presented and insuperable obstacle to further Muslim expansion westward.

The Slow Islamization of Dagestan: The Arabs penetrated into Azarbaijan in AD 639 when its local rulers agreed to become subordinate to the caliph but retained their Christian faith. For almost a century the territory of present day Dagestan was disputed between the Khazars and the Arabs, as expeditions and counterexpeditions succeeded each other almost without interruption and without any decisive victory. Not until 734-744 AD that the Khazars were decisively defeated in Arran. Derbent, solidly held by an Arab garrison, became then the northern most bastion of Islam facing the world of the Turkish nomads. Several thousand Arab settlers from Syria and northern Iraq were established in northern Azarbaijan.

Timurid Rule: The final phase of Islamization in Dagestan came much later in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, during the reign of Timur (Tamerlane). As is wellknown the great conqueror led several expeditions into Azarbaijan and Dagestan between 1385 and 1395, and took a personal interest in the destruction of the last remanents of pre-Islamic religions, and Islam became henceforward the only religion of the Lakh of central Dagestan. In turn, the Lakh became the champions of Islam against those neighbours, remaining animist or Christian.1 7 54

III.4 The period of the "Holy War"

Naqshbandiyah: The arrival of the Russians, this time with overwhelming force, coincided with the appearance of the Naqshbandiyah Sufi, brotherhood in the northern Caucasus which was then a part of Prussia. This was a Turkistani order founded in Bukhara by Mohammad Baha al Din Naqshband (1317-1389) . For more than a century, the adepts of the Naqshbandiyah were the organizers of the "holywar" against the advancing Russian conqueror. It was during the struggle against the "infidels" and the "bad Muslims" who served them that Islam became the dominant religion of the northern Caucasus and that its character was fundamentally modified.1 8 At the end of the eighteenth century, the superficially islamized communities were tolerant toward their neighbours who remained Christian. They also tolerated those who remained attached to numerous pre-Islamic beliefs and rites and followed various non-Muslim customary laws. But a century later, Caucasian Islam, deeply rooted in the rural masses, was characterized by its rigorous conservatism, by its intolerance toward non-Muslim, and by its strict adherence to shariah law which is CMranic law.1 9

The Jadid Renaissance: In the middle of the nineteeth century, the Tatar Community was a curious element in the Muslim world. It had survived centuries of political and religious pressures and upheavals and, led by its merchant 20 bourgeoisie, it had reached a high economic and cultural level. 55

In the Middle Volga area, the proportion of literate Tatars was greater than among the Russians, especially among women. The Tatar bourgeoisie was aggressive and dynamic, able to compete successfully against its Russian counterpart.2 1 But at the same time, the Tatar elite then lived intellectually in a conservative medieval world. Indeed, their strict conservatism had protected their community from contamination by a techni­ cally more advanced Russian establishment and preserved its Islamic character. But by the end of the nineteenth century, it had become obvious that "the Tatar oxcart" could no longer compete effectively with the Russian "steam engine". In order to survive in a modern world, dominated by increasing applica­ tions of science and technology to production processes, it was necessary for the Tatars to modernize their intellectual elites rapidly and thoroughly.2 2 Without questioning the religious foundation of Muslim society, Tatar reformers applied them­ selves to modernizing Islam by imitating the spirit of western liberalism. This inherently modern reformist outlook on religion, impregnated with liberalism was to entail a series of basic changes in the system of education in Iran as we shall see later.

The reformist movement manifested itself in almost all the Muslim countries, from the Ottoman empire to Indonesia, but now here was it so dramatic and so deep a3 in the Tatar country. There, the problem facing the native elite was not merely how to regain its lost power; rather, it was concerned with survival 56 itself in the face of the raising forces of modernisation.

Language and Literature: One figure dominated the literacy scene of the Tatar world. The Crimean Tatar Ismail Gaspraly (1851-1914) was a historian philologist, novelist, and politician. Over a period of twenty-five years, he developed the doctrine of a liberal modernist pan-Turkism summed up in its watchword, "unity of language of thought, and of action". Gaspraly called for the union of all the Turkish peoples of Russia and for a new Muslim culture, which would be in contact with the West through the medium of Russian and Ottoman models. To achieve this unity he elaborated and used in his Tarjumeh a common pan-Turkish language based on a simplified Ottoman Turkish that would be understood by 24 all the Turks from the Balkans to China.

The most lasting impact of Gaspraly's modernism is to be seen in the Iranian system of education. Gaspraly also reorganized the teaching system and his model madrasah in Bakhchisara was imitated throughout Russia, especially in the Volga Tatar country. Some of the reformed madrasahs - such as the Huseiniyeh of Orenburg, Aliyeh of Ufa, Rasuliyeh of Troitsk, and Mohammadiyeh of Kazan - were among the best educational establishments of the Muslim World.2 5 In a sense Gaspraly revived the original Huseiniyeh system of religious learning that had existed in the Arabic world much before the Turkish expansion took place. 57

At the turn of the century, in response to the great effort made by the people as a whole, the cultural level of the Volgatatars had been raised to a remarkable degree. The cities, particularly Kazan, Orenburg, Ufa, Troitsk, and Astrakhan, had acquired the character of genuine centers of intellectual activities and learning.

III.5 Islam and Islamic Civilization

The national states in the Arab world today are essentially fragments formed and re-formed, through the vicissitudes of history, from the universal Muslim Community first forged from discordant tribes by the Prophet Mohammad some fourteen hundred years ago. Arab education in modern times is likewise a direct development of the Muslim education which Mohammad's mission had initiated. Because they are deeply rooted in Islam as a religion and as a civilization, modern Arab society and modern Arab education can neither be separated nor can it be truly appreciated without an accurate understanding of the growth and expansion of Islamic faith and civilization. This becomes even more essential because Islam still tends to be very widely misunderstood, sometimes even distorted in western literature and media.

"Islam" means submission, the submission of man's will to God*s commandments. These were revealed through a succes­ sion of prophets, including Moses and Jesus. The last and 58

seal of prophets was Mohammad through whom the final divine 27 message to mankind was revealed. This final message, which supersedes all previous messages, is enshrined in the holy

Quran, whose principles regulate man's life and govern his

conduct towards his creator, fellowmen and the rulers of his community•.u . 28

In the Quran ethics is very closely connected with

theology, and morality is enunciated as commands from God:

Right conduct receives equal emphasis as right belief. Charity, patience, fulfilment of promise, kindness and gratitude to

parents, forgiveness of offenders are among the virtues that

constitute the right conduct.

As to beliefs in general the Quran insists on the absolute unity and majesty of God, and repudiates the Christian trinity as contrary to that unity. Jesus, like Mohammad, was God's prophet but not His son. Man has direct access to his creator without an intermediary, be he a prophet or saint. Hence no prophet is to be worshipped; he is only to be revered and emulated as God's chosen messenger.

On the basis of the Quran and the practice and pronounce­

ments of Mohammad, Scholars have constructed and elaborated a

whole system of conduct for the individual, the community and

the state and their inter-relations. Approved conduct, in

accord with divine command, is rewarded by God' s blessing in

this world and paradise in the next. Disapproved conduct may 59

lead to social penalties in this world or torment in hell in the next, depending on its gravity and divine mercy. All of man's actions are reviewed on the Day of judgement.

The duties of the true Muslim, "The five pillars" of the faith, signify both its devotional and social aspects. The Muslim must testify that "There is no god but Allah and Mohammad is His messenger." He must pray, according to the prescribed form, five times daily. He must fast from dawn to sunset a whole specified month every lunar year. He must give alms to the poor if his wealth or his income is within the prescribed limits. He must visit Mecca at least once in his life time if his circumstances and wealth permit.2 9

Just as the relationship of man with his creator is stressed in the formula of the profession of faith in God and communion with Him through prayer, so the role of man as a member of a social order is inherent in the duties of alms-giving and making the pilgrimage to Mecca. The one shows concern for the less fortunate members of the community, the other affords opportunity for the faithful to commune with other members of the universal brotherhood in the birth-place of the faith.

Concern for the social order is more emphasized in the theory of the Islamic state. Because of the all embrac­ ing nature of Islam there is no separation between religious 30 and political affairs, between church and the state. The 60 law governing both is the divine law, one and indivisible. As elaborated by jurists, Islamic law is very inclusive indeed. It details the rules of statecraft in peace and war, and regulates the political, social (including educational) and economic life, as well as the religious. It defines the rights and duties of the individual in this world, and provides guidance for earning eternal bliss in the next.

Under the state, as within the faith, the community lives ideally in obedience to the divine command. The ruler, be he the prophet himself or any of his caliphs or later sultans, is the guardian, not the maker, of the law. His duty is to see it applied among believers and, so far as it is within his power, to extend its sway to non-believers. Members of the community owe him obedience as a religious duty.

As conceived in the Quran and expounded by those learned in the law, the Islamic community was a large brotherhood which transcended all barriers of race and colour. No member is distinguished from another except by piety and good deeds.

On the individual level, Islam is at once a faith and a moral code, a constant reminder of God's creative activity and predestination in each and every human deed and thought. To those outside the fold of believers, God's predestination is grossly misunderstood as fatalism. God had indeed predestined man* s actions, but He had also created in him the power of responsibility to decide which course to follow. There is no 61 fatalism in this, for fatalism implies acceptance of physical determinism in a fortiutous universe, and this is the opposite of the Islamic view of an ordered universe, subject, not to physical accident, but to pervasive divine government and wisdom. Its working may sometimes be beyond the comprehension of mortals, but its validity must be believed.

This is not the place to give a survey of Arab, still less of Islamic history. Suffice it for one purpose to say that before his death in A.D. 632 Mohammad left the Arabs as a community and as a state bound together by the bonds of relicion. Within a century after his death the Arabs had extended their political sway outside Arabia eastward to India and westward to Spain. All the territory of the Persian Empire in Asia and most of the territories of the Byzantine Empire in central Asia and Africa, in addition to those of the Visigoths in Spain, were conquered.

By a slow process, however, both Islam and the Arabic empire became a multiracial cultural unit in which Islam was the dominant faith and Arabic the main vehicle of literary and cultural expression.

As a civilization Islam proved very receptive and adapt­ able as it absorbed and assimilated into its system much of the Greek, Persian and other heritages and still succeeded in retaining its essential character.3 2 The result of the cultural ferment, in which all nations shared, was an Arabic-Islamic 62 civilization truly cosmopolitan. It had reached its zenith about the fourth century after the rise of Islam often described as the golden age of the Caliphate.-3

At this point if not earlier, however, the political power of the caliphate began to decline. Internal as well as external factors combined to brine about its eventual fall. Before and after this event new states had risen in Persia and the countries to the east, in Syria and Egypt, end in north Africa and Spain. The greatest of all these new states was to be the Ottoman Empire. Except for Persia and central Asia in the east, and Morocco and Spain in the west practically all the lands of the caliphate fell under Ottoman control.

The political disruption in the Islamic world did not always produce cultural retrogression. Indeed, cultural unity and progress survived political anarchy and disunity. Even amidst the darkest political misfortunes considerable cultural advance was scored. But ultimately a relative cultural stagnation began to set in, just about the time Europe was emerging from the dark ages to the Renaissance and all that followed. Stagnation in Arabic-Islamic culture was masked for a time by the might of the Ottoman Empire whose armies in the name of Islam penetrated into Europe as far as Vienna.3 4 But soon the tide began to turn*

For once Europe had passed through the Renaissance and begun to apply its scientific discoveries to the art of war it 63 became possible not only to check but also to defeat the hitherto invincible Ottoman Turk. When the rulers of the Ottoman Empire considered the changed situation their con­ fidence in the superiority of their faith political system and way of life was unshaken. Hence, they merely searched for ways of adopting as much or as little of Europe' s technological knowledge as would redress the military balance in their favour. Little did they suspect that technology could not be isolated from the civilization that produced it so as to be borrowed on its own.

The consequences of the borrowing, which continued to increase in extent and intensity throughout the nineteenth century, were now writ large in the modern educational system of the national states in the Arab world, successors of the Ottoman Empire. No clear understanding of this important historical fact is possible without some acquaintance with the origin and development of Arab-Muslim education upon which the modern system were grafted.

III.6 "Educational Theory in Islam"

Every classical Arabic work that deals with Muslim education usually begins with tracing its roots to the Quran and the traditions of learning which represent the saying and the practice of Mohammad. It is, therefore, essential to review briefly this deep-rooted conception of education its origin and character in Arabic and Islamic tradition. Education, 64 like every thing in the traditional social order, was divinely- ordained, and like the society it served education had the definite purpose of conducing to approved conduct and happi- ness in this world and eternal bliss in the next.3 5

It is singular that Muslim education was launched by a man who was, according to tradition, an illiterate. The orthodox count this circumstances as a miracle.

Mohammad belonged to a noble poor family in Mecca. Such families counted a few literate persons among their members. But then illiteracy was almost universal in Arabia before Islam. The literate exceptions mostly lived in the cities and in smaller settlements. The merchants of Mecca could scarcely conduct their domestic and foreign trade without the rudiments of reading, writing and reckoning. Some of them were among the first converts to Islam, and served as scribes to the prophet and later as high officials in the Islamic state.

On the whole the pre-Islamic Arabian tradition was however, oral, and hence its rich heritage (in poetry) was transmitted orally. There is little or no evidence that literacy was a necessary qualification in a poet or in the transmitter of his poems. Indeed, the Quran itself, revealed piece-meal in the life time of the prophet, was first proclaimed 37 orally and transmitted by word of mouth. Not before the end of a generation was it written down in an authorized textual version. 65

To an illitrate environment, and in the face of an oral tradition, the Quranic message was revolutionary. Apart from its purely religious content proclaiming the unity and majesty of God, the essence of Muslim education is stated in the divine revelation in the Quran, and is restated elaborately in the prophet's traditions. It took more than two centuries of practice for still more detailed exposition of theory to be formulated. Most of the formulations were necessarily close to the first principles laid down in the divine revelation, but some of them were designed partly to accommodate lapses from 38 the ideal and partly to rationalize innovation.

During this long period of practice that preceded the detailed formulation of theory of education, there developed in the public mind an unfavourable image of the teacher who taught purely for material reward. In anecdotes, proverbs and poetry he is depicted as a person of little intelligence and less judgement, an object of caustic and pitiless ridicule, very much like the pedagogue in the Greek history.3 9

It was in this atmosphere that the first notable contribution on the theory of education was written outside purely religious circles. Its author was the famous belletrist al-jahiz whose accomplishments included a mastery of Islamic theology and Arabic philology as well as Greek philosophy and science. He flourished in Basra in the third century of Islam, and wrote on a variety of subjects in a prose style 66 that was to be a model for centuries. A short chapter on teachers is found in one of his books. Since Al-jahiz had acted as a tutor to the sons of the Caliph, the chapter may be regarded as an apology for this class of teachers. Otherwise it is a balanced account, valuable alike from an educational and historical point of view.

Within the compass of a short chapter is found a classified list of teachers and men whose circles attracted numerous students. Similarly a judicious assessment of the professional and social status of teachers is of utmost educational value. The account opens with a survey of the popular and unfavourable view of the teacher whose foolishness and small-mindedness was proverbial.4 1

Al-jahiz discounts this view in a striking passages 42 "There are, in my view, two classes of teacherss (i) men who raised themselves above teaching the children of the common people to specialize in teaching those of the nobility, and (ii) men who raised themselves above teaching the children of the nobility to devote themselves to teaching princes who would succeed to the caliphate.4 3 The unfavourable views of teachers cannot apply to either class. It cannot even apply to all teachers in village Kuttabs, for they are like any other class of men: they include the superior and the inferior." 44

Neither poetry nor polite literature was, however, the main channel through which the spirit of Muslim education was 67 preserved for posterity. It remained for theologians, jurists and mystics, who formed the bulk of teachers, to expound that spirit in a more serious vein and on traditional lines. The earliest concise treatise on the subject of teachers was written in Tunisia by a contemporary of Al-jahiz. Its author was the jurist Ibn Sahnun who had travelled to the east both to perform the pilgrimage and inquest of learning. His short treatise only twelve pages in manuscript, written from a purely religious point of view naturally begins with citation of traditions on the virtue of learning and teaching the Quran.4 5

It is evident that by Ibn Sahnun*s time (580 B.C.) the practice of charging fees, among other innovations, had become well-established. A gloss over a prophetic tradition provided a sanction for the practice so that material reward became legitimate even on teaching the Quran:

"The community cannot do without a ruler for upholding justice less transgression prevails, without sale and purchase of copies of the Quran lest its diffusion diminishes, or without teachers to instruct the children against payment lest the people 46 remain illiterate."

For the rest the treatise lays down such rules for the conduct of treachers as betray the author's legal training. Thus Iba Sahnun insists that once the teacher accepted a fee for his services he must treat his pupils on a basis of absolute equality without any distinction between the rich and 68 the poor. He must not inflict corporeal punishment while in a temper, for punishment is corrective for the sole benefit of the pupil and not to assuage the teacher's anger. The teacher may employ a monitor, but he must have mastered the Quran and require no further instruction in the elements. Then Ibn

Sahnun expresses his personal preference for boys and girls to be taught separately.4 8

Blend of Philosophy and Theology: The Brothren and

Islamic Theory of Education - The preceding translated and

summaries are fairly representative of Arabic-Islamic thought

on important aspects of elementary education down to the end of

the fourth century of Islam. Rooted in a distinctly religious

tradition the Theory was expanded and interpreted on the basis

of long practice. Although the practice in post-elementary

education, comprising the Quranic and Prophetic with allied

Arabic studies, had also been greatly expanded. There were as

yet no comparable interpretative accounts of this developments

by theologians, jurists or linguists. The earliest account is

to be found (4th century) in the philosophic tracts of the

Brethren of Purity whose publication symbolised the beginning

of state intervention in education.4 9 With skilful if

unorthodox interpretation of the Quran and prophetic tradi­

tions, the Brethren sought to integrate Greek philosophy with the Islamic heritage. Through the diffusion of this integrated learning they hoped to establish "the kingdom of the Righteous," a Utopia ruled by philosophers. In their tracts the Brethren 69 mention Plato quite frequently, and their Utopia bears close resemblance to his Republic. It also resembles closely the Virtuous City by the Muslim philosopher Farabi (Iranian well- known in the medieval times), a student of Aristotle and called after him "the second teacher".5 0 One can easily trace here attempts to blend and free the Greek and the Quranio systems of thought and learning.

Nevertheless the substance of the tracts includes much of neoplatonism and Islamic mysticism, and both of these elements are reflected in the theory of education scattered in the odd fifty tracts. The supreme and ultimate aim of education, however, remained strictly orthodox: happiness in this world and eternal bliss in the next. However, the nature of the process of learning is in the tracts based on the Platonic doctrine of reminiscence which may be simplified as follows: The soul of man came to be attached to his body through emanation by stages from God. Hence it is potentially learned and need instruction only by reminding in order to become actually so.

It is not easy to establish why the Brethren faded to apply this principle to elementary education. Not only did they adopt the traditional attitude to elementary education but inexplicably failed to pay enough attention to those whose opinion had been formed.5 2

One reason for this attitude of the brethren to tradi- 70 tional education seems to have been a desire to achieve quick results; the Brethren were certainly not ignorant of the educational process. Their tracts clearly state that the mind of the child before receiving instruction or embracing beliefs is "like a clean white paper; once anything is written on it, right or wrong, it will be difficult to erase it or to superimpose new writing upon it.

There is indeed frequent, if incidental, reference in the tracts to the Maktab, its teacher, the subjects he taught and the articles used by pupils. But the main concern is with the next stage which led, under the Brethren's system, to further stages implying a continuous education unto death. There is thus more than lip-service to the veneration of learning in the Islamic tradition, although it is frequently invoked in support of philosophical aims. Appeal to Reason and the injunction "know thyself" figure prominently on the pages of the tracts.

In the purely educational sphere, there are two new contributions to theory, (i) The first is concerning the relationship between teacher and pupil, and is closely related to the ideas of the mystics. The relationship, is a spiritual one and is superior to physical relationships! Your teacher nourishes your soul with learning and wisdom and guides it to attain everlasting bliss. Your father brought you up and trained you to make a living in this transient world." (ii) The second contribution to the Islamic educational theory envisages 71 teaching as one of the crafts, the more perfection the craftsman acquires the nearer he comes to God: "Excellence in every craft is Imitation of the Wise Creator, and He loves the skilful crafts­ man. Hence philosophy has been defined as imitation of God in knowledge, wisdom and goodness. He who acquires an increase of these comes correspondingly nearer to God.

The quotations cited above should suffice as a justifica­ tion for regarding the Brethren as representatives of the philosophic strand that has had the most pervading influence on the Muslim educational theory. For there is surprisingly little philosophy of education in the writings of Muslim philosophers, and the Brethren* s treatment of the subject is more sustained, though somewhat sporadic. It has added merit that it combines theology not only with science and philosophy, but also with mysticism in its Islamic and Neoplatonic forms. In admitting the mystic element the Brethren were the forerunners of al-Ghazali (Iranian philosopher) by nearly a century.

In the meantime the institution of Madrasah, under this or other names, became universal and more formality had been introduced in the relationship between teacher and pupil. If translated in modern parlance the words of the Brethren on this relationship meant that it was personal, not institutional. Until their time, a seeker after learning generally went to study a given subject, or even a given book, with a famous teacher, not necessarily to a particular place of learning. The pupil could either join the public circle of the teacher in a 72 mosque or elsewhere, or seek more intimate relations with him by personal attendance. The latter method was peculiar to the mystics. Nowhere was such relationship closer than between a novice and his guide in any of the mystic orders. It was the truly spiritual relationship that transcended even blood ties.

III.7 Jundi - Shapur* s Contributions to Western Education

The Academy of Jundi-Shapur which is located in Iran is of interest to the historian of Western as well as Muslim education for two important reasons. First, the academy became an intellectual sanctuary in the 6th century for some of the great scholars of Greece and Syria who, in association with Hindu, Jewish, Persian, and perhaps even Chinese thinkers carried on important elements of scientific (especially medical) and philosophical learning of classical cultures. Out of this scholastic association of minds a scientific synchronism arose which in many ways improved upon the scientific-philosofic conclusions of the separate cultures. The intellectual center of learning, which was once in Edessa (al-Ruha) and Harran and the transferred to Nisibis, was in the first half of the sixth century centered in this academy, which became the greatest institution of higher learning in the world. In translating great scientific works on medicine, mathematics and astronomy from Indian and Greek languages into Pahlavi and Syriac (Aramaic) and by employing

notable scholars and linguistic to translate these works, the aca- 57 demy carried on, preserved, and improved upon these traditions. 73

Some interesting facts about the teachers of the Academy of Athens who taught briefly at Jundi-Shapur must be mentioned here.

Damascius, formerly the head of the Academy of Athens from AD 511 until it was closed in AD 529, stayed at Jundi- Shapur from AD 531 to 533. He was a disciple of Proclus and author of a highly controversial work (First Principles), a biography of Isidorus, and some commendaries on Plato. Some have also ascribed to him the Fifteenth Book of Education of Euclid. 58 Similarly, Simplicius, born in Sicilia, lived in Athens until AD 529 and stayed at Jundi-Shapur until AD 533. A student of Damascius and Anirnonius, he wrote several books on Aristotle, mostly commentaries: He was also a creative philosopher in his own right.

Prlscianus of Lydia too had remained at Jundi-Shapur until AD 533* Khosru Anushirvan engaged him in many discussions on philosophical questions, which are preserved as a collection of the philosopher1 s answers to the King' s questions. Prlscianus also wrote a commentary on Theophrastus' work on the senses.

Another Greek physician, Theodorus, lived from 309 to 379 in the Persia of Shapur II. He wrote a compendium of medicine in Pahlavi, which was translated later into Arabic and mentioned in ibn-Nadim' s Fihrist.

Anushirwan also welcomed scholar-refugees, mainly Nestorians 74 from Edessa, who found Jundi-Shapur a cosmopolitan center of learning. During his reign (531-579), he encouraged Nestorians and neo-Platonists to use Syrian translations of Greek works in Jundi-Shapur and had Persian translations of the Syrian versions 59 of Plato and Aristotle made under his personal supervision.

So great was Jundi-Shapur as a center of advanced learning and scholarship in philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine that after the Muslim conquest of Persia in the seventh century the academy flourished as an extensive intellectual reservior. Much of its influence on Islamic learning lasted until the early eleventh century.

The second reason for the interest of the historians of education in the Academy of Jundi-Shapur is that it continued as the scientific center of Islam throughout the

Umayyad period (661-749) . Prom this academy scholars, educators, and physicians went to the then Muslim capital, Damascus, and gave to Islam its first acquaintance with classical cultures.

From it, or its alumni, the first Persian, Hindu, Syrian, and

Greek works began to be translated into Arabic, a tradition which was transferred at the rise of the Abbassides in Eastern

Islamic education and scholarship attained their highest peak.

And to the extent that this new learning, this renaissance of translation, assimilation, and creative improvements and

additions to the prevailing knowledge can be shown to have been stimulated and furthered by the example and contributions

of the scholars of Jundi-Shapur; to that extent its importance 75 for historians of Western education should be obvious.

Insofar as the initial contributions of Jundi-Shapur are concerned, it is important to record that translations of Greek (and Hindu) classics into Arabic were resumed during the rule of the second Abbasside king Mansur (AD 754-775),61 mainly at the Academy of Jundi-Shapur. It was from the academy's famous hospital that Bakh-Tishu, its chief physician and dean, was summoned in AD 771 to the court of Abbasside King Hadi (died 786) and the great Harun-al-Rashid (died 809).

Bakh-Tishu is essential in any educational assessment of Jundi-Shapur because this Christian doctor's family produced distinguished physician-Scholars for Islam for better than seven generations. It was through this family that the tradi­ tions of Greco-Persian-Hindu (Ayurvedic) medical knowledge were conveyed to Islam, to be enriched and extended by its own scholars (mostly Persians) before its final transmission to 62 Europe. The Academy of Jundi-Shapur disappeared as the center of intellectual influence in Islam in the late 880's, as scientific works which predominated in the Syriac and Pahlavi languages in the first half of the nineth century gave way to more advanced scholarship in Baghdad and Samarra and still later to renewed Umayyad scholarship in Cordova and other Spanish 6 ^ and Sicilian academic communities. 76

During this long period of translation, which ended more or less about 900 A.D., Muslim science, particularly medicine, though both extensive in scope and intensive in substance, was founded nonetheless firmly upon Greek science and Persian and Indian thought and "experience". It produced great works formidable in scholarship but on the whole lacking originality. From the tenth century, however. Islamic scholarship began to rely more upon its own indigenous tradi­ tions and resources and to "develop from within" until the twelfth century. The sciences, particularly medicine, now passed rapidly from the hands of christians and Sabians into the 64 prossession of Muslim scholars, mostly Persians.

Elgood has stated that the first academic language employed in the hospital, medical school, and university of Jundi-Shapur was probably Sanskrit, and that Hindu medical knowledge flourished there until after the school of Edessa was closed in AD 439, bringing a large influx of Greek and Syrian teachers to the Persian scholastic center. The student of medical education interested in the traditions of his disap- line would find the medical theory and practice at Jundi- Shapur hospital and school of medicine an interesting and important link in the chain of Greco-Hindu and Perso Islamic medical innovations and development and the contributions of this medical synchronism at Jundi-Shapur to the development of medical education in both Eastern Islam and the West. 77

Buzurgmihr, the great court physician of Anushirwan the just and tutor of his son, Hormuz, known to Western writers as Perzoes, was also one of the significant contributors to the medical school of Jundi-Shapur. On orders of the monarch, he went to India to secure a copy of the famed Fables of Bed Pai. Of special interest to the historian of education is the autobiography of Perzoes reproduced in ibn Muqaffa's transla­ tion of the Fables.

Several incidents could be cited to throw light on the cosmopolitanism of Jundi-Shapur's medical school.

III.8 "Madrasahs and Nizamiyyas"

A new type of school was conceived as a state institution to promote religious indoctrination of the Sunnite Islamic faith and political indoctrination of the Turkish-Persian style, aside from general learning and particular training Nizam-al- Mulk (d. 1092; 485 A.H.), the founder and popularizer of these madrasahs (schools of public instruction). He was a famous Vazir (prime minister) in the administration of the Seljuq Shahs in the eleventh century, who established the madrasah. Though not the first school in Islam, madrasah was the first system of special schools devised to serve the state and Sunnite Islam. The madrasahs had, aside from their zest for learning, both political and religious purposes namely - the moulding of public opinion in Sunnite orthodox Islam against the Shiah branch. Large sums of money were allotted by the state for the establish- 78 ment and maintenance of these schools with generous scholarships, pensions, and rations granted to all worthy students.67 The schools were institutionalized under the state control and financial support, as standadized madrasahs came to be established in all large cities within the Islamic world. The greatest of these academies was the one established by Nizam in Baghdad, the famous Nizamiyyah, which opened for teaching in AD 1066-67 (459 A.H.) and continued as a center of higher learning for several centuries. It was motivated primarily by religious and literary pursuits. Altogether, Nizam-al-Mulk made the greatest signal contribution to education in founding and extending an almost universal system of schools (madrasahs) throughout Eastern Islam. Being one of the most learned men of his time greatly versed in Muslim (hadith, (moral advice and injunctions) or tradition, and one of the great political 6B theorists of Islam, as shown in his famous Siyasat-Namah. Dispassion for universal education was limited only by the means at his disposal. The schools he founded all over the empire were endowed generously. He supplied them with libraries, the best professors he could find, and a system of scholarships to aid all the gifted students. His educational enterprises being relevant for our purpose, need to be discussed in some details.

III.9 Nizam-Al-Mulk and Muslim Education

The opening of the first school carrying the name of the

Persian statesman, Nizam-al-Mulk in 1066 (459 A.H.) marks the 79 transition from the mosque schools and the beginning of a system of public schools, or madrasahs, throughout the vast area of the Muslim world, which was under strong Persian cultural and administrative influence, this influence continued first under Arab political supremacy under the Abbasside (from the middle of the eight century to the nineth), and again during the long period of Turkish (Ottoman) politico-religious supremacy, to the early decades of the sixteenth century (1517). It is true that the earlier Turks had a simple culture and were given to warfare and conquest. But settling down to administer their empire, they learned from the superior cultures of the Persians and the Arabs, adopted the Arabic alphabet and accepted Islam. Soon they adopted the foreign cultures to their own needs and tastes, and encouraged the establishment of schools to perpetuate Sunnite Islam and Turkish politics and policies throughout their empire. This encouragement to learning and expansion of schools in their Qnpire were guided by three motives: (i) the hope of heavenly reward; (ii) the fear of losing their fortunes to more greedy superiors or antagonists, so that they utilized their wealth in establishing schools; and (iii) finally, but most important of all, the desire to indoctrinate religious beliefs of the founder and to combat opposing religious views.

It was the employment of the school for sectarian indoctrination and political influence and propaganda that led the famous king Saljuk Saladin to found madrasahs and 80 also to close the college of Daral-Ilm (The House of Learning) in Cairo in order to eliminate its Shi*ite influence. In fact it was not uncommon to dismiss professors during this period from the madrasahs because of their religious beliefs, particularly Shi'ite. Muslim scholasticism developed in these sectarian colleges of Sunnite or Shi* ite beliefs.

The Sunnite belief received its most sweeping doctrinaire expression under Nizam-al-Mulk. Before his day, there were several institutions of learning in the Islamic world which resembled a college, such as Al-Azhar in Cairo, Egypt, in the last quarter of the tenth century; Daral-Ilm and Dar al-Hikmah, also in Cairo, in the early decades of the eleventh century; Bait-al-Hikmah in Baghdad during the reign of Ma'-mun; and Bayhaqiyyah at Neyshapur in Khorasan, Persia. 71 But to Nizam- al-Mulk goes the distinct credit for having founded an institution for instruction and indoctrination under government and religious control, for political and religious ends - a sectarian system of public education with secular emphasis and political motivation.

'With these objectives in mind, Nizam-al-Mulk established schools in every city and village of Iraq and Khorasan (Mashhad, North East of Iran). These schools were well distributed from Khorasan in the east to Mesopotamia in the west. These so- called madrasahs soon became standardized, and many of them were built by Nizam al-Mulk himself, and named Nizamiyyah in his honor. 79 Not only did Nizam-al-Mulk establish these 81 academies or colleges but also he endowed them. It is estimated that an amount equivalent to U.S. $ 1,500,000 was spent annually on educational, semi-educational and religious institutions. Nizamiyyah University, the most famous of the chain of madrasahs, was built in 3aghdad in AD 1065 under the educator's personal supervision. The earliest account of this university is given by ibn Khatun, the great Arab philosopher historian.

As stated earlier, the principal motive in founding the Nizamiyyah was religious. Its objective was the teaching of "The Shafi'ite (Sunni) school of law," and it stood as a university of Islamic theological learning for several centuries. The great mystic Ghazzali taught there twentyfive years after its founding. Abuvardi (d. 1104; 498 A.H.) and ibn Mubarak (d. 1184; 580 A.H.) were associated with it. Ibn Jubair, who visited the school about the middle of the fourteenth century, said of it "And in the midst of Tuesday market is the wonderful 73 madrasah Nizamiyyah, whose beauty has become proverbial.

III.10 "The Organization of Muslim Schools"

The Halgha (Circle school). The simplest type of the early Muslim educational institution was the circle. This unique educational experience in Islam was known as halgha, (literally means a circular gathering). It was so named because the teacher was seated on a dais and the students formed a semi-circle in front of him receiving instructions from him. 82

The circle was formed according to rank, the more advanced a student the closer he would be seated to the teacher, with the next meritorious students or visiting scholars seated next to him. A predetermind area of the circle was always reserved for visitors.

Treated as the symbols of learning and scholarship, the Great teachers utterances were meticulously recorded in note-books by all students. These note-books were sometimes examined closely by the teacher, who corrected and approved their use in teaching the subject to others. The circle system emphasized on instruction through dictation, the teacher lecturing and the student recording it. When the material of a lecture series was available in part, students were urged to study and discuss its highlights with each other in order to have better orientation for advanced instruction in given areas. Advanced students, even new students and visitors, were encouraged to question the teacher on any point and pupils felt free to disagree with or even to challenge his statements. Disputes between students and teachers, there­ fore, were quite frequent and occasionally led to even heated, abusive arguments. But their acrimonious debates almost always promoted investigation and scholarship.7 4

Every subject was dealt with methodically by the teacher who first, made a general survey of the subject. Then by connecting the day* s lesson with previous lecture or lectures 83

in order to facilitate continuity and comprehension, he allowed ample time for concentration on the more difficult disputed phases of the subject for illustration and clarifi­ cation.

Students would often make long journeys to join the circle of a great teacher, or would move from one circle to another circle, sometimes at the cost of journey's to many distant cities, squeezing the scholar's lemon dry,before moving on to others. The circle system was in vogue in Iran right upto 1920 or so.

The Maktab (writing school). The maktab or places for teaching writing, existed in the Arab world even before Islam. Meant to be a place where to learn reading as well as writing, a Maktab was located in the teacher's house where pupils gathered for general instruction not necessarily confined to religion. There were also other types of maktabs where, after the advent of Islam, instruction was exclusively in the Quran and religion. Such maktabs as that of Abu Qasim Balkhi in Julfa (North East of Iran),(died 723; 105 A.H.) had as many as three thousand pupils at a time. The tutors in these maktabs were called Muallim (instructors).7 5

The maktabs became the prevailing means of elementary education in early Islam in almost every town or village. In addition to the Quran and religion, poetry, horsemanship, swim- ing, famous proverbs, elementary arithmetic, and grammar, manners and penmanship were taught. These maktabs prevailed 84 in Spain, Sicily, Africa, and the Middle East, though the contents of their curriculum varied and were adapted to local cultural and social interests and backgrounds.

The Palace Schooli These schools were conducted in royal palaces, and in addition to the curriculum of the maktabs, instruction was given in such social and cultural disciplines necessary to prepare for higher education, for polite society, and often for service in the royal government. Children of nobility, top military officials and similar elite families studied in the palace schools for their primary/elementary educa­ tion. In fact, the instructors in these palace schools were called "mu1addibs", (means one who modified his conduct by good manners). The art of oratory and good conversation, formal ethics, and some 76 history and tradition were also included in the curriculum.

The Mosque School: The most typical, common and the one that lasted longest, of Muslim elementary educational institutions was the mosque school, encouraged by Harun-al-Rashid and promoted by the kings who followed him. Wherever Islam spread in the first century of its dramatic growth, the tradition of the mosque as a center of worship went along with it and the mosques were huge structures built with enormous expenses. Therefore, it was natural that the early kings (Abbasside) would in time see the significance of the mosque not only as a place of worship but also as a center for learning-receiving instruc­ tion of the young. So numerous and widespread were the Muslim mosques that Yaqubi reports some 3,000 of them were functioning 85 in Baghdad city alone in the third century of the Hegira (early tenth century A.D.) Great Alexandria claimed, according to Ibn Jubair some 12,000 mosques in the fourteenth century.7 7 This system became common in most of the Islamic countries, parti­ cularly in Egypt, Iran, Iraq, North Africa, and also in Spain, the center of learning for students from all over the Muslim world. The most famous mosques were those of Albambra, Cairo, and Damascus, reputed to be among the unique wonders of the Middle Ages; and those in Isfahan, Mashhad, Ghom, and other 78 cities of Persia.

The Book shop Schools: In addition to the three types of writing schools. The maktabs, the palace schools, and the mosque schools. There were other centers of education in Islam too before the development of the public madrasahs by Nizam-al-Mulk. Most important among these centers were the book shop schools. The private residences of great Islamic scholars, and the so-called literary salons.7 9

During the Abbasside period, Muslim learning and scholar- ,ship rose to a high degree and inspired the rapid development of bookshops, book dealers, and copyists in all the important Islamic cities. Not only did the number of bookshops increase beyond expectation in Eastern Islam during the Abbasside period, and in Western Islam during the second (Spanish) Umayyad period, but with this increase came free access to the book stores anywhere in the Islamic world. Many a scholar spent long time in these bookshops freely examining, 86 browsing, and studying available books, or purchasing favorite selections for his private library. Some of the most learned men in Islam are known to have frequented these famous bookstores,_ , .8 0

Book dealers also contributed to the spread of learning by travelling to famous Muslim cities in search of rare manuscripts, either for private sale to interested collectors or scholars, or on order of kings, governors, and so forth, who were willing to pay almost any price to become the proud owner of rare manuscripts.

Many such manuscripts eventually found their way to the private libraries of Muslim scholars or rulers who were patrons of learning, only to be made readily available again to all who cared to study them. It was in one such library that Ibn Sina (Iranian philosopher) spent a period of research which, by his own admission, contained manuscripts of medical and other subjects he had never seen before or since, and apparently they were the sources for much of the medical knowledge later incorporated in his monumental canon of medicine.

The Literacy Salont These developed around the learned kings and their scholarly Companions, became meeting places for literary and scholarly exchange of ideas. "In the literary salons", says Shalaby, "foreign customs and civilizations manifested themselves; Salons were highly prepared; only elites certain classes were permitted; the members had to come at fixed 87 times and leave according to particular signs adopted by the kings; the kings and no one else would open the discussion."81

Those attending the literary salons were not only hand picked but were instructed to observe certain style of dress, and were required to follow certain strict rules of general dignity and bearing. Everyone had predetermined place to be seated, according to his social status. Absolute silence and respectful attention were required when the king offered the opening statement to initiate the discussion. The partici­ pants in the discussions were required to conform to protocol and styles of manners, expression and conduct. Violations evoked censure from kings.

With all their formalities these literary gatherings were important centers of education that attracted great scholars who debated and exchanged vast areas of knowledge and clarified timely issues, thus becoming genuine centers of enlightenment and the pursuit of knowledge. The salons reached their height of their glory during the Abbasside period, under such enlightened kings as Harun al-Rashid on Ma'mun. They used the salons for initiating debates on a wide variety of subjects between distinguished scholars, especially in areas of religion, scholastic theology, philosophy, rhetoric, grammer, and poetry. These debates also covered 82 such topics as, "Is the Quran created or not created?" In this manner the courts of the kings and later of the Muslim kings served as centers of culture. 88

One of the great debates in Islam took place in the court of Nizam al-Mulk, where Ghazzali, after winning the debate, was appointed by the great vazir to professorship at the famous Nizamiyyah university of Iran.

The Madrasah (School of public Instruction; literally, Place for Giving Lesson): The instructions provided in maktabs, palace schools, and mosque schools had definite educational limitations. With limited curriculum these schools did not always attract the best teachers; also physical facilities were not conducive to the best educational attainments; conflicts between educational and religious purposes within the mosques were almost irreconcil­ able, the former given to activity created noise that was CO interfering with solemnities of worship. It became necessary, therefore, to relieve the mosques of as much of the responsibilities of secular-sectarian education as possible. Initiation of a new type of school, the madrasah was both natural and necessary. An external factor which also contributed to the development of this new concept was the fact that progress and diffusion of knowledge created a body of men who found it difficulty to make a decent living through their abstract learning (Not so different today'.) It was partly to promote further study and provide sufficient stipends for such men that the madrasahs were really established. Physical facilities of the madrasahs were, of course, quite different from locality to locality and 89 from country to country, depending on geographic, economic, and cultural differences.

III.11 "Elitist Nature of the Iranian Society and Education"

By the accession to the throne of Naser ed-din Shah in 1848, it was obvious to the young king and his Vazir, Mirza Taghi Khan, that the Western powers wereclearly superior to Iran. In a response similar to that of France following the Franco-Prussian war, Iran* s defeats were attributed to the backwardness and the non-Western, Oriental, non scientific orientation of its educational system. One result was the establishment of the Dar ul-Fonun. Admitting students aged 14 to 16, the school prepared them to fill vacancies cadres for the government•s civil and military bureaucracies. Entrance to these tended to be restricted to the children of the elite families and no move towards mass education was made. The Dar ul-Fonun graduated some 1,000 members of elite families in its 50 years of operation, 84 graduates who did fill many of the key posts in the government service.

The school is however, important, not so much for its output, as for its social implications. For the establishment of the nucleus of a state-supported education system widened and formalised the gap between the elite and the masses by the addition of yet another criterion for elite membership, a criterion which only the children of the elite could acquire. The elitist nature of Iranian society was institutionalised in 90 it's education system - a phenomenon which is only now being 85 mitigated.

III.12 "Preservation of Independent Status"

The second more positive out come of the first half of the 19th century was the protracted success of Iran in avoiding a directly colonial status, a success which has continued to the present. Ever since the introduction of European power into the area following the invasion of Egypt by Napoleon, Iran has been considered a valuable prize. For the French, Iran represented a potential ally in her struggles with the British in India. When those struggles waned following the establishment of complete British hegemony, French interest diminished, leaving the field to the British and Russians.

It seems clear that from the late 17th century Britain's interests lay chiefly in protecting the north­ western approaches to India. The only possible invasion route unimpeded by formidable mountains. With alternations of governments and circumstances, British policy fluctuated between the aggressive pursuit of active control over the Iranian government to a passive policy seeking only to prevent Russia from controlling Iran. Russia seems to have been pursuing a variety of interests at different periods: control of territory for strategic interests cmpturlng warm water 86 portson the Persian Gulf, or simple economic imperialism. 91

Iran' s success in preserving her independence was based on the art of playing off one foreign power against the other. The last half of the 19th century illustrates a series of classic manoeuvres of this type. Fearing for Iran's security, the Shah would turn to the Russians for support. When Russian influence was threatening to become too great, the Shah would turn to the British, when the British demanded its own price in the form of a concession or two over Iran' s railroads in return, which the Shah was unwilling to concede, he approached the Russians and urged them to demand a similar concession.

Two developments altered this balances of power. Firstly, foreign powers learned to make complementary rather than conflicting demands. No longer could the Shah refuse to grant demands for concessions on the grounds that the other foreign power would lose out. By the end of the 19th century, there were British and Russian capitulations (the right of citizen of those countries to be tried by their own rather than by Iranian courts), British and Russian control over 87 Persian customes, etc.

Second, Britain and Russia, drawn together by the fear of a recently united the Germany, determined to settle their extra-European differences in order to concent­ rate on the new challenge. The treaty of 1907 divided Iran and certain other countries, into * spheres of influence'. The Russians were given a virtually free hand in northern 92

Iran, including Tehran and Isfahan. The British received a small zone in the south-east flanking British India. Iranian nationalists viewed the treaty as a prePude to the dismember­ ment of their country. Indeed, in the year preceding World War I, Russia adopted an imposing position of supermacy in her zone.

When the World War I broke out, Iran immediately declared its neutrality, but this did not protect it from involvement. Russia and Britain on the one hand and the Ottoman Empire on the other invaded the country, established military bases, fought campaigns, and even went so far as to organise military units on Iranian territory. (These units were composed of Iranian recruits, equipped, officered, and paid by the British or Russians)•

As a result of the direct and indirect intervention of foreign governments and of her own internal weakness and decay, Iran's sovereignty seemed to be rapidly slipping away. Had it not been for the Bolshevik Revolution and the subsequent renunciation by Lenin of all Czarist, imperialist claims, it is likely that the 1907 agreement would have been formalized into the dismemberment of Iran and the end of its independence. But Iran was saved front that fate and, as one of the few countries of Asia and Africa to have preserved her independence in the age of imperialism, strengthened a deep rooted sense of national pride and identity. Moreover Iran became an a istute participant in international politics, a role which has been played upto the present day. When an outside power threatened, an appeal was made for protection to a second power, hostile to the first. (Hence the vital role of the United States in the post World War II Iran when the Soviets supported the 'independent* Republics of Azarbayjan and Kurdestan in Iran's north west and west. True to form, as the Shah saw that threat diminish and his own internal political position strengthen, the value of the U.S.A. to the Shah diminished and consequently American influence accordingly fell.

III.13 Persian Constitutional Movement 1905-9

Besides these themes Iran's foreign relations - the

intervention of Russia and Great Britain (and more recently

of the Soviet Union and the United States) in Iran's

domestic affairs to advance their own interests, Iran's

success in avoiding colonial domination of the West, the

elite nature of the Iranian society there are additional

major themes that run through more recent Iranian history.

One is the Persian Constitutional Movement of 1905-9, which

resulted in the first regulation by a formal constitution of

the political affairs of any Middle Eastern state. The

movement had its roots in the granting of concessions to 89 foreign companies seeking to exploit Iran* s oil resources*

in the part of the 19th century. Then concession hunters

from great Britain and Russia competed for the right to control 94

Iran1s foreign trade, to develop its natural resources to build railways and bridges, to monopolise any economic under­ taking which promised sizeable economic benefit.

That such benefits could accrue to foreigners was due to the total corruption of the monarch and his court, the pervasive decay of public morality, internal administrative and political anarchy, and foreign pressures. These had contributed to the near bankruptcy of the government and a pressing need for funds. The monarch, Naser ed-din Shah, who ruled from 1846 to his assassination in 1896, became infatuated with travel in Europe and his three trips in 1873, 1878, and 1889 created a need for vast sums of money. The Shah1s demand for funds, in combination with internal decay and external pressure, made Iran a ripe arena for concession 90 hunters ready to bribe Iranian officials.

The incredible backwardness of Iran at the end of the 19th century meant that a virtually limitless array of projects were available and worthwhile. One perceptive British traveller, Edward G. Browne, wrote:

"When I was in Persia (in 1888), the old regime held undisputed sway, and except for the existence of the Indo- European telegraph, the conditions of life were entirely medieval. There were no railways, no banks, no cabs, and no telephone outside the capital. The few newspapers which appeared at irregular intervals were lithographed, and, being 95 produced by courtiers and officials, contained hardly any news and no criticism, had a very restricted circulation and no sale save such as was secured by supplying them to govern­ ment employees and deducting the subscription from their salaries. The only method of travel was on foot or horseback. The government was a pure despotism, mitigated by the lack of centralisation and the quasiment independence of the provincial 91 governors."

Two concessions in the last half of the century served as rallying points to unite members of the elite in opposition to the Shah. The first was a concession to Baron Julius de Reuter to exploit all Iran* s natural resources and for the construction of factories and communication facilities. This breath-taking sacrifice of Iran* s sovereignty led to an informal coalition of dissident elements who pressed the Shah into cancelling the concession. The second concession in 1882 was to a British firm for a monopoly over the production, distribution, and sale of tobacco. This concession struck directly at all sectors of society. In response to growing opposition this concession was also cancelled. For the first time in contemporary Iranian history, a popular outcry was able to change the course of the government.

From these roots stemmed the Constitutional Movement that also coincided with the process of modernization in Iran under the western impact. A revulsion against internal despotism and decay and external degradation grew. The 96 mortgaging of the country's assets to finance foreign pleasure trips had brought Iran to the verge of colonial status. The tyranny and reaction of the Shah and his court contributed to the profound backwardness of the nation. Gradually over the last quarter of the 19th century the belief grew that Iran could be saved from these evils by the spread of the 'enligh­ tened' culture of the more advanced societies and by the formulation of a code of laws. During 1905 and 1906 these beliefs resulted in demonstrations, economic strikes, and religious protests.9 3 Finally, in the summer of 1906, thousands of Tehranis, especially the merchants and religious leaders, encamped on the grounds of the British Legation and took sanctuary from their own government. The eventual result of these and other pressures was the granting by the Shah of a Constitution and supplemental laws, which defined and limited his own powers. The constitution also formally specified the creation of a Parliament with a lower house (Majlis) and an upper house.

From its first session, whenever the regime or reaction­ ary landlords have been unable to control its elections, the Majlis has been the political seat of the most ardent nationa­ lists. Moreover, given its constitutional function of limiting the power of the Shah, it has naturally been the subject of continual efforts by the throne to reduce its autonomy and thus its power to limit the freedom of action of the monarch. With the exception of one election during 97

World War II and another during the Mossadegh period, no Majlis since this early period has been elected free of official control.9 4 The role of the Majlis, then, as a check on the royal prerogative has been severely limited.

One result is that opposition to governmental policies or to the Shah has frequently taken the form of demands for liberal democracy, parliamentarianism, or more basically, constitutionalism together with modern system of education that was identified with the British, French and other western European powers. The widespread appeal which such slogans generate has put 20th century Iranian monarchs on the defensive. Thus, even while violating its provisions they have had to act in the name of the constitution. But while the document alone could not guarantee a constitutional regime, it did serve as a potent symbol around which Iranian political forces could find some degree of unity. It also served as a hallmark against which to judge the performance of the regime. And it is a goal toward which the monarchs of this century have at least ostensibly directed the course of their rule.

This brings us to another key theme of importance during the last two centuries of Iranian history is a drive towards modernisation initiated and supported by the state. After the granting of the constitution, Iran passed through two decades of internal dissension between nationalist politicians, seeking to implement the constitution, and the Shah and his supporters, who sought the abrogation of the 98 instrument. The issue was decided by the parliament's refusal to approve a treaty proposed by Great Britain, which would have made Iran a virtual protectorate with British officials occupying key posts throughout the state. Shortly after the issue became a dead letter in February of 1921, a fiery, Iranian journalist, Seyyed Zia Tabatlabai, and the leader of the Iranian Cossak brigade, Reza Khan, staged a coup d'etat. It appears that the coup was facilitated by the British who then withdrew their troops that had still remained in Iran from World War I.

Reza Khan steadily consolidated his power, sending into exile first Seyyed Zia and then, in 1925, Ahmad Shah, the last of the Qajar monarchs. Installing himself as the first ruler of the Pahlavi dynasty, Reza Shah (as he was thereafter known) imposed rigorous taxes on sugar and tea and generated funds for the construction of the Grand Iranian Railway.9 6 He introduced the fledgling industrial system, built highways between cities and new roads within the major cities of Iran. The modern state supported education system, expanded at all levels with new sections of the population finding educational facilities within their grasp for the first time. He also established Iran's first modern institution of higher learning, The University of Tehran. In addition, his efforts at emancipating Iranian woman, including the outlawing of the Iranian veil (chador), had a profound effect on the social structure. Modernising the civil and military bureaucracies 99 and establishing a contemporary system of government finance were also other important steps in the transition frcm a backward monarchy to a modern nation.

In short, Reza Shah gave impetus to and laid the basis for the more radical changes which have overtaken Iran since his rule. Often referred to as the 'Ataturk of Iran'. Reza Shah operated within narrower limits than his Turkish counterpart. He himself was less worldly, less well educated, and also less committed to democratic principles constitution. Moreover, Iran at the time of his accession had much less than Turkey of the foundations of modernity - a smaller cadre of technically trained persons and a. poorer economic and

communications infrastructure. 97

Working within these limitations, however, Reza Shah

began the state-directed development of Iran and established

a strong central government with control over the farthest

reaches of his domain. The two processor-state-sponsored

development and growing power of the central government

continue unabated to the present day in Iran.

Another important aspect of contemporary Iranian

history is the ruler's search for a political base of support.

Suffice it here to trace the fate of Iran's present monarch,

Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who acceded to the throne in

1941 following the deposition of his father by the British

and Russia. Those two powers had launched a two-pronged 100 TV 7323 attack from the north and south in August 1941 to counter the threat they perceived from Reza Shah's friendship with Nazi Germany. With Reza Shah exiled, his 21-year old son's insecure throne depended on the graces of the British and Russians who had deposed his father. 98 Supported by the se foreign powers and by many of the elite who had served the ex-monarch, particularly his military generals, the Shah reconstructed his defeated army. Throughout the war years Iran was beset by economic disintegration, savage attacks on the 20-year rule of Reza Shah, and the resultant political chaos, but with his civil and military elites* the Shah was able to maintain a tenuous grip on the throne even after the withdrawal of the British and American troops, who had joined the occupires in 1942/ and particularly after the ultimate withdrawal of the Soviets and the collaps of their ill-fated 'autonomous' People Republics of Azarbayjan and Kurdestan. 7*1 • V323 An abortive assassination attempt on the life of the Shah in 1949 was followed by the outlawing and repression of the Iranian communist Party. Simultaneously, the National Front/ a growing movement under the direction of Dr Mohaitmad Mossadegh, became more vociferous about the need to nationalise the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) (a majority of whose shares were owned by the British government)• Mounting pressures on the Shah led to the appointment of Dr. Mossadegh as prime Minister and the Shah's acceptance of the Parliament's 99 vote to nationalise Iranian oil. With the breakdown of 101 diplomatic relations and of political and economic negotia­ tions with the British over the fate of the disputed oil, Mossadegh vowed to go it alone with an oil-less but truly independent and nationalistic government.

Throughout the contemporary period, changes have occured in the pattern of economic and social relations in the country. The state initiated drive for industrialisa­ tion transferred Iranian economy and opened new avenues of investment for the existing upper classes. Correctly perceiving the opportunities for investment in light consumer- oriented industries, they began to switch capital from farming to the cities, especially following World War II. As Iran developed an extensive light industry sector, the landlords were able to preserve their economic positions in rural Iran following land reform.10 0 No longer relying on land as the sole or even the principal basis of their wealth, and economic domination the loss of their rural estate did not affect their position in the structure of Iranian society.

The expansion of industry entailed a massive expansion of education which in turn has also resulted in the creation of the substantial middle class located primarily in Tehran. Composed of the children of bazaar merchants and civil servants, these individual obtained some modern education and then administrative positions in private or government industries. In addition, large numbers of them became part of the modern commercial sector by establishing shops or 102 wholesale houses outside the traditional bazaar. The middle class has also expanded as a consequence of the phenomenal growth of the civil bureaucracy. Finally an even larger growth of this middle class may be expected in the future as a vastly expanded system of higher education, including both universities and technical institute/ begins to turn out graduates in substantial numbers.

Perhaps the chief consequence of the growth of the middle class has been the expansion of the demand for physical amenities and material goods. The government has sought to win their support through urban development, luxury imports, the provision of private automobiles, etc., all of which requires that the government should devote substantial resources to insuring the satisfaction of consumer demands.

Despite these changes (the expansion in the size of the middle class, the growth in the economic role of the government, and the increase in industry), the bulk of Iran*s population is involved in a pattern of economic relations which is traditional and persistent. Some two- thirds of the population are rural dwellers engaged in food production and living at or near subsistence levels, with all the attendant problems of illiteracy, ill-health, and a lack of involvement in national political and social life. They are tied to local urban centres where they dispose of their limited agricultural surpluses in exchange for a few simple consumer goods. 103

And yet alternations in these patterns may be expected in the near future. For the recent land reform in Iran has severed the ties between the landlords and the peasants, ties which are only now being replaced by organisations which will relate the peasants directly to the government through agri­ cultural cooperatives and extension agents. The opportuni­ ties for government intervention in the society as a whole are thus unprecedented in Iranian history. But so are the risks which the government will assume, with the recognition of its responsibility for the welfare of the rural population. With these changes taking place in Iran, demands on educational systems were bound to be made increasingly which in fact did happen from 1952 onwards.

In short, both the Iranian economy and social structure are at a significant crossroads. While it is still too early for major trends to have become evident it is likely they will appear in the near future. Whether they bode well for the economy and polity remains to be seen.

The distribution of Iran* s national wealth in over­ whelming proportions to her social, political and economic elites continues. With the vast increase in available resources over the 1968-1978 decade, the actual disparities between the elite and the masses have become even more striking. The viability of the Persian Constitution remains an important issue for many politically active Iranians, and their efforts to give effect to its provisions have frequently resulted in 104 their political downfall. The state-sponsored drive for modernisation proceeds vigorously. And as with the imbalances in the distribution of resources, so the state-sponsored modernisation drive serves to perpetuate and even create new impediments to social mobility. The regime is more powerful and less susceptible to challenge than at any time in recent history, while it continues to seek ways of mobilising political support without releasing powerful opposition forces.

Behind all these processes was the person and the institution of kingship. The Shah remained the central actor and prime mover of political life bringing his skills to bear on the politics of Iran. His role in more distant times is less certain but there is every reason to expect the themes of recent history to remain key issues for the indefinite future.

III.14 Islam, Unity and Integration

First about unity and integration in Islam, it may be noted that our points are confined to a pure theological plane, drawn mostly from the Quran regarding the values of unity and integration in the Islamic community.

The history of development of nationalism both in the West and in the East shows that at least in some societies religion has played an enormous role in the building up of 105 nation. Unity is the essence of nationalism. From this point of view, the spirit of unity in Islam is highly signifi­ cant. It conceives unity in two ways: (1) Unity of Allah, and (2) Unity of Ummah (Islamic Community).10 2 The interesting point here is that, the Islamic community has its orientation towards unity of Allah. Everything, stems from Allah and finally with return to Him only. As Fami writes: 'Though art absolute being; all else is but a phantasm. For in thy universe all beings are one. Thy world captivating beauty, in order to display its perfections appears in thousands of mirrors, but it is one'. 3

Unity of the Islamic community exists in the sense that an Islamic community forms a nation no matter how grouped or scattered its members are. The basic question is that whoever accepts Islam automatically enters the Islamic community uniting with others firmly. This community may consist of blacks or whites, men or women, rich or poor, to whichever country he/she belongs, his/her unity with the 104 Islamic community is regarded as fundamental. Every Muslim surrenders himself to God; consequently Islamic community rallies round the one which is unique. This sense of unity naturally leads to the integration of the Islamic community socially as well as politically. This integration of the Islamic communities may take place at any of the three levels: (i) the integration of a Muslim country (i.e. nation-state) (ii) a Muslim community within a country, or (iii) the 106 collective integration of Muslim communities in different countries (i.e. across different nation-states).

Therefore, theoretical Islam has all the potential building up an international unity among the Muslims of the world. No one can deny the need and necessity of socio­ political integration in the process of modernization of a society, which subscribes to a transnational faith - such as Islam. Of course, whether this unity has been actually achieved by Islam or not is an important but a different matter.

111.15 Achievement, and Social Class in Islam

The social structure of Islam is relatively more congenial to an open society which puts a premium on achieving rather than on ascribing status.

Man in all modern societies consider social strata

and classes as a very natural phenomena. It is a normal mani­

festation of social stratification which is a universal and

hence an unavoidable fact. On the other hand, it is mani­

fested that though classes are clearly a reality, the modern

societies based on criterion of achieving status which is

one sure sign of modernization.

Mohammad Qutb argues that the idea of classes is absent 105 in Islam. He writes: "The class system is based on the

wrong assumption that property means power that the class 107 which owns property has the power as well. Such a class will exercise an influence over the legislative power. Consquently such a class will, by direct or indirect means, make the legis­ lations to protect itself and subject the comirion people to its own authority, and thus depriving them of their legal rights.

In the light of the above mentioned definition of classes it may be truly said "that theoretically there has never been a class system permissible, in Islam. There is no laws in Islam which aim at keeping the property in hands of particular persons. The Holy Quran plainly says: "In order that it may not merely make a circuit between the wealthy among you",10 7 (59, 7). Therefore, Islam made laws that ensured continual fragmentation and redistribution of wealth. According to Islamic law of inheritance the inherited property should be distributed among a large number of persons.

... The Holy Quran prescribed that Mif at all time of division (of inheritance) other relatives or orphans or poor are present, feed them out of the property and speak 108 to them words of kindness and justice," (4:8).

IE 1.16 Equality, and Brotherhood in Islam

The basic humanitarian concept in all religions is brotherhood. All religions have emphasized the value and sentiments of brotherhood among its members of a society or a community, which Islam specially exhorts for it. 108

But the concept of religious brotherwhood has a deeper meaning in Islam. In a mosque all can pray together regardless of any distinction of sex, race, language, sect,education, occupation, status and so on. The concept of religious brother­ hood is different from the concept of equality as a modern value. Nevertheless, the deeper meaning of brotherhood in Islam comes close to the modern concept of equality with its egalitarian overtones.

In the political context, equality manifested itself when man is free. This right of freedom is considered to be of central importance in the modern world.

Islamic ideas of the political rights envisage freedom of the individual as the basic right, inextricably combined with freedom of thought. A person who is permitted to think as well as to express his/her thoughts freely and fearlessly can be considered as a free citizen.

However, this formulation may be objected to. Some take the position that equality is a modern secular concept. 109 It could not just exist in ancient religions including Islam. In this respect, it needs to be clarified that we do not suggest that equality with all its implications is manifested in contemporary Islamic societies. Our only contention is that the spirit of equality an ideological component of moderniza- tion, exist in the true teaching of Islam.11 0

A considerable number of Muslim scholars Who are quoted 109 above, take this view. More significantly, some critics of Islam support this contention, e.g. Muller. Our argument, therefore, is just this: secular values like equality are not suddenly born in a vacuum. After all, they too have a historical background, (Even Marx and Engels have held that Christianity in its early phases was a religion of the oppressed, 111 later on it changed) . The roots of secular values can, therefore, be traced back to religious teachings. The Quran makes a positive plea for equality, it also reflects a protest against social injustice.

III.17 Education and Islam

The mediam which is the main prerequisites for modernization of any society known as education. All social scientists agree that until and unless a society achieves an advanced level of education, it cannot march towards progress and development.

One of the very disturbing deficiencies in the Third World Countries is in the sphere of education. Inadequate, educational facilities and institutions, and the low (below average) standard of educational programmes are the main deficiencies education in the Third World countries is suffer ing from. In general, the Muslim countries, among the Third World countries, are no exceptions to this. They too suffer from an educational deficiency and backwardness.

Tracing the history of Islam one can find that Islam 110 has encouraged education in the sense of grasp and diffusion of knowledge. The internationally famous Muslim scientists and scholars who were top masters in their fields of specialization included such eminent figures as Avicenna in Medicine, Biruni in astrology, Khaje Nasir-e-Toosi in astrology, Khayyam in mathematics, poetry, medicine, Farabi 112 in chemistry, and so on. Avicenna's book on the simpler drug, pathology and therapeutics, general diseases, and pharmacopoeia, entitled 'Ghanon* has been translated into different languages of the world. It was the most important textbook in European medical schools until the mid 17th century. In certain oriental countries it is influential even today.11 3

The remarkable thing is that this Islamic culture, could produce such eminent scholars and could create a continuous tradition of enlightened learning.

Annie Besant in her survey of education in Islamic countries writes: "Universities arose, and students flocked to them from all parts of Europe, for in Christendom science was unknown, astronomy and mathematics had vanished, chemistry had not risen from its Egyptian tomb. Damascus was regarded as one of the great centres of steel industry for some centuries in the world. Muslims had invented flour mills and water irrigation system by the application of both 114 wind and water powers for the first time in the world.

The question is: How did science and technology subsequently decline in Muslim countries? Ill

Ahmad Hassan tries to analyse this phenomenon. Accord- ing to him, are: (a) colonization of Muslim societies by Western countries, (b) the process of accumulation of capital in the West which contributed to the rise of mercantilistic capitalism there, and (c) disruption or diversion of inter­ national trade routes were the main reasons.

It is to be noted that none of the factors behind the decline of science and technology in Islamic countries, as given by Hassan, has any connection with the Islamic thought which in fact had put a premium on the acquisition of knowledge, and education in science and technology. To substantiate it further, it is noteworthy that education is regarded by Islam as a duty and is compulsory for every person in the society.

G. E. Von Grunebaum writes: "According to repeated prophetic tradition, search for knowledge is incumbent on every believer, male or female." 115

Knowledge, in the Islamic view is sacred. Alalim (He who knows), one of the names of God, comes from the word Ilm (scientia).

The importance of knowledge in ideals of Islam is obvious in the first revelation to the Prophet. This Ouranic verse says:

a) "Read" (recite): In the name of they Lord

who createth,

b) Createth man from clot. 112

c) Read: And Thy Lord is the most Bounteous, d) Who teacheth by the pen

e) Teacheth man that which he knew not."

The Prophet Mohammad says: "Seek knowledge from the cradle to the grave." "Who speaks of knowledge, praises God, who seeks it adores God; who dispenses instruction in it bestows alms; and who imparts it to its fitting objects 11 fi performs an act of devotion to God. Knowledge enables its possessor to distinguish what is forbidden from what is not; it lights the way to heaven; it is our friend in the desert, our society in solitude, our companion when bereft of friends, it guides us to happiness; it sustains us in misery; it is our ornament in the company of friends; ...."

The profound saying of the Prophet: "The ink of the scholar is more valuable than the blood of the martyre," epitomises the significance Islam attached to education in enlightenment and enrichment of the quatity of human life.

Imam Ali, the first Imam of Shi'iahs, defines science in a very characteristic way: "The essence of science is the enlightenment of the heart; truth is its principal object; inspiration its guide,' reason its acceptor; God its 117 inspire; the words of man its utterer."

In the same vein, the Prophet urges: "One hour's meditation on the work of the creator is better than seventy years of prayer. To listen to the instructions of science 113 learning for an hour is more meritorious than attending the funeral of a thousand martyrs, and more meritorious than 118 standing upon prayer for a thousand nights."

An endless pursuit of knowledge, consistent cultivation

of skills and an attitude of innovative adventure are essential

things in any programme of modernisation in the educational

sphere. That Islam has potentially a rich heritage for this

can hardly be doubted.

III.18 Secularization in Islam

Some people believe that all religions including Islam

are concerned with only spiritual and moral aspects of life

with a total disregard for its "this-worldly" and material

part. Some scholars like G.E. Von Grunebaum say that: "On 119 the whole, Quranic and 'secular' science never coalesced". It is necessary to examine the validity of his argument.

First of all we should settle on the meaning of the

term - secularaization. Secularism implies a variety of

meanings, but more specifically it implies:

a) Separation of state from religion;

b) Decline of institution of religion in the

society; and

c) Lesser and lesser relevence of religious values,

d) Freedom of worship and tolerance of other faiths

in every day life of individuals in society. 114

If one defines secularization in the way as Niyazi Berkes has then "Secularism simply means the autonomy of the various sectors of social life from the domination of religious ideas as ultimate normative values." Then it is clear that this kind of secularization is far away from Islam; because, Islam is inextricably interwoven with the different activities such as economic, political, educational, cultural and the like. Islamic religious ideas and precepts have penetrated deep in each and every aspect of man' s life in all the Islamic societies to such an extent that the sacred cannot be separated at all from the secular and 'temporal aspects of life'. As Nasr has put it: Islam does not distinguish between the religious and secular. Rather it takes the whole of man* s life into account and tries to give meaning to all of his actions,"12 0 within an integrated world-view of Islam.

There is no room for doubt that Islam deals with each and every aspect of man's life from its own out look and according to its ideals and values. In other words, Islam is not concerned only with 'spiritual' aspects of life but has also developed ideas, models, and values for the entire society and as these affect every day social life.

One important aspect of secularization deals with material aspect of life. Therefore it is necessary to find out whether or not Islam is, as many believe about all religions, concerned only with spiritual and moral aspects of life and has forgotten the worldly, material part of it. 115

H. Askari's understanding of the material aspects in Islam is that "Quran clearly invites man to ponder over the mysteries of nature and declares that the world has been subjugated to man for which he should be grateful. Quran thus liberates man from his ancient slavery to the physical environment and paves the way for the development of science." In brief, Askari's argument is that secularization in the sense of separation of religion from social life of man, or decline of religion in the society does not exist in the ideals of Islam. But the unity or integration of religion with social life in Islam does not go against development of material aspects of life. Historically speaking Islam has paid a great deal of attention to development of material aspects of life and has encouraged its enrichment. Hence from an Islamic point of view there never arises any question of secularization, in the sense that separation of religion from different aspects of social life is neither necessary nor desirable. Fundamentally then, the contemporary notion of secularization as discussed above, is quite irreconcilable with at times even antithetical to Islam.

III.19 Religion and its Institutionalization in Iran

Iran has always been a religious society. Right front the introduction of Islam to Iranians, it received a large and strong support among the people. Particularly Shi'ism was what attracted the attention of Iranians right from the beginning of its emergence, Iranians were supporters of 116

Shi* ism and Shi'iah Imams.

Shi'ism has always played a great role in uniting Iranians against whoever threatened them as an aggressive enemy. Shi*ism was the very force that united Iranians against Arabs who had introduced Islam to them. The first Government that brought Iran under control (after the Arab' attack) was a Muslim Government, i.e. Safavids. Since then one could trace a very close relationship between politics and religion.

In recent history one may cite such examples as (Wagheeh-e-Rezhy) 'Even of Tobacco', and Constitutional Revolution of 1906, which reflected the same connection.

The impact of religion on the political institutions and the monarch's court was so striking that Abbas Mirza, eldest son of Naser-el-Din Shah, Prince and Governor of Tabriz, (Tabriz, name of a city in the north-East of Iran and central city of Azarbaijan province) had to turn to the religious leaders for their support when he started to introduce some reforms particularly in army. In order to avoid people* s opposition and protest he asked one of the religious leaders, Shaikh al-Islam, to declare that reforms in the army were in full accord with Islam.

This shows that no alternative power in the country could match the belief of the people in religion. It is also indicative of the power religious leaders held over 117 non ecclesiatical temporal life and institutions.

Mention has already been made of the Tobacco crisis. This, however, needs some elaboration. In 1891 Naser-al- Din Shah gave a monopoly for dealing in tobacco to an English man. Major Talbot. In return, he received a personal gift of £ 25,000 plus an annual rent of £ 15,000 to the state and a 25 per cent share of the profit for Iran. In contrast, Major Talbot acquired a fifty years' monopoly right over the purchase, sale, and distribution of tobacco all over Iran and as well as its export from Iran. 122

This provoked Bazaar tobacco merchants and others against the concession, and the Shah. It was followed by the shut­ down of the main Bazaar of Iran like Tehran, Tabriz, Mashhad, Esfahan, Qazvin, and Kermanshah. This general strike was encouraged in the name of religion. A religious leader gave a ' fatwa' (religious order) that people should boycott tobacco in any form. This ' fatwa* was supported by other religious leaders from other countries like Iraq, Turkey (Jamal al-Din Afghani), etc. Even Naser-al-Din Shah's wives in his Haratn (The house in which the Shah' s accommodated all their wives. No man was allowed to enter this house, except themselves, very small boys of the Royal family, and eunuchs), followed the religious fatwa and boycotted the use of tobacco. Concequently, the Shah was forced to cancel the concession. 118

Another example from the economic field: The first state-wide stock company founded by a group of merchants in Isfahan was named She-rkat-e-Islami which means 'The Islamic Company'. The Bazaar merchants gave financial support to the religious schools, and religious organizations. The financial help and support came mainly in the name of the ' Zakat' and 'Khoms* (two kinds of religious taxes), 'alms', * gifts' and so on. The influence of the institution of religion was clearly reflected in some powerful movements in Iran such as 1906-1909 Constitutional Revolution and the 1925-53 rebellion of the people against the last Shah of Iran.

In the first events, though the leading group of the movement were not only 'Ulamas' (clergyman) but also intelligentsia. Bazaar merchants, and students, the entire movement, right from the beginning of 1906 to the end of the 1909 bore a strong complexion of Religious protest movement. It is equally significant to note that two of the three revolts of the people-the first and the third one - started in the month of Muharram - a month of religious ceremonies and mournings.

During the Reza Shah's regin (1925-1941) there were some social movements too; two of the first movements were: (1) 1926-1927 movement, and (2) 1935-1936 one. Both movements were supported by Dlamas and won the common people largely because the movement appealed to religious sentiments of people. Particularly, during the upheavals of the people 119 against compulsory introduction of hat, in place of burca

(veil). This command was declared as anti-Islamic.

In Mashhad this creed was denounced as 'heretical' and it was followed by a mass meeting held in Bazaar and other places. In the holy shrine of the Imam Reza (the Eight Imam of Shi'iahs) the crowd shouted "Imam Hussain protect us from the devil-the Shah" (Imam Hussain was the Third Imam of the Shi' iahs and the younger son of the Imam Ali). Though both movements failed and were finally suppressed by the army, they clearly demonstrated. The strong religious sentiments of the people not only in social customs but also in respect of the conduct of the government.

Usually, leaders of these protest movements immediately mixed up religion primarily to strengthen the tempo of the movement and to mobilize the masses. Reza Shah stood harshly against such movements and suppressed them with gunpower. This compelled the unarmed people to surrender.

Two important points need to be mentioned here: The first is that Shi'ism has some revolutionary aspects, e.g. it was a bulwork against any kind of corruption, be it economic, social, or political.

The history of Islam shows that Shi'ism itself stood up as a protest movement. It revolted against the socio­

political condition in the early Islamic era when - Shi'ism

had denounced passivism of Muslims and condemned submission 120 to tyranny and corruption of any kind. In short, religious feeling3 have always been one of thr- main forces of mobiliza­ tion of the people. A careful probe in the history of Iran in the 19th and 20th centuries would reveal that there was no protest movement by masses that was not inspired by the religious system of values.

The second point is that the representatives of the Institution of religion were not only Ulama, but also some of the members of the intelligentsia. Significantly enough these Muslim intellectuals were also academically trained in 1 96 European and American Universities. They preached Islamic thoughts, defended Islamic principles and looked upon Islam as the only possible means for uniting and mobilizing the Iranian masses. There is another point, that is, though every mass movement in Iran had a religious complexion it does not mean that it was decisively organized only by the Ulama. There are also instances that protests and movements were launched by 196 members of the intelligentsia who had religious moorings.

Perhaps it was Naser al Din shah who, for the first time, tried to keep the religious leaders out of politics. He tried to confine them to the realm of praying, preaching, and the observance of the Sharia.

In his own way, Reza Shah, like Naser al-Din Shah, started a compaign against the influence of religion in 121 politics because he found that the religious groups were a threat to his kingship, and hence wanted to limit the scope of religion. This trend can be seen particularly after the defeat of Amanullah Khan of Afghanestan at the hands of religious leaders in 1929.

The same campaign against Muslim and other opposition groups was followed up by the Shah after his father, Reza Shah. He too did his best to limit the influence of religion to only mosques, holy shrines, religious schools and to a few theological faculties in the country. Nevertheless, he tried to present himself as a very religious personality by paying annual visits to holy shrines and other religious places, with a view to win the support of the religious masses.12 7

Leaving aside the 1979 revolution, one of the major movements of the Iranian people in response to the call of Ulama (Top clergymen) was launched in the early 1960s. The Ulama, like many of the educated intellectuals* opposed the Shah's Land Reforms Programme. Ultimately these protests led to the 1963 rebellion of the people against the Shah. People particularly in Tehran and Cium came marching and fighting on the streets, when Ayatullah Khomeini gave them a call against the Shah's Land Reforms Programme. These demonstrations ended in bloodshed; hundreds of people were killed and some 1 oft thousands were forced to go to jail. Ayatullah Khomeini as one of the most known leaders of that movement was imprisoned but he was shortly released and sent into exile 122 in Iraq.

The Shah could not eliminate the influence of the religion on Bazaar and Bazaar people totally. This was a great Boost to the 1979 revolution, because when in the beginning of the second half of the 1970 decade the Shah started his campaign against Bazaar people, the group of Bazaar merchants inclined gradually more and more towards the opposition camp. The Bazaar people too, supported the movement in 197 8 and 1979.

With this alignment, however, traditional religion emerged as the strongest social force in uniting, organizing and mobilising the Iranian masses. All the commentators and political analysts began to believe that religion was the only alternative revolutionary force to unite the people. People considered Islam as their saviour and felt that participation in the movement was a religious duty.12 9

After the 1979 revolution, the religion has dominated and continues to dominate other social institutions, viz politics, education, economy, culture and so on.

People who looked on religion as the saviour turn towards it with great fervour, so that, religious values, in the early times of revolution, spread over the society Pre­ dominantly. Their faith in religion was so strong that they wanted to do every thing through religious means. Religion became the controlling impulse of the masses and intellectual 123 elite alike.

About Educational institution, the development of education from 1960 to 1975 resulted in an increase in the literacy standards. The majority of these newly educated people came from middle class families. They had very great aspirations about the higher education at the university, level which was invariably a hot bed of political activities and protests, strikes and social movements. University students formed a major group and it was very active in organizing the political opposition blocs that the Shah* s regime had to contend with. The role education played both in modernization and in mass mobilisation is dismissed in detail later*in chapter.

On this background, the regime seemed to operate with double standards in regard to the crucial decisions about developing educational institutions in the country. While the Shah had reason to fear university students he tried to limit their number as far as it was possible. On the other hand, he had to declare free education and give some facilities to the people to proceed for further education, in order to reduce social tensions.

III.20 Philosophies of Education Meaning of Naturalism: Naturalism is a system whose salient characteristic is the exclusion of whatever is spiritual, or transcendental of experience from our philosophy 124 of nature and man. It is the doctrine that separates nature from God, subordinates spirit to matter and sets up unchangeable from God as supreme. Naturalism is concerned with 'Natural self or 'real self.

Chief Exponent of Naturalism -

i) Democritius (460-370 B.C.)

ii) Epicurus (435-355 B.C.) iii) Bacon (1562-1625 A.D.) iv) J. A. Comenius (1529-1670 A.D.) v) Herbert Spencer (1820-1903 A.D.) vi) Huxley (1852-1895 A.D.) vii) Rousseau (1712-1778 A.D.)

Naturalism is the oldest philosophy in the western world. As a distinct philosophy, it is extremely difficult to define it because its basic ideas tend to overlap with other philosophies. Accordingly, many educators prefer the term naturalistic tendencies in education. The fundamental principles of naturalism, which explain its nature, scope and implications, are:

i) Material world is the real world; Ai) Mind is subordinate to matter; iii) Nature alone is the source of all knowledge (which is very definite epistemological position). iv) Values are created in terms of specific needs, v) All real values exist in nature - in living 1

close to nature. vi) There is no possibility of any ' super natural being.' vii) The individual has always given precedence. viii)Man creates societies only to meet some of his , 130 needs.

III.21 Principles of Education according to doctrines of Naturalism are :

i) Naturalism lays stress on physical environment ii) It emphasises the present life of the child as the basis of education iii) Naturalism accords an important place to the child in the educative process iv) It advocates education in accordance with the nature of the child, v) Naturalism gives prominent place to the concept of freedom in the child's education, vi) Naturalism has an insignificant place for bookish knowledge. vii) Naturalism regards education as the dynamic as well as concrete side of philosophy.13 1

III.22 Aims of Education: According to the philosophy of naturalism, the aims of education are:

i) Self-expression ii) Autonomous development of individuality. 126

iii) Improvement of racial gains iv) Preparation for the struggle for existence132

111.23 Curriculum; Chief characteristics of curriculum are:

i) It is based on the nature of the child and his interests etc. ii) It lays stress on subjects that are helpful in self-preservation, iii) It stresses basic science, iv) It emphasises physical and health education.

111.24 In consonance with the aims and curriculum of Education: Naturalism lays stress on certain methods of teaching such as Learning by doing i.e. through experience, through observation, and learning through heuristic method.

Role of the Teacher: In naturalism, the teacher plays the role of an observer and the stage setter.

Discipline: Naturalism accords maximum freedom to the child. It has no scope for external discipline or restraint. Discipline is to be had by natural consequence only.13 3

III.25 Contribution of Naturalism to Education

i) Naturalism has brought to the forefront the importance and recognition of the child in the educative process as a whole;

ii) Naturalism advocates that education should be a pleasureable activity for children. The child's interest in and radiness to learn

a topic has been assigned due importance. iii) Naturalism stresses that education should

engage the spontaneous self-activity of the child. iv) In the naturalistic framework methods of

instruction must be inductive to make

teaching effective, inspirational and

attractive. v) The concept of discipline in naturalism is

very desirable. Punishment is based on

the consequences of wrong deeds. Children

share freedom as well as responsibility.

vi). Naturalism in education draws our attention

to the aesthetic aspect of surroundings.

This also implies that schools should be

located in natural surroundings. Education

can be imparted in the open.

vii) New schools and new movements came into

being as a rejult of naturalism. Froebel's

Kindergarten, the Montessori Method, A.S.

Neill's Summerhill are representatives of

this movement. 128

III.26 Weaknesses of Naturalism in Education

i) Naturalism in its extreme form neglects books and other media. It is very difficult to assume that the vast quantities of printed materials -could be neglected.

ii) Physical nature alone is not sufficient for providing the best of education.

iii) Absolute freedom to child is a myth. It cannot and does not exist, nor can a child be allowed the freedom to do any thing.

iv) Naturalism ignores the higher ends in the education process;

v) It is very difficult to find naturalistic surroundings for locating educational institutions; and

vi) Naturalism assigns the least importance to the teacher in the educative process.13 5

IH»27 Naturalist Tendencies in Education Naturalism has been a great force in bringing about 'renaissance1 in education. As a protest against the rigidity and formality of school education naturalistic form of education presents a refreshingly humanistic attitude towards learning methods of instruction. The naturalist movement in education 129 brought to the forefront the importance of the recognition of the child in the process of education.

Madam Montessori, in her approach to childhood, bases her method of education on naturalism.

A. S. Neill's school at Sumraerhill illustrates best the naturalistic philosophy.

Froebel's Kindergarten also follows principles of naturalism.

Psychologists like Stanley Hall/ Piaget and others have emphasised the child* s dynamic nature which grows and develops in distinct stages, each stages having its own characteristics - infancy, childhood, adolescence and maturity. Naturalism ushered in the psychological movements, and formed the basis for 'child-centred' education, stressing child's freedom, initiative, spontaneity and self-expression in learning.

III.28 "Praqnatism in Education"

Chief Exponents of Pragmatism i) C.B. Pierce (1839-1914 A.D.) ii) William James (1842-1910 A.D.) iii) John Dewey (1859-1952 A.D.)

a) A Brief Background Historically the pragmatic approach can be traced to Protagorus, a Sophist philosopher of ancient Greece who said, 130

"Man is the Measure of All Things". In recent times the name first appeared in 1878 in "How to Make our Ideas Clear," an article written by C.S. Pierce. He preferred to use the term "Pragmatism". He attacked idealism and redefined truth and knowledge in terms of experience and their practical consequences. William James developed this out look out of the American cultural milieu and became the founder and father Of this, what Archie J. Bahm calls, 'down to earth' cash value philosophy. John Dewey (1859-1925) became its leading and most influential exponent. He practised it in his laboratory school set up in Chicago in 1896. His purpose was to train pupils in co-operation and mutually useful living. Pragmatism stands between idealism and materialism - a sort of compromise. Idea or mind is the primary thing in idealism: Matter is at the centre of the universe so far as materialism is concerned. They are in fact the two "antithetical trends" in philosophy. For pragmatism "Experience" is at the centre 137 of the Universe. b) Meaning: The term 'Pragmatism' derives its origin from a Greek word meaning to do, to make, to accomplish. Hence the use of words like 'action* or 'practice* or 'activity* . Action gets priority over thought. Idea is due-to-action, nothing more. Experience is central here. Every thing is tested on the touchstone of experience. An idea is true if it works; can be verified, validated and corroborated, otherwise it is discarded. Beliefs and ideas are true if they are workable and profitable otherwise false. Truth is 131 the cash-value of an idea. With Durant sums up Pragmatism as "the doctrine that truth is the practical-efficacy of an log idea. . It follows therefrom that Pragmatism is not a philosophy but a method. The method of experimentation. Another feature of Pragmatism is its belief in chanqe or as Dunham says, in change without permanence. Nothing is fixed in advance; every thing is changing. The universe is in a state of flux. Nothing can be sure and certain in this "Universe with the lid of."13 9 Consequently as a basis for school practice Pragmatism opposes pre-determined and Pre­ ordained objectives and curriculums. The past for the Pragmatist is dead. Let by-gones be bygones. The future in its sense of remoteness for him is an illusion and is of little cash-value. Dunham is concerned with the concrete situation here and now. He is a man of the present- the present as it grows into the future.14 0 c) Observations: To a pragmatist values are instrumental only. They are used as means to attain certain ends. There are no final or fixed values. They are evolved and are not true for all times and for all situations. But such a radical epistemological basis, where truth and reality and value are to be assayed in the crucible of experience, cannot 141 go without a challenge. This outright rejection of eternal truth and values of life cannot be acceptable to us. There are misgivings in some quarters. Brameld is of the opinion that values are most neglected in education. It is said that 132 belief in eternal values leads to superstition but it does not necessarily mean that values are bad in themselves. Another objection raised is to the view that thinking is rooted in action. Do all thoughts proceed from action? Again, Pragmatist's too much emphasise on experience as the sole determiner of values and realities of life leads us nowhere. Thus pragmatic outlook depending as it does on chance and change without any great idea tends to encourage opportunism and more expediency rather than professional conduct. Pragmatism tends to be individualistc, selfish; has no value; has no ethics and is thus superficial. By maintaining the status quo Pragmatism does not come up to the general expectations from any philosophy - philosophy defined as the theory of human deliverance.

III.29 Pragmatism and the Education process

Activity lies at the centre of all educative process, "The basis of all teaching is the activity of the child, says Foster. Every continuous experience or activity is educative and all education, in fact, resides in having such experience. But continuous acquisition of experience does not subsume the whole education which is something more than accumulation of life experiences. It is'a constant reorganizing or reconstruct­ ing of experience', - individual as well as collective Pragmatism approaches the problems of education from the progressivist view-point. "Progress implies change which in turn implies novelty. So education cannot be conceived of a 133 acquired once for all. Life has become so complex and is subject to frequent and rapid modifications that the child has to face new unstructured problems. Education should enable the child to learn new techniques of copies with such novel problematic situations. Problem solving is at the core of all education: According to the pragmatic view - the educative process thus becomes empirical, experimental, piecemeal: in a word pragmatic. a) Aims and Progmatism: Pragmatists do not believe in any pre-conceived aims of education. Moreover aims cannot be conceived of as final, inflexible and immutable. Aims arise out of the ongoing experience and should lie wholly within the child's experience. Living as we do, in a changing world with an uncertain and shifting future, human experience is prone to change. And so the need to reshape our aims to meet the needs of such a dynamic environment as ours has become where the invention of every machine means a new social transfermation - change in structure of social relations. So it has been said that education has no aims. For example "Con­ tinuing education," says a Unesco booklet has become a necessity in almost every field of life from housekeeping to atomics. "Education is a life long process and not as something to discipline and to control a recalcitrant person into conformity with the pre-existing truth. The pupil should be able to, as they say, •Think through' the problems. Education for Dewey, is a process of individual growth and development. But 134

'growth itself,' says Brubacher "has no end beyond further growth," In other words, he goes on to say, "education is "143 its own end. Education means more education. b) Curriculum and socio-cultural context: A close relationship exist between aims and curriculum. In Latin,

curriculum means a "Run-Way," course which one runs to a

reach goal in a race. This figure of speech, when applied

to education, will mean a course of study which the educator

and the pupil will have to cover to achieve the ends (or

goal) of education. Curriculum is to be in terms of the

learner's nature and not lie outside his or her experience.

Curriculum, therefore, consists of activities. But a

rigorously child-centred curriculum cannot be wholly acceptable.

We all know that one universal purpose of education is the

transmission of cultural heritage of a group from one

generation to another because education cannot grow in

vacuum. Child is to be made aware of his past social heritage.

Dewey, therefore, went a step further when he laid emphasis

on social experimentation. So curriculum should take into

accounts:

(a) What is desired; and

(b) What is desirable?

Kilpatrick, an ardent follower of John Dewey says, "Rid

the schools of dead stuff. But the pragmatists, no doubt

assigns some position, though a very low one, to such items in

the traditional curriculum as are independent of place and 135 time e.g., certain classics in literature, mathematics, history. This, too, after a great deal of criticism of its extreme. Priority is given to social sciences: biology, sociology and human psychology and anthropology so as to make of our pupils co-operative and useful citizens of an industrial and democratic world. Natural sciences come second but they are no less useful for learning new techniques. VJhile considering differences in taste and aptitudes, child, is again at the centre and activity does not lag behind. c) Method and Praojnatlsm: According to Dewey the most dominant instinct among the pupils is "to do and to make". This is again Pragmatism as we have seen and studied its origin. Learning by doing is the most creative method. As curriculum is related to aims; experience here is concrete and not behind and beyond the present. The teacher is there to help the pupils to do rather than to know and contemplate; his appeal is always to the intrinsic motives of pupil's activity. The traditional method of "chalk and talk" is antithetical to the Pragmatist approach. Mere storing in of facts into pupil's mind or stamping in of information upon the plastic and nervous system of the child can be distasteful to its receiver. Pupils learn not merely 'where to think* but also 'how to think'• New curriculums require new methods and approaches to realise what is called education of the child. The Pragmatist approach thus lays emphasis on 'what* is taught as much as on'how' it is taught. Pupils should be 136 able to make use of the knowledge they gain or else the knowledge is not only futile but can also be harmful *Corrupto- optimi pessima' as Whitehead calls it Lodge defined Philosophy as 'reflective living'.14 5 But reflection divorced from action is meaningless in this method. "Knowledge cannot remain celebate; it must mate with action." The method used is that of Trial and Error, of experimentation. It is also called the 'Problem-solving' or the Project- Method by pragmatist. The student is confronted with a problem^ he works out the solution, if there is any danger or difficulty the teacher appears on the scene along with pupils make a joint attack. The process thus becomes humanized and socialized to produce pupils more confident, cooperative and democratic. But, is life mere problem solving? The question still remains unsettled by progmatists.

III.30 Existentialism

Existentialism may be described as a modern twentieth century philosophy which has not yet received a wide general recognition in the educational field.

Its chief exponents are: (1) Soren Kiergeard, the Danish philosopher (1813-1835 A.D.), (2) Jean Paul Sartre, a French writer of the twentieth century, (3) Karl Jasper, a German philosopher, (4) Paul T'llich, and (5) Reinhold Niebuhr, the two leading protestant 146 theologians. 137

Existentialism may be described as a modern philosophy which is primarily built upon the work of the contemporary scholars of the twentieth century.

III.31 'Realism'

Realism is a reaction against the nineteenth century idealism. Many significant aspects of realism are however, as old as other systems of philosophic thoughts. As a deliberate and complete philosphy it did not emerge until the nineteenth century provided it a new status in the philosophic world.

Aristotle (383-322 B.C.) is generally recognised as the father of John Locke (1690-1781 A.D.), an English philosopher, gave new impetus to realism.

The rapid spread of scientific knowledge in the twentieth century led to its increased growth and its acceptance as a distinct philosophy.

II1.32 Education and Social Change

Education is a conserving institution, seeking to mediate and to maintain cultural heritage of any society. While seeking to conserve, education also tries to minimise cultural lag within a given society. This means that through education some attempts is made to adjust the old culture to new conditions in order that individuals within society may keep pace with charge including, of course, 138 technological change. Patterns of culture and of institutions change rapidly even though the average member of the society may be virtually unaware of the transformations taking place around him. Ogburn and Nimkoff have explicated the concept of cultural lag:

'When culture changes, the modifications do not necessarily occur evenly in all parts of the social heritage. Some parts change faster than others. When the different parts are inter-related, the varying rates of change produce a strain between the unequally moving parts. The part that is moving at the slowest rate of speed constitutes the cultural lag. Since the other part of culture has already changed, as a rule the most practicable method of effecting a better integration between the two parts is to make some adjustment in the part that is lagging. Modern technology is changing at a rapid rate and creating important changes, with which our social institutions have not yet caught up.

Culture, however, should through the processes of education a culture sustains it dynamism and performs a directional role. To this end education is, in a real sense, technological i.e. instrumental, it provides a common purpose in and for society, which must be intelligently thought out and constructed. Such teleology must carefully consider the technological advances of the society concerned, the ways in which those advances may be mediated to the members of the 139 society in future as social fact.5, and also the way in which the pupils in schools and the students in colleges and universities may make use of those advances in their day-to­ day work and study. Education may certainly in some ways be regarded as a preparation for the future, but it also exists in its own right and for itself, and to that extent the techniques of the present society tend to be fully employed within the institution of education. Some of these applications of those techniques could be seen in such areas as audio-visual aids, computers, tape-recorders, cine projectors, and in the development of resource centres and the methods of storage of information as aids in reinforcing the instrumental function of education.

The phenomenon of cultural lag is apparent in the curricula taught in the schools, Karl Mannheim considers inter alia the participation of the pupil in the learning process. This 'lag* he regards as an inevitable result of the general inability to depend as strongly as formerly upon authority. Mannheim goes on to say that as the student increasingly participates in the learning process, so 'the incentives upon which learning is built will tend to move from constraints, external rewards like marks, prizes, ranking, towards mobiliz­ ing interest.

Today, generally speaking the process of learning receives a greater emphasis than that of teaching, although it is difficult to see how the two processes can, in fact, 140 be divorced. In both we are concerned with more than mechanical training or role learning. Current social change indicates a vast increase in innovation and adaptability, and in all forms of education, these things are implicit. In a rapidly changing society institution of education has to be keenly aware of change, but it must not just go along with it. Change processes must be evaluated, and education must encourage the right sort of innovation and help to direct them through critical evaluation. This part is more difficult since change in the form and substance of education itself forms a part of the wider processes of change.

Education in a modern or modernising society is increas­ ingly concerned with the indigenous regional differences, with urban and rural variety, and with the rapidly developing multi-ethnic and multi-cultural elements. There is also the additional problem of the fragmented and fragmentary sub cultures, ethnic or Linguistic which surface and articulate identities. These arise as suddenly as they die, change or become transformed or subsumed in the main cultural stream.14 8

Change of any sort is very painful to many people who have established their own norms, standards and concepts of stability. For some social change can be an unnerving, disorientating, even neurotic experience, with sometimes a violently changing scale of values and morals. New techniques and technologies require some adaptation or 141 accommodation by everyone, but, in the words of Professor P. H. Taylor, "The enemy" is not only - and perhaps, not significantly - social change but our own perceptions.

This is very deeply true in the sense that 'the enemy* is within ourselves, in our very attitudes towards change itself. Our rejection of change, our inability to

adapt to it, our fear of the novel and unfamiliar. These

are very often the things that make real social change

difficult, if not impossible. Education is by definition.

Therefore for mobility, for flexibility of thought and

action, for the production of individuals with a high

general level of culture calculated to make them 'adaptable • 149 to changing economic and social conditions. 142

References

1. For mor

2. Ibid, pp. 101-103.

3. Ibid, pp. 201-202.

4. For beliefs and ideas common to the Vedic Period, see

G.s. Ghurye, Vedic India, Popular, Prakashan, Bombay,

INDIA, 1979 pp. 35-36.

5. For details see, The Encyclopedia of Religion. Vol. 5

(ed. Knoules) Jossy Ban Press San Francisco, Washington,

London, 1977 pp. 65-66.

6. Ibid, pp. 93-95.

7. Ibid, pp. 131-132.

8. For det.-,il see Parrinder, G. (Ed.) An Illustrated

History of the World's Religions; The Hamlyx Publishing

group limited, Newness book, England, London, 1971,

pp. 102-103.

9. Ibid, pp. 166-167.

10. Ibid, pp. 194-195

11. For more information see also, Mircea (ed) The

Encyclopedia op. cit., 1986 pp. 225-226. 143

For discussion of Iranian religions in broader content, see Indo-European Religions, For discussion of Particular Iranian religions, see Magi; Manichaeism; Hazdakism, Kithraism; Zoroastrianism; and Zurvanism. See also the biographies of Mani and Zarathushtra, as cited in.

For further details see H.A.R.Giff, Islam, a Historical

Survey. Oxford University Press, 1949 pp. 37-38.

Ibid, pp. 6 3-64.

Also see 3. H. Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam

Harward University Press, Cambridge Mass, U.S.A. 1968, pp. 20-22.

For more information also refer to: Jameeleh Maryam

Islam, Theory and Practice, Taj Company Press India,

1983, pp. 13-14.

Ibid, pp. 35-36.

For more details refer to Arnold, Sir Thomas W., The Preaching of Islam ; A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith, 3kirkat-I-'jualam, Lahore, Pakistan,

1956 pp. 37-39.

Ibid, pp. 61-62

Ibid, pp. 75-76.

Ibid.pp. 9 3-95. 144

22. For more ideas see also, Ayoob, Mohammad, (Sd). The Politics of Islamic Reassertion, Vikas Publishing house Pvt Ltd., Nev; Delhi, India, 1982 pp. 73-74.

23. Richard N. Frye, Islam and the West, Mouton and Co., Press 5. Gravenhage, The Netherland, 1957, pp. 62-63.

24. For more details see: Islam (Formerly entitled

Mohammadianism). Henry Kartyn Institute of Islamic

Studies, Hyderabad A.P., India. Oxford University

Press, First Edition 1949, Indian Edition 1979, pp.33-34.

25. See Jameela Maryam, Islam Versus the West. Kitab Bhavan

Kalam Mohal, Delhi, India, 1969 pp. 37-39.

26. Ibid.,' pp. 73-74.

27. For more details see Ravi Batra, Muslim Civilization and

the Crisis in Iran. Punjabi Press, New Delhi, India,

1980, pp. 52-53.

28. Ibid., pp. 75-76.

29. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

30. Ibid., pp. 109-110.

31. Also see Annie Besant, Beauties of Islam, The Theosophi-

cal Publishing House, Madras, India (First Edition:

1932) 1978 pp. 26-27. 145

32. Jagat,S. Bright, Muslim Miracle Makers, Jaico Publishing House, Bombay, India, 1984, pp. 41-42.

33. Ibid., pp. 75-76.

34. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

35. For more details see Esposito, John L. (Ed.) Islam and Development : Religion and Social Change, Syracuse University Press, New York, 1980, pp. 62-63.

36. Also see Nikk, R. Keddie, Iran: Religion, Politics and Society, Biddies Ltd., Guildford, Surrey, England, 1980, pp. 62-64.

It began with Mohammad's first experience of the divine revelation. He was Commanded by the angel- messengers "Read:" To the plea that he was no reader the command was repeated in the name of God "Who taught Man that he knew not."

37. For more details see T.W. Arnold The Preaching of Islam, Qualam Company Press, Lahore, Pakistan, 1956, p.70.

38. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

39. Only example should suffice. A famous general and administrator, who lived half of a century after Profit Mohammad, had risen from such humble beginnings, and his enemies spared no effort to remind him of his antecedents. See Ibid, pp. 103-104. 146

40. For more information see 3.H. Nasr's Ideals and Realities of Islam, Beacon Press, Boston, U.S.A. 1975, pp. 13-14.

41. Thus it was said "more foolish than a Kuttab teacher" and "how could intelligence and wisdom be found in one who rotates between an infant and a womanl"

42. For more details see Nasr, 1975, Op. Cit. p. 75.

43. For details see Nasr, Op. Cit.1968, pp. 17-18.

44. Ibid., pp-i0-31.

45. Ibid., pp-50-51.

46. Ibid., pp. 70-71.

47. At any rate a teacher must not inflict more than three strokes without the consent of the parents, and on no account must he hit the face or the head or withhold food or water.

48. For more details see also A.A. Engineer, "Social Dynamics Status of Women in Islam," Islamic Perspective (Biennial Journal, Institution of Islamic Studies, Bombay) Vol. I No. I, January 1984, pp. 70-71.

49. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

50. Also see: B Sheikh Ali, Islam: A Cultural Orientation. Mac Millan, India Limited, Press, New Delhi, India, 1981, pp. 35-36. 147

51. Ibid., pp. 73-74.

52. They deliberately directed most of their attention to youths after the age of fifteen "Concentrated on youth/' They instructed their members/ "and don't try yourself in the vain hope of reforming the old."

For more information see K. Qulb, Islam: The Mis- understood Religion. The Board of Islamic publications. Jama Masjid, Delhi, (India) 1968 pp. 75-76.

53. "Know, 0 Brother, that your teacher is the begetter of your soul just as your father is the begetter of your body. Your father gave you a physical form, but your teacher gives you a spiritual one." See J. S. Bright, Muslim Miracle Makers, Jaico, Publishing House, Bombay, India, 1984, pp. 16-17.

54. This has been taken from A.L. Tibawi, Islamic Education, its Tradition and Modernization, Luzac & Co Ltd., Press, London 1972 pp. 70-71.

55. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

56. Ibid., pp. 107-109.

57. For more details see Nakhosteen Mehdi, History of Islamic Origins of Western Education A.D. 800-1350, With an introduction to Medieval Muslim Education. Professor of University of Colorado, Colorado University Press, U.S.A. 1964, pp.73-74. 148

58. Ibid., pp. 90-91.

59. Ibid., pp. 107-108.

60. Ibid., p. 116.

61. For more details also see Tibawi (1972) Op. Cit.

pp. 140-141.

62. Ibid., p. 170.

63. Ibid., p. 183.

64« Ibid., pp. 202-203.

65. For more details see also: Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. V, By James, Hastings, Charles Scribner*s Sons Press, New York, 1912, pp. 99-100.

66. Among the leading founders of schools in Islam should also be mentioned al-Ma'mun (d. 833; 218 A.H.), who supported and endowed the first great Muslim educational centre in Baghdad, The famous Bait-al-Hikmah and was instrumental in having Greek, Persian and Hindi translations made into Arabic by the greatest scholars of the time; Nur-al-Din (d. 1173; 569 A.H.), The Sultan of the kingdom of Syria who, after the dissolu­ tion of the Seljug Empire, founded schools in Damascus and throughout his kingdom, including Egypt; Saladin (d. 1193; 589 A.H.), who extended the School systems in Syria and Egypt. For details see Mehdi, Nakhostien, 149

1964 Op. Clt. pp. 38-39.

67. For more information also see: A.3. Tritton, Muslim Education in the Middle Ages. Circa Press The Muslim Worlds Contribution, 43 (April 1953) p. 85.

68. Hastings, 1912 Op. Cit. pp. 18-20.

69. Also see, Shalaby Ahmad, History of Muslim Education Beirut, Khayats Press, Beirut, 1954 p. 18.

70. See Batra, 1980 Op. Cit. pp. 140-141.

71. For more information see G.E. Von Grunebaum, University of Chicago Press, 1946, p. 80; also Hastings Op. Cit. p. 204. Medieval Islam.

72. Reuben Levy, A Baghdad Chronicle, Cambridge University Press, 1929 p. 83.

73. For details see A.3. Tritton, Materials on Muslim Education in the Middle Ages. Luzac & Co, Press, London 1957, p- 89.

74. The Mosque Circles (Halgha) varied in content and approach, individuals belonging to circles according to the extent of their Education. Standard depended on the quality of the teacher. Students were mobile in circles, looking for the right teacher and leaving him when he could not offer further enlightenment. Pre­ school education was accomplished in the homes, sometimes 150

under private tutors or moral guardians. There was no formal Pre-School organization. For more details see, Nakhostein, 1964 Op. Cit. pp. 47-48.

75. See, Jaques Wacerdenburg Some Institutional Aspects of Muslim Higher education and their relation to Islam, Numen, Press London. 196 5 pp. 99-100.

76. Mukdisi George, "Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh-Century. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London, (1961), pp. 4-8.

77. Ibid., pp. 21-22.

78. Ibid., pp. 40-41.

79. For more information see. World of Islam By Adalat, Mohammad, pp. 78-83, Well known Scholar in Harun-al- Rashid* s time.

80. For details see Bayard Dodge, Muslim Education in Medieval Times. Middle East Institute Press, Washington, U.S.A. 1962, p. 18.

81. See F.Rohman, Islam and Modernity, The University of Chicago Press, 1982, pp. 70-71.

82. For a better understanding see M.M. Pickthall, The Glorious Quran, New American Library of the World Literature Inc., New York, 1953, pp. 38-39, and 40. 151

83. For more details see Nakhosteen, 1964 Op. Cit., pp. 35-36 and A. L. Tibawi, "Origin and Character of Al-Madrasah," Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, (Luzac and Company Limited, Press), London, 1962 pp. 70-71.

84. For more details see Donald B. Rosenthal The Expansive Elite, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1977 pp. 53-55.

85. Ibid., pp. 70-71.

86. Ibid., pp. 101-102.

87. Ibid., pp. 133-134.

88. See Tibawi (1972) Op. Cit.

89. For more information see Ordoubazari, M. Masood, "World Capitalist Economy, and Oil Industry in Iran" Unpublished Thesis, Poona University, Poona India, 1986, pp. 61-62.

90. For more details see also Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909, Cambridge University Press, 1950, Reprinted in 1966 By Barne Noble, London U.K.

91. For more information refer to Lenczowski, George (Ed.) Iran under the Pahlavis, Hoover Institute Press, Stanford University, Stanford, California, U.S.A., 1978, pp.33-34. 152

92. Ibid., pp. 60-61.

93. Ibid ., pp. 73-74.

94. Ibid., pp. 79, 80-81

95. For more details see also Margaret Laing, The Shah, Sidgwick and Jackson, London, England, 1977, pp. 75-76.

96. Ibid., p. 103.

97. For a detailed discussion see E. Kedourie and H.G. Sylvia (eds). Towards a Modern Iran, Frank Cass, London England, 1980 pp. 105-106.

98. For more information Lenczowski, George (Ed.) 1978, Op. Cit. p. 131.

99. For details see Ordoubazar; M. Masood 1986, Op. Cit. pp. 90-91.

100. For details refer to J. Amuzegar and A. Fekrat, Iran, Economic Development under Daulistic Condition. Tehran Publication Centre, Tehran, Iran, 1971 pp. 75-76.

101. Ibid., pp. 93-95.

102. For more details see: Mehdi, Nakhosteen, Islam, Unity and Integration History of Islamic Origins of Western Education, A. D. 800-1350 Boulder: University of Colorado Press, Colorado, U.S.A., 1964, p. 37. 153

103. Also refer to George, Makdisi, "Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh-Century Baghdad," Bulletin of the Schools of Oriental Studies, Baghdad Press, Iraq, 1961 pp. 4-6.

104. Details are available also in Encyclopedia of Islam Vol. Ill (Ed Deighton, Lee. C), The Mac Hillan Company and The Free Press, Crowell - Collier Educational Corporation, London (U.K.) 1971, p. 18.

105. See, Mohammad, Qutb, Op. Cit., 1968, pp. 35-38.

106. Ibid., pp. 70-71.

107. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

108. For a better understanding see M.M. Pickthall, The Glorious Quran, New American Library of the World literature Inc., New York, 1953, p. 45.

109. Also refer to, T.W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam Qualam Company Press, Lahore, Pakistan, 1956 pp. 20-21.

110. Also see A. Shariati, Message of Hope to the Responsible intellectual. Be'sat Publication, Tehran, Iran, 1957, pp. 30-32.

111. J. Obertvoll, Islam Continuing and Change in the Modern World. Westylew Press Colorado, U.S.A., Longman, Essex, England, 1982, p. 83. 154

112. For details see, S.H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities of Islam. Beacon Press, Boston, U.S.A. 1975, p. 48.

113. Also refer to, H.R.A., Gibb Islam, A Historical Survey Oxford University Press, 1949 p.l.

114. For better ideas see also, Nasr, Seyyed Hassein, Op. Cit., 1968, p. 22.

115. See also, Maryam, Jameeleh, Op. Cit., 1983, p. 20.

116. See also, G. Parrinder, (Ed.) An Illustrated History of the World's Religions. The Hamlyn Publishing Group Limited, Newness book, England, 1971, pp. 62, 65.

117. Also see, Khoury, N.A., Islam and Modernization in the Middle East, Ann Arbor Press, Michigan, U.S.A., p. 81.

118. Ibid., pp. 35-36.

119. Ibid., pp. 73-74, and also 75.

120. Also cf T.W. Arnold, Op. Cit., 1956, pp. 50-51.

121. For details see A. Besant Beauties of Islam, The Theosophical Publishing House, Madras, India, 1978, pp. 45-48.

122. For better understanding go through, Issawi, Charles, The Economic History of Iran, 1Q0O-1914, Tehran Press, Tehran, Iran, 1973, pp. 60-62. 155

12 3. For more information go through, J. Bharier, Economic Development In Iran, 1900-1970. London Publication Company, London, England, 1971, p. 63.

124. Ibid., pp. 90-91.

125. For better understanding, see 3.M.H. Tabatabaie, Shl'ee Islam (Translated from Persian, Masr, Seyyed Hassein, Shia Institute of Pakistan, Rizwa Society Press, Karachi, Pakistan, 1971, p.40.

126. Ibid., pp. 95-96.

127. Ibid., pp. 110-111.

128. For more details see, E. Ebrahamian, Iran: Between two Revolution. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, U.S.A. 1982, p. 63.

129. Also see, S.A.A.. Razavi, Iran: Royalty, Religion and Revolution. Maa*refat Publishing House, Canbera, Australia, 1980, p. 13.

130. More details are available in N.R. Keddie, Iran: Roots of Revolution; (An Interpretative History of Modern Iran). Yale University Press, New Haven, U.S.A. 1981, p.67.

131. Also see, Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, Iran: A Glimpse of its History and Culture. Pahlavi library Publication Iran, 1971, p. 37. 156

132. For more information see Issa, Sadigh, History of Education in Iran. Tehran University Press, Tehran, Iran, I960, p.23.

133. Ibid., pp. 40-41 and 42.

134. Ibid., pp. 80-81.

135. Ibid., pp. 103-104.

136. Ibid., pp. 145-146.

137. For more details see Abbas, Akrami, "A Programme for

the improvement of Elementary Education in Iran".

Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Minnesota

Press, Minneapolis, U.S.A. 1953, pp. 37-38.

138 For more details see M. Askarian, Sociology of Education .

Atlas Publication Centre, Tehran, Iran, 1980 pp. 66-67,

and 68.

139. Also see, John W, Hemson, and Coles, Brembeck C,

Education and Development of Nations. London Publica­

tion Centre, London, 1971, p. 45.

140. Ibid., pp. 70-71.

141. Ibid., p. 102.

142. See T. Shanin and H. Alavi, Introduction to the

Sociology of Developing Societies, London Publication

Centre, London, 1982, pp. 12-13. 157

143. Also see, Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Sociology, The Free Press, New York, U.S.A./Collier - Mac-Mill an Limited, London, England, 1964, p.37.

144. For more details see: George 3. Baldwin, Planning and Development in Iran. John Hoskins, 3altimore Press, Nary land, USA/London, U.K., 1967, p.73.

145. Ibid., pp. 90-91

146. For more details see also, Hemson, John W. and Colles, Bremback C, London 1971 Op. Cit., pp. 1^5-136.

147. Ibid., p. 201.

148. See Hossein Alatas, Modernization and Social Change. Shiroz University Press, Shiroz, Iran, 1978, pp. 60-61.

149. Also see, H.E. Barnes, H. Becker, Social Thought from Lore and Science. London Publishing Centre, London, England, 1961, p. 55.