ARAM, 23 (2011) 191-210. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.23.0.2959657

SHELTERING THE FAITHFUL: VISUALISING THE UMAYYAD IN JARASH

Dr KRISTOFFER DAMGAARD (University of Copenhagen)

In the Early Islamic period (650-1000 CE), the nature of a (jamiˆ) was decidedly different from its non-congregational counterpart (masjid).1 For one thing, the construction of a congregational mosque required both permission and at least partial funding directly from the central govern- ment, but more importantly, congregational signified the administrative importance and social status of a city. To this day mosques constitute the nucleus of communal activity in most urban centres of the Islamic world. Presumably, the mosque was an institution of great societal importance from the time of the , but the civic dimension was certainly a palpable aspect from the onward. Congregational mosques were characterised by multi-functionality, serving a number of public functions that were vital to the socio-economic infrastructure of both city and empire. They were, in other words, far more than mere houses of faith. Congregational mosques had both proficiency and authority in matters of a judicial, commercial, financial and administrative nature, while at the same time maintaining many attributes tra- ditionally associated with social institutions (e.g. assembly, ceremony, etc.). The more we learn about the period, the more it seems that many of these functions were so deeply entangled that by the dawn of the eighth century, the amalgamation of functions caused mosques to become multi-tiered representa- tions of the state: a municipal office of sorts. The Danish-Jordanian Islamic Jarash Project (IJP) has since 2002 conducted archaeological fieldwork in the heart of Jarash. During the course of six cam- paigns (2002-2007), the project has identified and unearthed the city’s hitherto undisclosed congregational mosque, as well as a number of auxiliary structures. These include a line of shops built along the mosque’s eastern wall, and sev- eral larger complexes with interceding streets immediately west of the mosque. The area is located at the intersection of the cardo and southern decumanus, in what is effectively the southwestern quadrant of the southern tetrakionion (Fig. 1). Details of the mosque’s excavation have been published elsewhere,2

1 Hillenbrand 1994: 42-44; Pedersen 1991: 668-69. 2 Barnes et al. 2006; Blanke et al. 2007; Walmsley 2003; Walmsley et al. 2008.

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and the complex has been dated to the reign of the Umayyad caliph Hisham b. Abd al-Malik (r.105/724-125/743).3 Therefore, this article will only offer a brief presentation of the mosque as currently understood, and then proceed to offer a number of observations on the construction, appearance and destruction of the hall, particularly its roof. Among the central scientific aims of the IJP is an investigation into the man- ner in which the inhabitants of established cities responded to the transition of political power to Muslim rule, and to illuminate how that response, in combi- nation with the influx of new systems, ideas and socio-religious requirements, came to re-shape the urban fabric. To explore this process in Jarash, we wanted to begin with something specifically Islamic: therefore exploring the potential presence of a congregational mosque was the primary ambition of the project from its inception. Prior to the work of the IJP, Jarash was perceived as never having had a con- gregational mosque, and thus, by negative association and in spite of evidence to the contrary, the Umayyad town has frequently been discussed in the context of social disintegration and economic decline.4 Nevertheless, the presence of a congregational mosque should have come as no great surprise, for there is ample historical and archaeological evidence to indicate that early Islamic Jarash enjoyed continued administrative importance on a regional level, and both cul- tural and economic prosperity on a local level. Historically, Jarash is attested by several authoritative Abbasid chroniclers, who mention it as one of eight districts (kura) in the Jund al-Urdunn.5 Tabari even provides us with the name of a local tribal leader from the Umayyad period,6 and in the late tenth century the geographer Maqdisi reports on an area named ‘Jabal Jarash’, which he describes as a rich agricultural region that supplied the provincial capital at Tabariyyah with a large quantity of its surplus staples.7 Archaeologically, the evidence for a sustained economic and social dynamic is equally convincing. Most important is the identification in the 1980’s of Jarash as an Umayyad copper mint, producing coinage of both the pre-reform and post-reform types.8 Like a congregational mosque, a mint required the

3 Walmsley & Damgaard 2005. 4 For recent examples see Bessard 2007: 1; Kennedy 1999: 229-232; Liebscheutz 2000: 56, 62-64; Northedge 1999: 1083-85. 5 For references to Ibn Khurradadhbih, al-Baladhuri, al-Yaqubi and al-Faqih see Walmley 2003: 111, notes 4-7. 6 Hillenbrand 1989: 145-46; However, we must approach this interpretation with some scepticism. The tribal affiliations described by Tabari and the proximity of al-Nadr b. Umar al-Jarashi and his tribe to indicate that the toponym of his name may refer to Jarash in southern Arabia rather than Jarash in Jordan, and that his presence in Bilad al-Sham was the result of tribal resettling following the initial expansion. 7 Walmsley 2003: 112. 8 Album & Goodwin 2002: 89; Oddy 1994.

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official sanction of the caliph, and was an honour that would only have been bestowed upon settlements of a certain administrative standing. The image of Jarash’s continued importance is further corroborated by a general material prosperity in the Umayyad period. There is evidence of considerable commer- cial activity regarding both local and regional trade practices, just as archae- ologists have shown that the Umayyad town boasted substantial production facilities, especially of products such as ceramics, glass, textiles and olive oil.9 Yet other than the mint, there were no clear indications of centralised involve- ment prior to the discovery of the mosque. The picture painted by archaeolo- gists and historians thus seemed to lack an obvious component, and identifying a congregational mosque brings scholarship a long way in recognising the sus- tained importance of this provincial centre in the early Islamic period.

THE MOSQUE

The mosque is a hypaethral structure measuring 44.5 by 38.9 m, of which the southern third once consisted of a roofed and paved prayer hall (Fig. 2). Its enclosure wall is double faced and constructed of dressed limestone ashlars that were packed with terra rossa rather than hard mortar. The main entrance was placed centrally in the north wall, creating an axial approach to the , and a secondary entrance breached the northern end of the east wall. A simi- lar entry is probably mirrored in the west wall, but for reasons of access, this area remains unexcavated for now. At a later stage, these doors were blocked and new ones added, including one in the east wall that was fronted by a large crescent staircase reminiscent of the Tulunid mosques of . The qiblah wall was subjected to a similar process of blocking and cutting. Here the changes involved blocking the original mihrab and adding a second one to its east, seemingly destroying the building’s axial approach. In the westernmost end, a third mihrab was added, which in combination with an internal partition- ing wall created a small, perhaps private, oratory in the mosque’s southwest corner. The blocking of old features and cutting of new ones seems to have been related to a subdivision of the prayer hall, which is likely to have taken place sometime during the Abbasid period.10 How this partitioning and redefining of space affected the courtyard area is unknown, since most of the original deposits have been severely disturbed by previous archaeological missions.

9 See especially Baur 1938: 514-15; Bessard 2007; Gawlikowski 1992; Ostrasz 1989; Piero- bon 1983-84; 1986; Schaefer 1986; Simpson 2008; Tumâ et al. 2008. 10 It should be noted that this tentative dating is only indirectly evidenced by material and features pre- and postdating the division of the prayer hall (eighth and eleventh-thirteenth century respectively).

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However, from the discovery of added and partitioning walls we know that the process entailed the division of the prayer hall into two unequal parts: a larger eastern part and a smaller western part. The latter had a discrete exit into a laneway west of the mosque, whereas the larger and presumably more public area of the prayer hall was entered via the courtyard using the ‘Tulunid’ entrance in the east wall. The prayer hall as a whole is a 13.8 m deep hypostyle hall with two internal rows of columns. The columns were for the most part set on reused bases below the level of the paving, so that they appeared to rise directly from the floor. The spacing between the two central columns was deliberately set slightly wider than in the rest of the hall, creating a central nave, as seen, for example, in the Umayyad mosque on Amman Citadel.11 The presence of a nave is further cor- roborated by the fact that the central column bases have a larger diameter than those in the flanks of the prayer hall, suggesting that the central bay required greater structural integrity. One might argue that the difference in column base diameter could be coincidental, as all of the architectural features used to con- struct the hypostyles were spolia.12 However, in several instances column bases appear not to have been used at all. Instead, the builders set the columns directly onto large foundations of hard-pressed limestone mortar or ashlars set in mortar (Fig. 3). In the foundations using mortar only, the immense pressure generated by the weight of the columns and their superstructure created circu- lar indentations in the feature over time. Interestingly, the indentation on the easternmost mortar base reveals that the column’s diameter corresponds to the diameter of the smaller column bases. Unfortunately, a similar impression could not be identified in the mortar base found immediately east of the nave in northern colonnade. This would have been telling, for its southern counterpart is one of the larger column bases (Fig. 2). In the end, we are left with two facts: a) the column bases used for the cen- tral nave had a larger diameter than those applied in the rest of the prayer hall; and b) the diameter of a column resting on one of the mortar bases that replaced a column base in MO7 had a diameter corresponding to the smaller bases in the eastern and western ends of the hypostyle. It is therefore not implausible to infer that the use of more substantial column bases in the central nave is not coincidental, and that the axial approach created by the spacing of the columns was augmented by means of some kind of transeptal superstructure. Originally, the prayer hall was paved by large limestone ashlars. These extended slightly into the courtyard, perhaps aligning with the first column of the east and west porticoes. Most of the paving has been removed, but a

11 Almagro & Jiménez 2000. 12 A large column base was also used in the southern colonnade immediately east of the nave. However, this could either reflect a redirection of some of the thrust, or indeed that it is only a problem to use a small base for a large column, and not vice versa.

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few slabs remain in situ. It is possible that the floor was once covered by reed mats such as those discovered at Tabariyyah, but this remains conjecture. The transition to the courtyard consisted of rectangular piers. Excavation has revealed no evidence of buttressing or reinforcement related to these piers, and it is uncertain whether they were capable of bearing the same considerable thrust of the roof that the perimeter walls did. The roof was constructed of large ceramic tiles carried by a wooden frame; though no traces of the beams have been found. The courtyard consisted of a hard stamped-earth floor, which may originally have been covered by pebbles. It is surrounded on the north, west and east sides by columned porticoes just under 5 m deep (4.8 m), whereas the corners consist of L-shaped piers. Both piers and colonnades were added after the filling-in of the perimeter wall, as they have been cut into the mosque’s fill. However, it is liable to have been a planned addition that was executed as part of the original construction. It is unclear whether the riwaqs were arched or spanned by flat lintels, as further study of the masonry is required to reconstruct the architecture.

THE TILES

In order to enhance our archaeological understanding of the mosque, the data provided by the roof tiles retrieved during excavation must be factored in before any reconstruction attempts can be made. It should be noted that the calculations are based on the material retrieved specifically in the excavation of the prayer hall, and that no “loss” parameters have been included in the initial calculations. This is important because there is bound to have been a considerable loss quota because of pre-modern reuse of accessible building materials. The latter is a particularly significant factor, for not only have the excavations yielded very few whole tiles – indicating that they were removed deliberately – but we know from other architectural elements (e.g. paving and masonry) that the site was subjected to extensive spolia hunting over time. As it stands, there is no credible mathematical means for factoring in this rate of loss, and it is, in part, the objective of this study to use the archaeological data to ascertain the degree to which the original building materials disappeared over time. Our material consists of two overall types of roof tiles: the tegula or flat roof tile (Fig. 4 & 5), and the imbrex or capping tile (Fig. 6 & 7). The tegulae are flat asymmetrically-shaped rectangles with raised rims along their long sides that serve to hold the capping tile in place. Two complete examples have been retrieved during excavation (IJP reg. no. A681 & A5018). Similarly, two almost-complete imbrices were found (IJP reg. no. A5399 & A2593). The standard weight and dimensions applied in this analysis are based on the

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averages of these intact examples. The vast majority of the tiles were, nonethe- less, found in a highly fragmented state. All the material was collected, sorted into relative types and weighed by locus of origin. Based on the dimensions of the whole tiles retrieved, the average tegula is 43 cm long, 37 cm wide and around 1.5 cm thick. The imbrex also has an average length of 43 cm, an exterior span between 12.8 and 14 cm, and roughly the same thickness as the tegulae. The tiles were used to roof the prayer hall by covering a wooden frame with the flat tegulae, and subsequently capping them with imbrices. The asymmetri- cal shape of the tegulae caused the raised rims of these tiles to form an inverted V-shape, which the imbrex could slide over, keeping the tiles in place (Fig. 8). In addition to waterproofing the roof, the capping system stabilised the con- struction, while at the same time lending it structural elasticity.13 The roof would have been set at a slanting angle, allowing the considerable amount of annual precipitation in Jarash to flow away from the mosque.14 This was a standard method of roofing in the Decapolis cities during , but can indeed be observed ubiquitously throughout the eastern Mediterranean and beyond.15 Our registered yield consists of tiles in three different type categories: tegulae, imbrices and unidentified fragments. The total weight of the latter was more than twice the combined amount of identified tegulae and imbrices, reveal- ing the highly fragmented state of the corpus. The unidentified material has therefore been re-sorted into the defined categories based on the internal ratio between the two yields of classified types. The table below shows the net weight of material in each category, which allows us to formulate the follow- ing calculation to subdivide the unidentified material:

Type Net weight Tegulae 1636.8 kg 1636.8 + 235.3 = 1872.1 1872.1 = 100% Imbrices 235.3 kg 18.721 = 1% Tile fragments of unidentified type 4276.6 kg 235.3/18.721 = 12.57% Total weight of tiles retrieved 6148.7 kg 1636.8/18.721= 87.43%

13 The same roofing techniques have been identified elsewhere in Jarash (Clark 1986: 313- 15 & plate X, fig. 19), but also in Pella (Smith & Day 1989: 40 & plate 28), Umm Qaiss/Gadara (Vriezen 1995; Vriezen & Mulder 1997: 326-30) and (Vriezen 1994: 259). I am indebted to Dr. Karel Vriezen (University of Utrecht) for references to, and off-prints of, his work on the tiles from Umm Qaiss and Jerusalem. Indeed, this method has a wide chronological and geograph- ical dispersal pattern: from the early second century Temple of Artemis in Sardes () to the Gallo-Roman baths under the Cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris (personal observations). 14 It is impossible to ascertain the average annual precipitation of Jarash during Late Antiquity; however, over the last four decades it has been 351 mm p.a. (Al-Homoud, Prior & Awad 1999: 319-20). 15 The direction of surplus water into the street via canals between the gables can still be observed in the Great Mosques of Damascus and Cordoba on a rainy day (personal observations).

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The unidentified tile mass can thus be said to constitute 87.43% tegulae and 12.57% imbrices. In real numbers this means that the prayer hall yielded a total of 5375.8 kg of tegulae and 772.9 kg imbrices. By dividing these numbers with the average total weight of the whole tile types (i.e. 4.84 kg and 1.38 kg respectively), we are left with a total of 1111 complete tegulae and 560 com- plete imbrices. As each pair of tegulae require an imbrex to join them, this subdivision maintains a realistic ratio. Due to the asymmetrical shape of the tegula tiles, calculating the area cov- ered by a single tile should include two tegulae held together by an imbrex and forming a complete rectangle. This measurement – 43 ≈ 74 cm – comes to a total of 0.32 m2 per unit of two tegulae and one imbrex, and thus to an average area of 0.16 m2 of covered space per tegula. The minimum area covered by the tiles that were collected therefore comes to 178m2. This number could poten- tially function as the starting point for a reconstruction attempt, however, since we have no pre-defined rate of loss, yet are working with a corpus where we can be sure that a considerable degree of loss has occurred, any such recon- struction attempt is unfaithful to an eighth-century reality. A more appropriate starting point is the regional context in which the Jarash mosque occurs.

SHELTERING THE FAITHFUL: RECONSTRUCTING THE PRAYER HALL

The following is an exercise to expand the scope of conjecture in recon- structing historical buildings by using archaeological data. The analysis uses a combination of archaeological data and comparative context to suggest the most likely reconstruction model. It has previously been suggested that the Jarash mosque is related to a range of provincial urban refurbishments taking place in the second quarter of the eighth century.16 The mosques associated with these government-conceived ini- tiatives have tentatively been dubbed the “Hisham provincial cluster” (HPC), due to their presumed patronage under said Umayyad caliph. This cluster includes the mosques at Rusafah (1a), Amman (downtown), Qasr al-Hayr al- Sharqi and Baalbek, and can be extended to encompass the mosques on Amman Citadel and in Harran as well.17 These mosques are not only conceptually and chronologically related, but also pertain to the Umayyad government’s efforts to improve administrative infrastructure on a regional scale. Additionally, the

16 Walmsley & Damgaard 2005: 372-76. 17 The recently-identified Umayyad mosque in Palmyra is likely to belong to this cluster as well. It has been omitted from this study because it is a rebuild of an extant Roman structure, and further investigation is required to place it firmly within the Umayyad building regime (Gene- quand 2008).

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mosques of the HPC share a range of physical attributes such as dimensions, layout and construction techniques. They thus constitute sound parallels to the mosque at Jarash from which visual aspects can be drawn. It is no secret that we consider the most likely model of the prayer hall to consist of a triple gabled roof, in which the gables run parallel to the qiblah wall, and with a (not necessarily raised) perpendicular transept or nave in the middle (Fig. 9). This inference is, in part, based on the sizeable foundations of the hypostyle’s column bases, which indicate that a significant fraction of the roof’s total weight must have been supported by the double colonnade.18 The triple gabled roof is, nonetheless, also the most viable explanation from a con- textual point of view. Of the mosques mentioned in the HPC, Rusafah is the only case in which a full reconstruction attempt has been suggested based on excavated material culture. This is an important parallel, for even though the Rusafah mosque was constructed as the jamiˆ of Hisham’s new capital, it is in many ways similar to the Jarash mosque. Both have a prayer hall that covers between 28 and 32% of the entire mosque complex; both have a broader axial transept front- ing the mihrab; and like Jarash, the roof of the prayer hall at Rusafah was, in part, borne by a double hypostyle consisting of columns and piers. Indeed, the many similarities are not strange, as both buildings presumably were commissioned by the same caliph. Sack’s isometric reconstruction of the Umayyad mosque (phase 1a) depicts a triple gabled roof that corresponds visually to how we imagine the mosque at Jarash.19 Each gable covers a third of the prayer hall’s depth, spanning the distances from qiblah wall to first hypostyle, first hypostyle to second hypostyle, and second hypostyle to piers (Fig. 10). Another important parallel is the Great Mosque of Damascus. Like Rusafah and Jarash, the Damascus prayer hall contains two arched hypostyles parallel to the qiblah wall, and a raised axial transept fronting the central mihrab. From a contextual perspective, Damascus is imperative because the first great sanc- tuaries of (e.g. Makkah, Madinah, Kufah and Damascus) functioned as architectural models from which regional variations were devised. The Banu Umayya’s affiliation with Damascus, the city’s prominent political position in the eighth century, and the numerous historical descriptions of the mosque’s overwhelming beauty,20 all corroborate the idea that Damascus would have been the principal source of inspiration for the mosques of the HPC. Naturally, Damascus was built on a more grandiose scale than the HPC mosques (the raised

18 Walmsley et al. 2008. 19 Sack 1996: 63-67, plate 74. 20 Bahnassi 1989: 73-76.

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and domed nave for instance), but constituent aspects such as the axial approach, double hypostyle and triple gabled roof were easily adapted to regional scopes and budgets. However, before we use it as our model for Jarash, it should be noted that the Great Mosque of Damascus has been subjected to a variety of disasters and subsequent renovations, one of the most devastating being the great fire of 1893. However, the building has functioned continuously as a con- gregational mosque since its construction in the early eighth century, and com- bined with the fact that a substantial part of the building stands as it always has, this functional continuity suggests that each renovation adhered visually to a pre-catastrophe appearance. The triple gabling of the prayer hall is thus likely to reflect both the original method of roofing as well as the prevailing visual aesthetic in the eighth century. Other factors suggest triple gabling at Jarash as well. If we consider the two apparent alternatives, a single gable or a flat roof, then these are easily con- tested. The flat roof has the obvious problem of dealing with the winter pre- cipitation at Jarash, but is completely ruled out by the recovery of more than six tons of tile debris – tiles that are specifically designed to be set at an angle in order to repel even violent rainfall (Fig. 8). Two other aspects make a single gable spanning the full depth of the prayer hall equally unfeasible. Firstly, the timber required to construct a frame that spans the full depth of the hall could not have been obtained locally from natural sources. Therefore, a single gable presumes one of two situations: either the timber was imported (perhaps cedars from Lebanon), or the city was in such a state of decline that large amounts of highly desirable building materials were available from derelict buildings: an unlikely scenario considering the abundant activities in the city at the time. The second problematic aspect of a single gable is that the foundations of the mosque’s hypostyle are constructed to withstand a high degree of pressure. The piers forming the transition from prayer hall to courtyard are, however, not reinforced and would probably not have been able to bear both the roof’s downward thrust and the enormous outward thrust at the same time. Unfortu- nately, no remains of the timber framing have been recovered in the excava- tion. Identifying the species of timber could perhaps have settled matters definitively; however, based on the observations noted above, the proposed reconstruction takes the triple gabled design as its premise. In spite of this premise, the appearance of, and calculations on, the prayer hall’s roof still depends on the angle applied in each gable. In theory, any angle is possible, but due to both structural and aesthetic reasons, the probability of an angle being applied is reduced exponentially the further into extremes one goes. The analysis also presumes that the gables were constructed at roughly identical angles and that the apex of each gable was set to rest centrally over the transverse aisles. To anchor the analysis in physical reality, the proposed

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reconstruction uses the angles shown in a pre-1893 north-south section drawing of the Great Mosque of Damascus, in which the gables generally conform to a 45° angle.21 In Damascus, the gable closest to the qiblah is slightly wider because it needs to extend over the thick perimeter wall. A similar problem at Jarash is solved by increasing the slant on both the outer- and innermost roof surfaces by about four degrees (Fig. 11 & 12). By defining the roof in this manner, we are left with data for a number of calculations. Firstly, the height of the four middle surfaces, when set at a 45° angle, is 2.99 meters. The southern surface meets its counterpart at an angle of 42° and is thus 4.1 meters in height, whereas the northern surface has to extend slightly further due to the thickness of the piers, and reaches a height of 4.21 m at an angle of 40.7°. Including the walls and a slight extension beyond, the full width of the roof can be set at 39 meters. By adding the combined areas of these six surfaces, one reaches a total area of 791 m2 covered by tiling. The tiles recovered during our excavation thus constitute a mere 22.5% of the full corpus, and allow us to surmise that pre-modern re-use of building materials accounts for at least 75% of the missing tiles. A rough visual estimate of other building materials (e.g. masonry, paving, columns etc.) suggests that this number, though calculated on the basis of tiles, may denote the general loss quota in the mosque: an observation which in itself has value. However, the fact that the calculation is based on the tile yield tells us something else. Only two whole tiles of each type were found in the excavation of the prayer hall, and of these four, only one of the tegulae remains completely intact. As mentioned, this method of tiling was widespread, and the whole tiles could easily be used again. Fragmented tiles, on the other hand, were of no use whatsoever, and would clearly be left behind. This means that the 75% loss quota may also reflect the extent to which the tiles remained intact. Because of the high level of pre-modern disturbance on the site, we are una- ble to unequivocally explain how the building was destroyed. History records that the area has been subject to multiple violent earthquakes since the con- struction of the mosque in the early eighth century, and excavations have indeed revealed several patterned wall collapses. However, if the 75% loss quota reflects the ratio between the broken and whole tiles, it would seem to indicate that the process of falling into disuse was a slow one, and that a substantial part of the materials may have been removed while the building was still stand- ing. If this is the case, we can only presume that it occurred during a period of decentralised authority. In any case, further study into the circumstances that allowed this is crucial, for it may ultimately have been a contributing force to the building’s final collapse.

21 Drawn by architect R. Phené Spiers and republished by Creswell (1969: 167).

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The IJP is a joint venture between The University of Copenhagen and The Jordanian Department of Antiquities. The project is directed by Dr Alan Walms- ley. On the ground, the project enjoys the professional assistance and services of The Jordanian Department of Antiquities; in particular the invaluable help of HE Director-General Dr. Fawwaz al-Khraysheh, Mr Abdul Majid al-Mejali, Mr Musa Melkawi, Mr Aktham Abbadi and the entire Jarash Antiq- uities Office. The project is also indebted to HE Mr Tawfiq Kawar, the Danish Honorary Consul General in Amman, for years of encouragement and assis- tance. On a personal level, the author wishes to thank constructing architect Johan Jeppesen for his fine work with the reconstruction graphics. Sincere thanks are also due to the Elisabeth Munksgaard Fonden for, on several occasions, providing the financial backing necessary to conduct and present research related to the IJP. Alan Walmsley kindly read the manuscript and provided me with constructive commentary; naturally, the remaining imperfections are my own. Last, but not least, I owe particular acknowledgement to the entire IJP staff, whose diligence and hard work have made this project what it is.

LIST OF FIGURES

1. Plan of Jarash 2. Plan of mosque and auxiliary structures 3. Oblique aerial view of the prayer hall at the end of the 2007 season (IJP_D 3345). 4. Front side of complete tegula tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5018) 5. Back side of complete tegula tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5018) 6. Front side of complete imbrex tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5399) 7. Back side of complete imbrex tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5399) 8. Reconstruction drawing of capping system (by J. Jeppesen). 9. Reconstruction drawing of the Umayyad mosque in Jarash (by J. Jeppesen). 10. Sack’s reconstruction of the Rusafah 1a mosque (Sack 1996: plate 74) 11. Reconstruction model of the Umayyad mosque in Jarash (by J. Jeppesen). For purposes of lighting within the prayer hall, the clerestory is very likely to have contained some kind of windows. However, reconstructing these openings demands further study of the retrieved masonry. 12. Close-up of gabling on reconstruction model (by J. Jeppesen).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

ALBUM, S. and T. GOODWIN 2002 Sylloge of Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean. Volume 1 The pre-reform coinage of the early Islamic period. Ashmolean, Oxford. ALMAGRO, A. and P. JIMÉNEZ 2000 The Umayyad Mosque of the Citadel of Amman. Annual of the Depart- ment of Antiquities of Jordan 44: 459-476. BAHNASSI, A. 1989 The Great Omayyad Mosque of Damascus. Tlass, Damascus. BARNES, H., L. BLANKE, K. DAMGAARD, I. SIMPSON, M. L. SØRENSEN and A. WALMSLEY 2006 From ‘Guard House’ to Congregational Mosque: The Danish-Jordanian Islamic Jarash Project. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jor- dan 50: 285-314. BAUR, P. V. C. 1938 II. Glassware. In Gerasa. City of the Decapolis, edited by C. H. Kraeling, pp. 505-546. American Schools of Oriental Research, New Haven. BESSARD, F. 2007 Foundations of Umayyad Economy: Jerash a Case in Study. Al-Usur al-Wusta 19(1): 1-5. BLANKE, L., K. DAMGAARD, I. SIMPSON & A. WALMSLEY 2007 From Bathhouse to Congregational Mosque: Further discoveries on the urban history of Islamic Jarash. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 51: 177-97. CLARK, V. A. 1986 The Church of Bishop Isaiah at Jerash. In Jerash Archaeological Project 1981-1983. Vol. 1, edited by F. Zayadine, pp. 303-318. Department of Antiquities, Amman. CRESWELL, K. A. C. 1969 Early Muslim Architecture I (2nd edition). Clarendon Press, Oxford. GAW LIKOWSKI, M. 1992 Installations Omayyades à Jérash. In Studies in the History and Archaeol- ogy of Jordan 4, edited by M. Zaghloul and K. ‘Amr, pp. 357-361. vol. IV. Department of Antiquities, Amman. GENEQUAND, D. 2008 An Early Islamic Mosque in Palmyra. 40, 1: 3-15. HILLENBRAND, C. 1989 The History of al-Tabari Vol. XXVI. The Waning of the Umayyad Cali- phate. Bibliotheca Persica. State University of New York Press, New York. HILLENBRAND, R. 1994 . Form Function and Meaning. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. AL-HOMOUD, A. S., G. PRIOR and A. AWAD 1999 Modelling the effect of rainfall on instabilities of slopes along highways. Environmental Geology 37: 317-325.

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KENNEDY, H. 1999 Islam. In Late Antiquity. A Guide to the Postclassical World, edited by G. W. Bowersock, Brown, Peter & Grabar, Oleg, pp. 219-237. Harvard University Press, Cambridge & London. LIEBSCHEUTZ, W. 2000 Late late antiquity (6th and 7th centuries) in the cities of the Roman Near East. Mediterraneo Antico 3: 43-75. NORTHEDGE, A. 1999 Archaeology and Islam. In Companion Encyclopedia of Archaeology Vol. 1 & 2, edited by G. Barker, pp. 1077-1106. Routledge, London. ODDY, A. 1994 The Early Umayyad Coinage of Baisân and Jerash. ARAM 6: 405-418. OSTRASZ, A. A. 1989 The Hippodrome of Gerasa: A Report on Excavations and Research 1982-1987. : Revue d’Art Oriental et d’Archéologie 66: 51-77. PEDERSEN, J. 1991 Masdjid. In Encyclopedia of Islam vol. 6 (2nd edition), pp. 645-77. Brill Press, Leiden. PIEROBON, R. 1983-84 Sanctuary of Artemis; Soundings in the Temple-Terrace, 1978-1980. Mesopotamia 18-19: 85-112. 1986 The Italian Activity within the Jerash Project 1982-83. II Archaeological Research in the Sanctuary of Artemis. 2 The Area of the Kilns. In Jerash Archaeological Project 1981-83 I, edited by F. Zayadine, pp. 184-87. Department of Antiquities, Amman. SACK, D. 1996 Die Große Moschee von Resafa – Rusafat Hisam. Resafa IV/Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz. SCHAEFER, J. AND R. K. FALKNER 1986 An Umayyad Potter’s Complex in the North Theatre, Jerash. In Jerash Archaeological Project I, 1981-83, edited by F. Zayadine, pp. 411-435, Amman. SIMPSON, I. R. 2008 Market Buildings at Jarash: Commercial Transformation at the South Tetrakionion in the 6th to 9th Centuries C.E. In Residences, Castles, Settle- ments. Transformation Processes from Late Antiquity to Early Islam in Bilad al-Sham (Proceedings of a Colloquium on Late Antique and Early Islamic Archaeology in Bilâd al-Shâm. Deutsches Archäologisches Insti- tut, Orient-Abteilung, Damascus, 5-9 November 2006), edited by K. Bartl, pp. Forthcoming. Orient-Archäologie 24. Verlag Marie Leidorf, Rahden. SMITH, R. H. and L. P. DAY 1989 Pella of the Decapolis Volume 2. Final Report on The College of Wooster Excavations in Area IX, The Civic Complex, 1979-1985. The College of Wooster, Sydney. TUMÂ, A, F. BESSARD & O. CALLOT 2008 Umayyad Dyers’ Workshops of the Hippodrome of Jarash. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 52: forthcoming.

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VRIEZEN, K. J. H. 1994 Die Ausgrabungen unter der Erlöserkirche im Muristan, Jerusalem (1979-1974). Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palästinavereins 19. Harras- sowitz, Wiesbaden. 1995 A Preliminary Study of the Byzantine Roof Tiles (Tegulae and Imbrices) from Areas I and III in Umm Qeis (Jordan). Newsletter of the Department of Pottery Technology (Leiden University) 13: 26-40. VRIEZEN, K. J. H. and N. F. MULDER 1997 Umm Qays: The Byzantine Buildings onthe Terrace. The Building Mate- rials of Stone and Ceramics. In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan VI, edited by G. Bisheh, pp. 323-30. Department of Antiquities, Amman. WALMSLEY, A. 2003 The Friday Mosque of Early Islamic Jarash in Jordan: The 2002 Field Season of the Danish-Jordanian Islamic Jarash Project. The Journal of the David Collection 1: 111-131. WALMSLEY, A. and K. DAMGAARD 2005 The Umayyad Congregational Mosque of Jarash in Jordan and its Rela- tionship to Early Mosques. Antiquity 79: 362-378. WALMSLEY, A., L. BLANKE, K. DAMGAARD, A. MELLAH, S. MCPHILLIPS, I. SIMPSON and F. BESSARD 2008 A mosque, shops and bath in central Jarash: the 2007 season of the Islamic Jarash Project. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 52: forthcoming.

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Fig. 1. Plan of Jarash.

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Fig. 2. Plan of mosque and auxiliary structures.

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Fig. 3. Oblique aerial view of the prayer hall at the end of the 2007 season (IJP_D 3345).

Fig. 4 & 5. A complete tegula tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5018).

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Fig. 6 & 7. A complete imbrex tile retrieved in the excavation of the prayer hall (IJP reg. no. A5399). Fig. 7. IJP reg. no. A2593

Fig. 8. Reconstruction drawing of capping system (by J. Jeppesen).

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Fig. 9. Reconstruction drawing of the Umayyad mosque in Jarash (by J. Jeppesen).

Fig. 10. Sack’s reconstruction of the Rusafah 1a mosque (Sack 1996: plate 74).

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Fig. 11. Reconstruction model of the Umayyad mosque in Jarash (by J. Jeppesen). For purposes of lighting within the prayer hall, the clerestory is very likely to have contained some manner of windows. However, reconstructing these openings demands further study of the retrieved masonry.

Fig. 12. Close-up of gabling on reconstruction model (by J. Jeppesen).

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