Moving a Public Policy Agenda Introduction
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Shafiq Rahman
Curriculum Vitae Shafiq Rahman Professor and Chair Communication & Social Sciences Department Chadron State College 1000 Main Street, Chadron NE 69337 Tel: 308-432-6327 (work) [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. Mass Communication and Media Arts, December 2007 (Southern Illinois University, Carbondale). M.A. Communication, December 2001 (The University of Louisiana, Monroe). M.A. Mass Communication and Journalism, June 1992 (Dhaka University, Bangladesh). B.A. (Honors), Mass Communication and Journalism, June 1989 (Dhaka University, Bangladesh). EMPLOYMENT: UNITED STATES Professor (since August 16, 2015) and Chair, Department of Communication and Social Sciences at Chadron State College, August 2016—till date. Associate Professor, Communication and Social Sciences Department, Chadron State College, August 16, 2010—August 15, 2015. Assistant Professor, Communication and Social Sciences Department, Chadron State College, August 16, 2007—August 15, 2010. Instructor in record, School of Journalism, Southern Illinois University Carbondale, spring 2007(January— May). Teaching Assistant- School of Journalism, Southern Illinois University Carbondale (August 2003— December 2006). Research Assistant (quarter time), Aug. 2001- May 2001, and Aug. 2003-December 2006, School of Journalism, Southern Illinois University Carbondale. Research Assistant, Dept. of Mass Communications, The University of Louisiana Monroe, Aug 1999-May 2001. Shift Supervisor, Information Technology Computer Learning Center, Southern Illinois University Carbondale, Aug 2001—May 2003. TEACHING I developed and taught a wide variety of classes in face-to-face and online formats. A significant part of teaching involves the instruction of graduate and undergraduate research methods and intercultural communication. I have also developed and taught media writing, media survey (introduction to media), communication theory, public speaking, persuasion, organization communication, and social media. -
Periodicalspov.Pdf
“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
MAP Act Coalition Letter Freedomworks
April 13, 2021 Dear Members of Congress, We, the undersigned organizations representing millions of Americans nationwide highly concerned by our country’s unsustainable fiscal trajectory, write in support of the Maximizing America’s Prosperity (MAP) Act, to be introduced by Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Texas) and Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.). As we stare down a mounting national debt of over $28 trillion, the MAP Act presents a long-term solution to our ever-worsening spending patterns by implementing a Swiss-style debt brake that would prevent large budget deficits and increased national debt. Since the introduction of the MAP Act in the 116th Congress, our national debt has increased by more than 25 percent, totaling six trillion dollars higher than the $22 trillion we faced less than two years ago in July of 2019. Similarly, nearly 25 percent of all U.S. debt accumulated since the inception of our country has come since the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Now more than ever, it is critical that legislators take a serious look at the fiscal situation we find ourselves in, with a budget deficit for Fiscal Year 2020 of $3.132 trillion and a projected share of the national debt held by the public of 102.3 percent of GDP. While markets continue to finance our debt in the current moment, the simple and unavoidable fact remains that our country is not immune from the basic economics of massive debt, that history tells us leads to inevitable crisis. Increased levels of debt even before a resulting crisis slows economic activity -- a phenomenon referred to as “debt drag” -- which especially as we seek recovery from COVID-19 lockdowns, our nation cannot afford. -
I Used to Be Antifa Gabriel Nadales
I Used to be Antifa Gabriel Nadales There was a time in my life when I was angry, bitter, and deeply unhappy. I wanted to lash out at the whole “fascist” system—the greedy, heartless power structure that didn’t care about me or the rest of society’s innocent victims, a system that had robbed, beaten and stolen from my ancestors. The whole corrupt edifice deserved to be brought down, reduced to rubble. I was a perfect recruit for Antifa, the left-wing group which claims to fight against fascism. And so, I became a member. Now I was one of those who had the guts to fight against “the fascists” who were exploiting disadvantaged people. I wasn’t a ‘card-carrying’ antifascist—there is no such thing as an official Antifa membership. But I was ready at a moment’s notice to slip on the black mask and march in what Antifa calls “the black bloc”—a cadre of other black-clad Antifa members— to taunt police and destroy property. Antifa stands for “antifascist,” but that’s purposefully deceptive. For one thing, the very name is calibrated so that anyone who dares to criticize the group or its tactics can be labeled “fascist.” This allows Antifa to justify violence against all who dare stand up or speak out against them. A few groups boldly declare themselves Antifa, like “Rose City Antifa” in Portland. But most don’t, preferring to avoid the negative publicity. That’s part of Antifa’s appeal—and strength: It’s hard to pin down. -
The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup
The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Fall 12-2013 Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup Robert Howard Wieland University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the American Studies Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wieland, Robert Howard, "Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup" (2013). Dissertations. 218. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/218 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School Of The University of Southern Mississippi In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2013 ABSTRACT DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland December 2013 This dissertation explores the life of Caspar Weinberger and explains why President Reagan chose him for Secretary of Defense. Weinberger, not a defense technocrat, managed a massive defense buildup of 1.5 trillion dollars over a four year period. A biographical approach to Weinberger illuminates Reagan’s selection, for in many ways Weinberger harkens back to an earlier type of defense manager more akin to Elihu Root than Robert McNamara; more a man of letters than technocrat. -
Heritage’S Plan For
What leaders say about Heritage’s plan for: AMERIC A N DRE A M “Getting our country’s fiscal house in order is no easy task. Thankfully, our friends at The Heritage Foundation have done the hard work of thinking through and creating public policies that get government under control and save the American dream for this generation and the next.” — Senator Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) “The analysis of our fiscal problems is compelling, and the proposed solution is bold and imaginative.” — Ambassador John Bolton “The Heritage Foundation’s plan to save the American dream would create economic certainty for businesses by putting our nation on a more stable economic course and giving businesses the freedom to expand.” — Andrew F. Puzder, CEO of CKE Restaurants Inc. (Hardee’s and Carl’s Jr.) “… a plan that truly reforms… This plan is the cure for our ‘disease.’” AMERIC A N DRE A M — Cal Thomas, Syndicated Columnist “Comprehensive tax reform is an essential element of restoring fiscal sanity and spurring economic growth in the country. The Heritage Foundation’s proposal moves the country’s tax code in the right direction toward a more low-rate, flat tax.” — Arthur B. Laffer, Ph.D., the Father of Supply-Side Economics “America does not have to be a country in decline. Do we have choices to make? Yes. And I encourage anyone who is serious about making the right choices to read The Heritage Foundation’s plan to fix the debt, cut spending, and restore prosperity.” — Steve Forbes, Editor-in-Chief, Forbes magazine 214 Massachusetts Avenue N.E. -
Accelerated Attacks on Clean Energy by Koch Bros
Checks and Balances Project Documents: Accelerated Attacks on Clean Energy by Koch Bros. $192 Million to 72 Groups Associated with Opposition to Clean Energy Solutions and Climate Change Denial from 1997-2013 $108 Million to At Least 19 Groups to Fight State Renewable Energy Policies 2011-2013 (Over 18 months, Checks and Balances Project conducted the first in-depth investigation into Koch Industries, Inc. AND what we call the Koch Advocacy Network. Over 350 low-profile regulatory disclosures and more than 8,000 legal disclosure forms drawn from over 60 public agencies, databases and courts were examined. Research was completed prior to the 2016 election.) In August 2015 President Obama singled out the “massive lobbying efforts backed by fossil fuel interests, or conservative think tanks, or the Koch brothers pushing for new laws to roll back renewable energy standards or prevent new clean energy businesses from succeeding.” The President described these anti-clean energy efforts as “rent seeking and trying to protect old ways of doing business and standing in the way of the future.”1 Charles Koch responded that, “We are not trying to prevent new clean energy businesses from succeeding” and warned against “subsidizing uneconomical forms of energy — whether you call them ‘green,’ ‘renewable’ or whatever.” He continued, “And there is a big debate on whether you have a real disease or something that’s not that serious. I recognize there is a big debate about that. But whatever it is, the cure is to do things in the marketplace, and to let individuals and companies innovate, to come up with alternatives that will deal with whatever the problem may be in an economical way so we don’t squander resources on uneconomic approaches.” 2 The defense outlined by Charles mirrors the strategy of the network he oversees. -
Summer 2013 Imprimis
AmP PUBLisHERS GROUP Small Presses. Big Ideas. Spring – Summer 2013 INCLUDING NEW TITLES imprimis: a fortieth-anniversary collection Edited by Douglas A. Jeffrey sleepwalking with the bomb John C. Wohlstetter www.amppubgroup.com MEMBER PRESSES G Acton Institute G American Civil Rights Union G American Council of Trustees and Alumni G Broadway Publications G Capital Research Center G Christendom Press G Discovery Institute Press G Freedom Foundation G Hillsdale College Press G National Catholic Bioethics Center G National Humanities Institute G National Review Books G Pacific Research Institute G Ruth Institute Books cover image © iStockphoto AmP PUBLisHERS GROUP Small Presses. Big Ideas. CONTENTS New Titles .......................................................... 2–3 Recently Released ................................................ 4–5 Politics ............................................................... 6–10 Religion ..............................................................11–21 Education ........................................................22–26 Marriage & Family ...........................................27–29 History ............................................................30–34 Economics & Business ......................................35–36 Science .............................................................. 37–41 Essays ....................................................................42 Philanthropy ....................................................43–45 DVDs ..............................................................46–47 -
Our 2020 Form
PUBLIC DISCLOSURE COPY Return of Organization Exempt From Income Tax OMB No. 1545-0047 Form 990 Under section 501(c), 527, or 4947(a)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code (except private foundations) 2020 a Department of the Treasury Do not enter social security numbers on this form as it may be made public. Open to Public Internal Revenue Service a Go to www.irs.gov/Form990 for instructions and the latest information. Inspection A For the 2020 calendar year, or tax year beginning , 2020, and ending , 20 B Check if applicable: C Name of organization LEADERSHIP INSTITUTE D Employer identification number Address change Doing business as 51-0235174 Name change Number and street (or P.O. box if mail is not delivered to street address) Room/suite E Telephone number Initial return 1101 N HIGHLAND STREET (703) 247-2000 Final return/terminated City or town, state or province, country, and ZIP or foreign postal code Amended return ARLINGTON, VA 22201 G Gross receipts $ 24,354,691 Application pending F Name and address of principal officer: MORTON BLACKWELL H(a) Is this a group return for subordinates? Yes ✔ No SAME AS C ABOVE H(b) Are all subordinates included? Yes No I Tax-exempt status: 501(c)(3) 501(c) ( ) ` (insert no.) 4947(a)(1) or 527 If “No,” attach a list. See instructions J Website: a WWW.LEADERSHIPINSTITUTE.ORG H(c) Group exemption number a K Form of organization: Corporation Trust Association Other a L Year of formation: 1979 M State of legal domicile: VA Part I Summary 1 Briefly describe the organization’s mission or most significant activities: EDUCATE PEOPLE FOR SUCCESSFUL PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENT, POLITICS AND MEDIA. -
The University of Missouri Agriculture During the Reagan Years A
The University of Missouri Agriculture During the Reagan Years A Dissertation Submitted to The Faculty of the Department of History In Candidacy For The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Jay Ward Columbia, Missouri May 2015 Copyright 2015 by Jay Woodward Ward All rights reserved. The undersigned, appointed by the Dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled Agriculture During the Reagan Years Presented by Jay Woodward Ward In Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy And hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. ______________________________________________________________________ Dr. Robert Collins ______________________________________________________________________ Dr. Mark Carroll ______________________________________________________________________ Dr. John Frymire _______________________________________________________________________ Dr. Catherine Rymph _______________________________________________________________________ Dr. Patrick Westhoff Dedication To Rose, Kelly, Brian, Janelle, Mickey, Lauren, Payton, Addison, Evelynne, and Gibson— the center of my world. Acknowledgements I owe undying gratitude to my advisor, Professor Robert M. Collins, who is a renowned scholar and an award-winning teacher, and without whose patient guidance I could not have completed this remarkable journey. I also want to thank my committee, Professor Mark Carroll, Professor John Frymire, Professor Catherine Rymph, and Professor Patrick Westhoff, all of whom lent me their considerable expertise and wisdom, but more importantly to me, they treated this very non-traditional student with extraordinary kindness. And my gratitude to my sister, Deborah Haseltine, my computer expert, who always was able to lead me out of the morasses into which I stumbled almost every time I sat down at the computer. ii Contents Acknowledgements ii List of Tables iv Introduction 1 Chapter 1. The Second Agricultural Revolution 20 Chapter 2. -
Conservatism and the Quest for Community
Conservatism and the Quest for Community William Schambra he age of obama has been an age of revival for the Progressive Tideal of a “national community.” It is a vision rooted in two core beliefs: that direct, local associations and channels of action are too often overwhelmed by the differences among communities and the fractious character of American public life; and that rather than strengthening the sources of these differences, modern government should seek to overcome them in the service of a coherent national ambition. By dis- tributing the same benefits, protections, and services to all Americans, fellow feeling and neighborliness can be fostered among the public; combined with the power of the national government and professional expertise, this communal sentiment can then become a valuable weapon for attacking America’s most pressing social problems. A century ago, this ideal was a central tenet of the Progressive agenda — which sought, as Progressive icon Herbert Croly put it in 1909, the “subordination of the individual to the demand of a dominant and constructive national purpose.” It was an important goal of the New Deal, which President Franklin Roosevelt described in 1933 as “extending to our national life the old principle of the local community.” It was the essence of the liberal agenda of the 1960s, which President Lyndon Johnson called an effort to “turn unity of interest into unity of purpose, and unity of goals into unity in the Great Society.” And it was at the core of Barack Obama’s campaign for the presidency in 2008, which promised to over- come petty differences and, as Obama put it in one campaign speech, to Wil l i a m Sch a m br a is the director of the Hudson Institute’s Bradley Center for Philanthropy and Civic Renewal.