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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
The Socialist Minority and the Paris Commune of 1871 a Unique Episode in the History of Class Struggles
THE SOCIALIST MINORITY AND THE PARIS COMMUNE OF 1871 A UNIQUE EPISODE IN THE HISTORY OF CLASS STRUGGLES by PETER LEE THOMSON NICKEL B.A.(Honours), The University of British Columbia, 1999 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2001 © Peter Lee Thomson Nickel, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Hi'sio*" y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date AkgaS-f 30. ZOO I DE-6 (2/88) Abstract The Paris Commune of 1871 lasted only seventy-two days. Yet, hundreds of historians continue to revisit this complex event. The initial association of the 1871 Commune with the first modern socialist government in the world has fuelled enduring ideological debates. However, most historians past and present have fallen into the trap of assessing the Paris Commune by foreign ideological constructs. During the Cold War, leftist and conservative historians alike overlooked important socialist measures discussed and implemented by this first- ever predominantly working-class government. -
Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible -
The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. -
MARX, MARXISM and the BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES for the 21St CENTURY1
MARX, MARXISM AND THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES FOR THE 21st CENTURY1 John Foster John Foster, Emeritus Professor, University of the West of Scotland, International Secretary, Communist Party of Britain, author of Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974), joint author of The Politics of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders Work-In (1986), The Caterpillar Occupation (1988), Capital and Labour in the North Sea Oil Industry (1996) and the New Penguin History of Scotland (2002). Email: [email protected] Abstract: For Marx the British working class was both a practical inspiration and a challenge. Britain’s was the world’s first majority proletariat and in the 1840s was also the first to create a mass working class party. Yet in the second half of the 19th century British trade unions changed direction, allied themselves with bourgeois political parties and worked within the assumptions of the existing system. Marx’s explanation of this transformation is, the article argues, of continuing importance for our understanding of working class consciousness—with its key elements carried forward by both Luxemburg and Lenin in their critique of the revisionism of the Second International. The main intent of the article is to use more recent examples of working class mobilization in Britain to show the continuing relevance of this analysis. It focuses in particular on the issue of the relationship between the working class and a Marxist party. In doing so it draws on the Soviet school of Vygotsky and Leontiev to argue for a dialectical and materialist understanding of the development of working class consciousness in which the role of a Communist Party, in Marx’s terms, remains critical. -
Socialism – an Introduction
Socialism – An Introduction. Socialism can be defined as a social order that raises the living standards of the majority by a fair and equal redistribution of wealth and work, that looks after those most in need, doesn't consign them to the scrap heap of poverty and despair. Based on compassion for all humanity, and the belief that a small minority should not hold the majority of wealth, socialism is not about one rule for all, a colourless world, but about allowing each individual the access to develop their own unique skills and character, thus benefiting the community as a whole. Socialism does not discriminate on ground of creed, colour or sex, but embraces all peoples lives, a fervently believes in the good within us all and utilising these qualities for the benefit of everyone, not the selfish few. Often attacked as idealistic, socialism is an easily attainable state, a true and powerful way of abolishing all inequality and prejudice. Some socialist demands for the late 20th Century Britain. 1. Socialist measures in the interests of working people! Labour must break with big business and Tory economic policies. 2. Full employment! 3. No redundancies. 4. The right to a job or decent benefits. For a 32 hour week without loss of pay. 5. No compulsory overtime. 6. For voluntary retirement at 55 with a decent full pension for all. 7. A national minimum wage of at least two-thirds of the average wage. £4.61 an hour as a step toward this goal, with no exemptions. 8. The repeal of all Tory anti-union laws. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Ommunistw NO 70 THIRD QUARTER 1977 AFRICAN REVOLUTION on the MARCH!!
:ommunistW :ommunistW NO 70 THIRD QUARTER 1977 AFRICAN REVOLUTION ON THE MARCH!! INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS Distributors of The African Communist PRICE AND SUBSCRIPTION AFRICA lOp per copy 40p per year post free Airmail £5.00 per year (Nigerian subscribers can send 1 Naira to our agent at KPS Bookshop, PMB 23, Afikpo, Imo State) BRITAIN 25p per copy £1.00 per year post free ALL OTHER COUNTRIES $1. 00 per copy $4. 00 per year post free Airmail $10.00 per year. US currency INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS, 39 Goodge Street, London W.1. THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST Published quarterly in the interests of African solidarity, and as a forum for Marxist-Leninist thought throughout our Continent, by the South African Communist Party No. 70 Third Quarter 1977 CONTENTS 5 EDITORIAL NOTES African Revolution on the March; The Role of Chief Lutuli; A Great Leader Murdered. 21 THE WAY FORWARD FROM SOWETO Political Report adopted by the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the South African Communist Party, April 1977. A. Azad 51 WHAT PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM MEANS TO AFRICA The concept of proletarian internationalism is as valid today as it ever was, and the world communist movement must strive to deepen and extend it. Z. Nkosi 71 HOW THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION CAME TO SOUTH AFRICA An historical account of the way in which South African socialist organisations, the forerunners of the Communist Party, reacted to the news of the Russian Revolution in 1917. A.N.C. Kumalo 88 POEM: Sovietsky Narod Dedicated to the Soviet People on the 60th anniversary of the Great October Revolution. -
Class Struggle As the Impact of Capitalism Seen Through Faction in Veronica Roth’S Divergent
PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH’S DIVERGENT AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH’S DIVERGENT AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 ii PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI A Sarjana Sastra Undergraduate Thesis CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH'S DIVERGENT By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 Approved by ~~putu~, Ni Luh S.S., M.Hum. November 15,2016 Advisor ~i~Ltu i S.Pd. M.Hum November 15, 2016 Co-Advisor 111 PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI A Sarjana Sastra Undergraduate Thesis CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH'S DIVERGENT By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 Defended before the Board ofExaminers On November 28, 2016 And Declared Acceptable BOARD OF EXAMINERS Name Chairperson : Dr. F.X. Siswadi, M.A Secretary : AB. Sri Mulyani, M.A, Ph.D. Member 1 : Dr. Gabriel Fajar Sasmita Aji, M.Hum. Member 2 : Ni Luh Putu Rosiandani, S.S., M.Hum. -
A Marxist Criticism
e-ISSN 2549-7715 | Volume 4 | Nomor 3 | Juli 2020 | Hal: 492-505 Terakreditasi Sinta 4 CLASS EXPLOITATION IN RON RASH’S SERENA NOVEL: A MARXIST CRITICISM Muniralizah Nurman, Singgih Daru Kuncara, Fatimah Mujahir English Literature Department, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Mulawarman University Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study examined Serena novel written by Ron Rash as the object of the research. The aimed of this research was to find out the portrayal of class distinction and labor exploitation in the novel. To achieve the purposes of the study, the research applied Marx’s Social Class and Exploitation theory, and International Labor Organization or ILO’s Indicators of Labor Exploitation. This research used descriptive qualitative research method and Marxist criticism to analyze the social issue of class exploitation reflected in the novel. The data in this research were words, phrases, sentences and paragraphs that indicated social class and exploitation. The result of this research showed two social classes, they were bourgeoisie and proletariat. Bourgeoisie referred to Serena, Pemberton, Buchanan and Wilkie who were owner of timber business, while proletariat were the workers whose life only depended on bourgeoisie for employment. Meanwhile, there were four forms of labor exploitation. First was excessive working hour, like worked eleven hours shift a day and only fifteen minutes break. Second was low salary, like cheap labor and inappropriate wages. Third was bad living condition, like limited and uncomfortable living condition, live in cheap and ragged wooden boxcar. And fourth was hazardous work, like no safety equipment, manual and dangerous tools, forced to work in moody ground and against extreme cold. -
Primlitive Comnmunism Anld the Origini of Social Inequality
Primlitive comnmunism anld the origini of social inequality RIrCHrrARDi B. L ;EE Unziversity of T'oronzto H-ow did social iniequiality comre inito b>einig? SomTe argue thiat it hias always beeni presenit, that it represenits an inievitable anid niatural state of affairs. Thlerefore, iniequalityi as a social phienomienion does niot requiire explanation. Others, fromi Rouisseau to thie presenit, believe thiat thie causes of social ineqcuality cry out for explanationi. On~e way to approachi this seeminrg paradox is to explore thie conicept of primritiv·e commlrunismn , or the communiiial mi-ode of productioni - the niotioni thiat thiere was a period of hiumiani history before thie rise of thie state durinig whiichiprivate property was· uniknowni and iniequalities of wlealthi anid power were minimrial. Maniy anithropologists wouild unidoubtedly accept thie broad validity of this niotioni, judging fromr its p>revalence ini initroductory textbooks. Yet few would be prepared to explore thie imlplicationi s of th is acceptanice, anid fewyer still would be prepared to embirace theç ruibric of primitive communiismr. Primritive commriunismn is a simiple conicep>t, yet the very words evoke uneasiness anid emibarraçssmenit, conitaininrg two of the rnost loaded terms ini Westerni ideology. Yet that fact doesni't explaini whiy the conlcept is ani emibarrassmienit to so maniy who profess Marxismi. Neverthelessl will argiie thiat without thie concept of a commu-linal miode of produictioni, ani attemipt to accounit for the developmienit of social comnplexity in 225 RICHIARD B. L.EE prehistoric sedenitary societics is doomned to mrystificationi anid failuire. T'he very title of thie seminIar oni whiich this book is based, "Thie Development of Political Systemrs ini Prehiistoric Sedenitary Societies," was designied to sidestep thec issue of social iniequality. -
The Poverty of Philosophy and Its Contemporary Relevance
Crisis, Revolution, and the Meaning of Progress: The Poverty of Philosophy and its Contemporary Relevance Michael Joseph Roberto Proudhon and Marx ABSTRACT: In 1847, Marx wrote The Poverty of Philosophy, his polemical response to Pierre Joseph Proudhon’s System of Economical Contradictions Or, The Philosophy of Poverty, published a year earlier. Marx and Proudhon were the principal antagonists in the struggle for influence and control of the emerging European workers movement then fueled by the first great crisis of modern capitalism. While Marx propagated communist revolution as a solution to the crisis, Proudhon sought to preserve “good capitalism” by attempting to formulate a new political economy that would reconcile contradictions of capitalist exchange by means of reciprocal agreements and transactions; in a word, mutualism. In The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx took Proudhon to task for creating a massive “dialectical phantasmagoria” in the System of Economical Contradictions. Usually regarded as his first detailed treatment of political economy, Marx’s book also contains an implicit conception of social and historical progress based on the principles of contradiction, paradox, and Copyright © 2009 by Michael Joseph Roberto and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Michael Joseph Roberto 2 practice. Today, as the U.S. experiences an irreversible and possibly terminal capitalist crisis, Marx’s polemic against Proudhon remains instructive as an historical, theoretical, and practical-political guide. Key features of the Marx- Proudhon divide in the 1840s are now being recast in contemporary guises and forms. The Left must distinguish between revolutionary Marxist solutions and variations of the New Proudhonism. While Marxism holds the potential for revolutionary, socialist transformation and renewed social progress, the New Proudhonism seeks to save “good capitalism” – ironically and tragically, carrying with it the plausibility of a more coercive and barbarous system.