The Image of Mughal Architecture

The construction of Fatehpur. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Folio from the Akbar-Nameh , c. @]–]. Composition by Tulsi, painting by Bhawani. [V_ @] cm. Victoria and Albert Museum, London: IS.V-@{^: {^detail. ')

" THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE '(

Susan Stronge

The architecture depicted in paintings of the Mughal emperors plays a signi+icant role in re+lecting the changing fortunes of a dynasty across two and a half centuries, from the sixteenth to the mid eighteenth century. Some aspects of the structures relate to those in the real world, occasionally providing invaluable information about the appearance of buildings that have long since been destroyed. More often, the architecture is a crucial part of an allegorical setting that projects a carefully contrived imperial image. Towards the end of Mughal rule, it delineates the enclosed world of a court that had become powerless. One of the earliest depictions of the court shows Emperor Humayun in a tree house being presented with a painting of the same scene by his young son, Akbar. In the pavilion next to them, set in a beautiful garden, preparations for a banquet are underway to the accompaniment of music | / |. The exclusively Iranian garb of the participants in this gathering, or majles , suggests that it took place in Kabul during Humayun’s exile from Hindustan. In /2;9 he had been driven out of the lands conquered by his father Babur only thirteen years earlier, and +led to Iran. With the support of the Safavid ruler Shah Tahmasp he established himself in Kabul, and from there launched several attacks on Delhi before +inally regaining his kingdom in /222. " While in Kabul, probably before /22/, Mir Sayyed ’Ali and ’Abd os-Samad, two master artists whom the ousted ruler had met in Iran, joined his service. # The conventions in which they trained are seen in the majles done by ’Abd os-Samad. It has the high viewpoint, stylized rendition of perspective, and +igures conveying emotion through standard gestures rather than the # facial expression of Iranian book painting. The scene presents an idyllic image of a highly re+ined milieu, with small details re+lecting contemporary reality.

| @ | Majles of Humayun and Akbar. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. From Jahangir’s Morraqa’-e Golshan (Rose Garden Album). By ’Abd os-Samad, c. /223–22 with borders c. /411–/1. Golestan Palace Library, Tehran: Manuscript No. /44;, folio 01. | V | An artist decorates a pavilion. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. c. /411 with /6th-century borders. Painting: 33 /1.4 cm; Page: ;2.4 3>.2 cm. Victoria and Albert Museum, London: IS.>6-/924 folio 24a. !$ PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

On the interior wall of the pavilion, hunting and feasting scenes well as humans. The buildings depicted in these pictures are are painted on an ivory ground on the upper level of the pavilion loosely inspired by structures within the Mughal Empire, though and on lilac-blue below, with angels in the architraves bearing their densely covered surfaces, like those in ’Abd os-Samad’s a gold vessel and salver on one side, and a musical instrument majles , often seem closer to manuscript illumination than any on the other. Decoration like this was certainly found on Mughal plausible architectural decoration. However fanciful the build- buildings: ’Abd os-Samad himself would later paint the walls of ings may be, they have the hue of the red sandstone then being at least one Mughal structure, and throughout the early Mughal used to construct the forti+ied palaces of Agra and Delhi, and period court artists working on paper also decorated the walls Akbar’s new city at Sikri, known today as Fatehpur Sikri. The of monuments | 3 |. % paintings also reproduce the trabeate construction of many of The Iranian masters accompanied Humayun to Delhi in /222. the monuments, which is combined on the page and in the cit- Only months later, the emperor was dead. The thirteen-year- ies with domes, vaulting and arcuate features. The most charac- old Akbar succeeded him, ruling at +irst under the guidance of teristic elements of the new buildings – chattris (domed kiosks Humayun’s close friend and leading general, the aristocratic on pillars), sharply angled projecting eaves ( chajjas ) and per- Bayram Khan. forated stone screens ( jalis ) – are all replicated in the Hamza- Although Akbar never learned to read or write, he grew up Nameh . Very occasionally, obviously Hindu structures appear, to be a highly cultivated man with a keen intellect, energetic like the shrine with its stepped, angular roof at the corner of curiosity and prodigious memory. He added extensively to the the walled citadel in the episode where a +isherman rescues a royal library, and knew the contents of his books by having them new-born baby | ; |. ! The women carrying water pots and the read out to him. Works from other languages including Sanskrit, goatherd with his animals provide a glimpse of rural life in the Hindi and Kashmiri were translated into Persian, the language of Mughal Empire of the /241s and /201s. the educated elite which had long been the administrative lan- A striking architectural feature in one scene can be linked guage of the Hindustani Sultanates. & Akbar also commissioned directly to Fatehpur. When Hamza’s spies silently enter the fort a large number of new illustrated manuscripts from the royal of an enemy, they murder the sleeping guards who are sup- ketabkhaneh , or “House of the Book”, the institution of the royal posed to be protecting him | > |. ) The platform of the watchtower household which included the library as well as producing manu- on which the victims slumber is supported by corbels resting scripts. * Mir Sayyed ’Ali and ’Abd os-Samad were successively on a thick column. The watchtower calls to mind the intriguing superintendents of the ketabkhaneh , and together oversaw a column standing at the centre of the so-called Diwan-i Khass, or revolution in the Indian art of the book as dramatic as that seen Hall of Private Audience, whose function remains unclear | 2 |. ( in architecture during Akbar’s reign. In /203–0; Akbar had led his army to spectacular victories in The calligraphers, illuminators, painters, binders and others the Muslim kingdom of Gujarat and, on his return, changed the in the ketabkhaneh were initially occupied in creating the name of Sikri to Fatehpur, or “City of Victory”. The expansion of multiple volumes of the Hamza-Nameh , describing in words the empire allowed new in+luences to enter the Mughal architec- and vivid pictures the adventures of the Muslim hero Hamza. tural vocabulary, brought by stonemasons and others from the Akbar probably gave the order for the tales to be written down conquered regions. Here, the form of the watchtower derives and illustrated in the early /241s. It would take +ifteen years ultimately from +ifteenth-century Gujarat. "$ This is re+lected for the multiple volumes with />11 painted pages to be in the history of the reign. When Akbar’s of+icial chronicler +inished. ' Abo’l-Fazl praised the new fort at Agra, he wrote: “It contains The dramatic events of the narrative take place in an other- more than +ive hundred buildings of masonry after the beauti- worldly landscape, inhabited by dragons, giants and fairies, as ful designs of Bengal and Gujarat, which masterly sculptors

| [ | The +isherman Iskandar +inds the infant Darab in the water. Gouache and gold on cotton backed with paper. A folio from the Hamza-Nameh , c. /243–00. 46.2 23 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: Horace G. Tucker Memorial Fund and Seth Augustus Fowle Fund, 3>./39. % & THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE !%

and cunning artists of form have fashioned as architectural models”. "" After the completion of the Hamza-Nameh , the emperor commissioned a series of illustrated histories that led to the creation of his most famous manuscript: in /269, Akbar ordered the history of his own reign to be written. By now, the role of the Mughal emperor was +irmly established. Abo’l-Fazl meticulously researched the events of the past to provide an accu- rate account, but also used them to present the +igure of the emperor as the ideal ruler appointed by God. The concepts of sovereignty he draws on are those of the ancient Iranian world that carried through into the Islamic period. In addition, he states that the history is explicitly intended as a moral and ethic- al treatise. "# All this is re+lected in the illustrations to the incom- plete manuscript now in the Victoria and Albert Museum which was almost certainly the presentation copy. "% The text covers the years /241 to /200, divided by chapters covering a single regnal year. Each chapter has an overarching theme in the life of the sovereign who is presented as the intermediary between the material and the spiritual world. The paintings depict major events, but also relate to the principle of kingship in the relevant chapter. The historian stresses that each aspect of sovereignty can only occur at its proper time. Thus, huge undertakings such as the construction of the palace at Agra | 4 | and the entire city of Fatehpur (see p. 44) can only begin when Mughal power has become securely established. The walls of the old fort at Agra, described as being “at the centre of Hindustan,” were torn down in /242. Akbar’s mathematicians and architects devised * strong foundations for structures that would be as stable and permanent as the rule of the royal family. Four gateways opened In the illustrations accompanying the text, the artists again out towards the four quarters of the world, meaning that the include small details observed from life, some of which can still emperor occupied the centre of the universe. "& Similarly, Akbar’s be seen in India today. The stonemasons squat on the ground to order for the construction of Fatehpur allows the historian to chisel or split the blocks of sandstone; women labourers carry describe the emperor, the “Khediv [lord] of the world”, as an on their heads baskets of stones to be broken up into yet smaller architect of the spiritual as well as the physical world. The city pieces. The tethered elephants at the gatepost must have been had beautiful gardens, schools and religious buildings, all of there to help move heavy masonry, and would be replaced which would rest on foundations as solid as those supporting by sculpted forms in keeping with indigenous Indian tradition, the system of justice under this Solomon-like emperor. "* where all forts have gateways associated with elephants. "'

| \ | Hamza’s spies steal into Qimar’s city and kill his sleeping guards. Gouache and gold on cotton backed with paper. A folio from the Hamza- Nameh , c. /243–00. 40.4 2/./ cm. MAKAustrian Museum of Applied Arts/ Contemporary Art, Vienna: B.I.6001/32. | ] | The pillar in Akbar’s Diwan-i Khass at Fatehpur Sikri, India. !&

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The paintings also include small details of painted decoration Finally, Agra was transformed: that can no longer be seen on any surviving structure, though “In unpleasant and inharmonious India, marvellously regular faint traces at Fatehpur con+irm that it was originally present. and geometric gardens were introduced. In every corner were On the gold ground of the architraves of the gateway being beautiful plots, and in every plot were regularly laid out arrange- completed at Agra are angels ( paris ), and the supervisor giv- ments of roses and narcissus.” #$ ing orders to workmen in a pavilion next to the water wheel in The royal author wrote that the city’s inhabitants now called Fatehpur sits in an interior painted with trompe l’oeil niches it “Kabul”, the highest accolade. +illed with gold and glass vessels. When Akbar’s artists added their paintings to the Persian text Despite all these intrusions from the real world, the compos- of the Memoirs, they transformed the cities through which Babur ition is as formulaic in its own way as that of ’Abd os-Samad’s travelled, whether Samarkand, Herat or Kabul, into those of late majles scene. The scale of the monument in relation to the sixteenth-century Hindustan. humans bears no relation to the actual size of the gateway, In a scene of an assembly that took place in Fergana imme- which would have dwarfed those walking through it. The paint- diately after the death of Babur’s father to discuss who should ing primarily represents a concept. succeed him, the anonymous artist has included Mughal struc- Similar considerations are suggested by the illustrations to tures with clustered columns that seem to be hewn from the the various copies of the Memoirs of Akbar’s grandfather Babur, same red sandstone as Akbar’s imperial cities | 6 |, and the three- the founder of what would become a great dynasty. The highly pronged +inials are the trisula , the sacred weapon of the Hindu literate Central Asian prince loved architecture, as is apparent God Shiva. The clothes of the participants are those of Iranians from his Memoirs when he describes his pleasure at seeing depicted visiting Akbar’s court, with a few purely Mughal tur- the beautiful monuments of Herat, before the Timurid cultural bans also in evidence, worn by onlookers inside and outside the capital was lost to the Uzbeks in /210. He wrote in Turki, a lan- chamber. guage understood by few in the Mughal Empire of the late six- When Babur visited Herat in AH 9/3 ( AD /214–10) he teenth century, and Akbar therefore ordered a translation to be describes a wine party given for him by his cousins. #" In the made into Persian. The +inished work entitled the Babur-Nameh Babur-Nameh , the pavilion in the Bagh-i Sa+id, or White Gar- was presented to Akbar in the autumn of /269, only days after den, where it took place, is done in a fantasy ‘foreign’ manner. the emperor had visited Babur’s tomb in Kabul. "! Four illustrated Features such as the small dome with blue +inial resting on an versions are known to have been made in the next decade or implausibly narrow drum have no parallel in Herati architecture so. ") of any period | 9 |. Babur’s fascination for the wildlife, trees and +lowers of his Despite Babur’s general dislike of most Hindustani architec- new conquest was not matched by admiration for the urban ture, he did admire Gwalior Fort | 0 |, which he visited in /236. ## In landscapes of Hindustan. He famously disliked most of its the painting of the event, the structures are in a stylized manner architecture, comparing it very unfavourably with that of Kabul that nevertheless does suggest the real fort. and its environs. However, he admired Hindustani artisans, and Babur’s love of nature and architecture were combined quickly set them to work: in the gardens he laid out in and around Kabul, and in many “In Agra alone there were 461 stonemasons at work … every places in his new empire. These were chahar-baghs , set within day. Aside from that, in Agra, Sikri, Bayana, Dholpur, Gwalior, a built perimeter, divided into four smaller squares or rect- and Koil, />9/ stonemasons were labouring on my buildings. angles by watercourses or paths and sometimes terraced. #% The There are similar vast numbers of every type of craftsman and Babur-Nameh paintings of the emperor in his various gardens labourers of every description in Hindustan.” "( are almost certainly intended to evoke a standard metaphor.

| ^ | The construction of Agra Fort. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Double-page composition from the Akbar-Nameh , c. /291–92. Composition by Miskina with painting by Sarwan (right side) and Tulsi Khord (left side). Right side: ;3.6 /9.4 cm; Left side: ;3.6 31 cm. Victoria and Albert Museum, London: IS.3:>2-/694 (right) and IS.3:>4-/694 (left). | _ | Gwalior Fort, Madhya Pradesh, India. ! !)

) THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE !(

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Abo’l-Fazl mentions Humayun’s desire to reconquer Hindustan Jahangir-Nameh recorded public and private events, including as inspired by wanting to remove “weeds from that garden,” and the alterations to the palaces in Agra and Lahore that he ordered he later compares Akbar’s sovereign role to that of a gardener immediately after his accession. #! His artists depicted some judiciously arranging trees, shrubs and plants. #& An inscription of the events and unusual or interesting phenomena he came on the gateway to Akbar’s tomb proclaims: “He sowed the seed across in his travels across the empire. of goodness in the garden of the world, and reaped the fruit of it There are marked differences of style between paintings in the gardens of paradise.” #* done for Akbar and for his successor. Jahangir’s artists intro- In his Memoirs, Babur describes one of his gardens in the duced a greater naturalism, and focused more closely on their foothills of the mountains near Kabul. Plane trees provided subjects. Both factors allow small details in a general setting shade for the beautiful setting, and a stream meandered to be seen with considerable clarity. In rare instances, this pro- through the middle | /1 |. Timur’s grandson, Ulugh Beg, had con- vides an unprecedented view of lost imperial architecture. +iscated it from its original owners, to whom Babur paid com- In /410 Jahangir visited Kabul, and was entertained in the pensation. #' He now straightened the stream by making it +low mansion of his son Khurram, the future emperor Shah Jahan. through stone channels, creating order and harmonious sym- Many such princely mansions were built; few survive from any metry in the manner of Abo’l-Fazl’s ideal sovereign. period. Jahangir recorded his pleasure in the house and garden Akbar’s son Salim succeeded him as Emperor Jahan- in the Jahangir-Nameh , and an anonymous artist recorded the gir in /412. Like Babur, he wrote an account of his life. The scene where the emperor bestowed for the +irst time the honour

| { | Begs holding a council after the death of Babur’s father in AH 699 (AD />9>). | | Babur’s feast in the palace of Muzaffar Mirza in the White Garden in Herat Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Folio from the Babur-Nameh , in AH 9/3 (AD /214–10). Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Folio c. /292. Page: 32.0 /2.0 cm; Painting: /6 /1 cm. State Museum of Oriental from the Babur-Nameh , c. /292. Page: 32.9 /0.; cm; Painting: /0.6 9.6 cm. Art, Moscow: II /2>4. State Museum of Oriental Art, Moscow: II 20>. )$ PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

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of a birthday weighing ceremony on his eldest son | // |. A degree Such paintings focus on the opulence of the court, where plain of authenticity is suggested by the similarity between the bases structures were adorned with carpets, wall hangings and can- of the pillars in the painting, and those of a surviving pavilion in opies lined with sumptuous Chinese, Iranian or European textiles. Lahore Fort, in the “Jahangiri Quadrangle”. #) All were an intrinsic part of imperial life, whether the court The rest of Khurram’s house seems to be brick built, covered resided in the great cities or in the encampment. Here, the small with plaster and painted decoration, as was usual in Mughal wall painting of the Virgin above Jahangir’s head represents the architecture in the northern provinces. The depiction of the inter- Christian themes of decoration in his monuments in Agra, Ajmer ior, with its painted dado, gold brocade-covered bolster resting and Lahore. %$ on a day bed, +ine carpet and niches containing sixteenth-cen- In Jahangir’s court assemblies, his face is always in full tury Chinese white porcelain blanc-de-chine statuettes, reveals pro+ile, his gaze never connecting with anyone in his presence. in detail the luxury furnishings of the private quarters of a mem- In a scene depicting one of the most important formalities in ber of the royal family. the daily life of the court he is even more aloof | /; |. %" The cere- Another Jahangir-Nameh page moves attention away from mony of darshan , “beholding”, was derived from Hindu ritual the architectural setting of the court to emphasize those stand- and introduced by Akbar as one of the syncretic practices he ing within it | /3 |, though the jharoka itself has convincingly adopted as the Muslim ruler of a predominantly Hindu popula- been identi+ied as Jahangir’s addition to pre-Mughal structures tion. Imperial architecture therefore included a high balcony or in the royal city of Mandu. #( jharoka in the palace walls from which the emperor appeared

| @ | Babur watching the water channels being straightened in his garden in | @@ | Jahangir weighing Khurram in the prince’s mansion in the Orta Bagh in Istalif in AH 9/1 (AD /21>–12). Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Kabul in /410. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Folio from a Jahan- Folio from the Babur-Nameh , c. /292. Page: 3>.3 /2.; cm; Painting: gir-Nameh manuscript, c. /4/2. Page >>.; 39.2 cm; Painting ;1 /9.4 cm. /6 /1 cm. State Museum of Oriental Art, Moscow: II /2;9 (cat. 3/). British Museum, London: /9>6, /119, 1.49. Bequeathed by P.C. Manuk and Miss G. M. Coles through the Art Fund. THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE )"

"# every day at daybreak to the populace outside. %# It became the many other imperial structures have survived. %& His daughter, focus of many paintings of Jahangir’s successor. Jahanara, and other nobles also commissioned major monu- A depiction of Shah Jahan witnessing an elephant +ight is ments. Little of this proli+ic building is seen in paintings de+in- strikingly similar in its composition to the jharoka scene of itely produced in his reign. Jahangir. Here, too, Shah Jahan is a static +igure in a symbolic In the few contemporary illustrations to the Padshah- setting, rather than the leading protagonist of a speci+ic incident Nameh , the history written by Abdul Hamid Lahori, a single in a continuing narrative, as had been the case under Akbar | /> |. structure predominates. %* The emperor – Shah Jahan, or his The nobles, again identi+ied by minute inscriptions, are ranged father in the retrospective scenes depicting Shah Jahan’s life meticulously according to their rank within the rigidly hierarch- as a prince – sits in a jharoka beneath a stone canopy which ical Mughal Empire, with those of highest status honoured by has projecting cloth canopies lined with sumptuous textiles. their proximity to the emperor. %% There is a general verisimilitude in the architecture, combined After his accession, Shah Jahan began to sweep away most with occasional very precise detail, all recognizable from exist- of what had been built by Akbar and Jahangir in the royal cities, ing structures. %' As in earlier court scenes, the courtiers are and ordered the construction a new city in Delhi called Shah- arranged according to rank, with the most senior standing jahanabad. He was also forced to build a tomb for his beloved inside the golden railings that denote their exalted status. How- wife Mumtaz Mahal after she died in childbirth in /4;/. The Taj ever, as the distinguished architectural historian Ebba Koch Mahal became his most famous architectural legacy, though points out, the assembly is now arranged with the same rigidly

| @V | Court assembly of Jahangir. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Folio from a Jahangir-Nameh manuscript, c. /4/2–31. ;2 39 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: />.42>. Francis Bartlett Donation and Picture Fund. )# PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

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bilateral symmetry that characterizes Shah Jahan’s imperial his son Aurangzeb, who seized the throne and adopted the title architecture | /2 |. %! ’Alamgir. Although the opulence of court ritual continued for a The canopy above his head usually has a sun motif at its time, ’Alamgir’s increasing piety made him gradually eliminate centre, indicating that it represents the sky, and by extension the more extravagant ceremonials, and there is little evidence the universe. The emperor is the embodiment of his title: the of his patronage of the art of the book. &$ In /46/ the emperor left “King of the World” ( shah-e jahan ), as architectural inscriptions Shahjahanabad to lead military campaigns against the sultan- also proclaim. %) ates of the Deccan and never returned to the north. After his The decoration of this allegorical court space emphasizes death in /010, bloody wars of succession as well as raids on his kingship as emphatically as did the ornamentation of the real Delhi by Afghans, Marathas, Jats and Sikhs ensured that the palaces. The +lowers painted on the wall behind the emperor, series of weak emperors stayed away from Shahjahanabad. Real like those painted on real walls, or inlaid in vividly coloured power devolved to the increasingly autonomous governors of semi-precious stones into white marble and carved in relief in the empire’s provinces. &" stone, all project the same notion. Under the just and benign Paintings were still produced by traditional Mughal artists rule of Shah Jahan, “Hindustan became the +lower garden of the who harked back to the golden age of the empire under Shah earth,” as his historian Muhammad Saleh Kanbu states. %( Jahan. The royal +igures painted by artists such as Bhavani The calm atmosphere projected by paintings of Shah Jahan’s Das have all the conventional attributes of royalty, from jew- court was abruptly interrupted in /426 when he was deposed by elled thrones to turban ornaments | /4 |. &# However, as in other

| @[ | Jahangir appearing to courtiers from a jharoka window. c. /4/2–31. /969./;2. Harris Brisbane Dick, Louis V. Bell, Pfeiffer and Dodge Funds, Ascribed to Nader az-Zaman, the Wonder of the Age (Abo’l Hasan). Opaque /969. Formerly in the collection of Nasr al-Din Shah of Iran. watercolour and gold on paper. Page 22.9 ;2./ cm Painting ;/.3 31.4 cm. | @] | Shah Jahan receives his three eldest sons, and his brother-in-law Asaf Aga Khan Museum: M./>/. Khan, during his accession ceremonies in March /436. Opaque watercolour | @\ | An elephant +ight in the presence of Shah Jahan and his sons. Opaque and gold on paper. A page from the Padshah-Nameh . c. /4;1–>1. Signed watercolour and gold on paper. Signed by Bolaqi, son of Hoshang. Dated by Bichitr. Painting ;1.6 3/./ cm. Royal Collection Trust: RCIN /112132.k AH /1>[?9] (AD /4;9–>1). ;6.3 3>.0 cm. Metropolitan Museum, New York: (folio 21b). "* )&

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"! paintings of the time, the symbolic architectural setting has The devastating raid of Nadir Shah of Iran on the Mughal contracted to a generic terrace overlooking a garden, and a capital in /0;9 fatally weakened Mohammad Shah’s rule. The single canopy. invader carried off Mughal treasures including the Koh-i nur With the accession of the seventeen-year-old Mohammad diamond and the fabulous Jewelled Throne made for Shah Shah (/0/9–>6), the cultural life of the Mughal court miraculously Jahan. Court artists now seem to have dispersed to safer revived, despite the political background of turmoil, warfare and regions and richer patrons, not least the Iranian-born nawabs general corruption. In Shahjahanabad, his artists resuscitated of Avadh who lived in Faizabad and Lucknow, in de facto many conventions of traditional Mughal portraiture.&% Neverthe- independence, but kept strong Delhi connections. So did less, when the emperor is shown in a garden next to a pavilion artists living in Avadh, who worked for royal or aristocratic with +loral decoration and white stone columns | /0 |, the archi- patrons. &' tecture is not speci+ically that of the palace of Shahjahanabad. && By the late eighteenth century, they also worked for Euro- And when he is portrayed in a formal assembly with the sym- peans. Among those hoping to make their fortune in the metrical arrangement of paintings of Shah Jahan’s reign, the cosmo politan court of Avadh was the Swiss-French engineer architectural space has shrunk to a small chamber | /6 |. The Antoine-Louis-Henri Polier, who was seconded in /00; from hierarchical arrangement of a large gathering can no longer be the East India Company to Faizabad, and was for a short time shown: the system whereby everyone was given an extremely the nawab’s Chief Surveyor and architect. &! Polier’s library precise mansab , or rank, and land grants to provide income, was full of Persian and Arabic manuscripts, and he collected had now become completely corrupted. Titles were conferred Indian paintings. He also commissioned new works from local on more than one person at a time in absolute contravention of artists, including copies of paintings from earlier periods and earlier protocol, leading a historian of Mohammad Shah’s reign various different regions of India. &) All this seems to have gen- to remark: “ mansab and title have absolutely no value”. &* erated a short-lived fashion in the representation of landscapes

| @^ | The sons and grandsons of Shah Jahan. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Delhi or Avadh, c. /011–/1. Signed by Bhavani Das. >6.9 ;> cm. San Diego Museum of Art, Ed Binney ;rd Collection: /991:;42. | @_ | Mohammad Shah in a palanquin. Opaque watercolour and gold on paper. Delhi, c. /0;1. ;6.; >3.2 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: 34.36;. Arthur Mason Knapp Fund. )' PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

and buildings. For the +irst time in Mughal painting scienti+ic Polier temporarily entered the service of the emperor Shah conventions of Western perspective are strictly followed in a ’Alam II (r. /029–/614) in Delhi between /004 and /061, Mihr highly distinctive style. &( Chand is thought to have returned to the capital with him, and to The real and imaginary scenes that suddenly appear in the have produced vistas of the Red Fort, Jami Masjid and the imper- late /001s with the characteristic bird’s eye view sweeping along ial encampment. *# Other artists copied these works: one of four a central axis over a landscape that seems to stretch into in+inity closely similar views of the Red Fort is signed by Mohammad can be linked directly to Polier. Many are preserved in his own Yusof Khan, who dated his work to the twenty-second regnal albums or were given by him to friends. The landscapes are ulti- year of Shah ’Alam II (/029–/614), or /06/. *% In all these versions, mately inspired by engravings of the great vistas (grandes per- the tiny +igure of the emperor who had returned to Delhi in /003 spectives ) that characterized seventeenth-century French land- after an absence of fourteen years can be made out in the Hall scape architecture, particularly in the garden designs of André of Private Audience to the right in the foreground | 31 |. Polier Le Nôtre for Versailles, Vaux-le-Vicomte and Chantilly | /9 |. *$ recorded that “the King’s possessions are con+ined mostly to Such engravings would easily have been found in Faizabad or the environs of Delhy” and that his court, never “even in the best Lucknow when Polier lived there: his close friend, the French times very brilliant,” now lacked any grandeur. *& adventurer Claude Martin, had a library of over >111 European In /61;, when the British East India Company took over Agra printed books that included volumes on architecture, re+lecting and Delhi, Shah ’Alam II’s fortunes had fallen still further. Blinded his keen interest in the subject. *" by an enemy in /066 and desperately impoverished, he now Polier, like others in the cosmopolitan circle of Lucknow, became a pensioner of the Company, his domain limited to the employed local artists such as the Delhi exile Mihr Chand. When Red Fort in Delhi. The occupiers, and others who wielded the

| @{ | Mohammad Shah with four courtiers. Opaque watercolour and gold | @ | Engraving of “Illuminations autour du Grand Canal de Versailles”. on paper. Delhi, c. /0;1. ;/.3 >4.6 cm. Bodleian Library, Oxford: MS Douce British Museum, London: /669, /3/6./21. Or.a.;, folio />. | V | Bird’s eye view of the Red Fort, Delhi. Watercolour on paper. Delhi or Lucknow, c. /061. Page ;3.2 >>.2 cm; Painting 39.3 >/.2 cm. British Library, London: Add.Or.9>6. THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE )!

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| V@ | Darbar of Akbar II in the presence of his sons and the British resident Sir David Ochterlony. Gouache and gold on paper. Delhi, c. /6/6–33. >6.; >1.4 cm. British Library, London: Add.Or.;109. | VV | Sir David Ochterlony in Indian dress watching a nautch in his house in Delhi. Watercolour and body colour. Delhi, c. /631. 33.3 ;/.6 cm. British Library, London: Add.Or.3. | V[ | Bahadur Shah II, the last Mughal emperor, with his sons. Signed “Done by the hereditary slave Ghulam ’Ali Khan the portraitist, resident at Shahjahanabad”, Delhi, dated regnal year /, AH /32; (AD /6;0). ;/ ;4.2 cm. The Art and History Collection. Courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC: LTS/992.3./12. ($ PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

real in+luence, had themselves depicted by local artists in the assemblies in the manner of his ancestor, but Shah Jahan’s Jew- guise of rulers. ** elled Throne, popularly known as the Peacock Throne after the Sir David Ochterlony, the +irst British Resident of Delhi, was bejewelled and enamelled birds on its canopy, had left Hindustan given the title Nasir ad-Daula by Shah ’Alam II and an award of long before. Akbar II’s replacement is probably made of painted revenue-producing land ( jagir ). *' He settled into Indian life and and gilded wood | 3/ |. *) had his own harem. A portrait shows him in the Neoclassical He was succeeded by the digni+ied and cultured Bahadur architecture of his Delhi house with its European paintings. Yet, Shah II. His accession portrait is signed by the artist Ghulam ’Ali he wears Indian dress, and the setting projects his own powerful Khan who describes himself as a resident of Shahjahanabad | 3; |. role: it includes attributes commonly given to the emperor, and The emperor is enthroned in the heart of the palace in the Red now to nawabs in their own contemporary portraits, notably a Fort, beneath the emblematic Scales of Justice carved into the royal +lywhisk, hookah, spittoon and decorated spice box | 33 |. white marble wall, all faithfully reproduced by the artist in this The rapidly encroaching in+luence of Europeans led to the new age of realistic representation | 3> |. Ghulam ’Ali’s notations production of topographical studies for French, and then British on the painting describe this as an image of “His Divine Highness, patrons. The large-scale documentary drawings made by Indian caliph of the age, Padshah as glorious as Jamshid, surrounded artists of famous monuments and their architectural ornamenta- by hosts of angels, prince shadow of God… scion of the dynasty tion leave the conventions of Mughal painting behind. *! of the Saheb-Qiran [Timur], greatest emperor, mightiest king of Within Shahjahanabad, royal patronage continued to +licker kings, emperor son of emperor [etc, etc]”. *( In reality, the “King of until the very end of the Mughal Empire. Akbar II (/614–;0), the World” is now simply the powerless “King of Delhi”, sitting on like Mohammad Shah, commissioned illustrated copies of the a plain wooden chair, his face full of melancholy. With the up- histories of Shah Jahan’s reign. He, too, was depicted in court rising of /620 his reign, and the Mughal Empire, came to an end.

| V\ | The white marble Scales of Justice panel in the Red Fort, Shahjahanabad, Delhi, India. THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE ("

Endnotes vol. I, p. 222; see also Canby in universally accepted (Melikian- (Lustre Press/Role Books, New Milo Beach, Eberhard Fischer and Chirvani, “Mir Sayyed ’Ali”, Delhi, 31/3) for a photograph taken " For the general history of B. N. Goswamy [eds.], Masters of op. cit.; and Faridany-Akhavan, between /601 and /661 of one the Mughal emperors, see Indian Painting [Artibus Asiae forthcoming). of the two stone elephants that R. C. Majumdar (ed.), The Publishers Supplementum, >6 I/ ! Seyller, The Adventures of originally stood outside Agra Fort. Mughul Empire (Bharatiya Vidya II, 31//], vol. I, pp. 99–/11). The Hamza op. cit., cat. 24 for the "! Beveridge, The Akbar Nama Bhavan, Bombay, /90>); and John earliest evidence for their work translation of the Persian text on of Abu-l-Fazl op. cit., vol. III, F. Richards, The Mughal Empire done while in Humayun’s service the reverse, and of the caption to pp. 626, 643. (Cambridge University Press, is a signed work by ’Abd os- the picture. ") M. S. Randhawa, Paintings of the Cambridge, /99;). Samad, dated AH 929/AD /22/. ) Ibid., cat. 26. Babur Nama (National Museum, # For the very precise date of their One of the +igures wears the ( Attilio Petruccioli, Fathpur New Delhi, /96;), pp. /3–/;; and arrival in the month of Shawwal, typical turban of Humayun’s reign Sikri. La Città del sole e delle S. N. Vorobieva and I. I. Sheptu- AH 929/AD /223, which Humayun (reproduced, for example, in acque (Carucci Editore, Rome, nova, Baburnama. Minyatiuri mentions in a letter quoted by Beach, Fischer, Goswamy [eds.], /966), p. //9; Catherine B. Asher, iz Sobraniya gosudarstvennovo the sixteenth-century historian Masters of Indian Painting op. Architecture of Mughal India Muzeya Vostoka (Baburnameh. Bayazid Bayat, see Michael Brand cit., vol. I, p. /13, +ig. 3). (The New Cambridge History Miniatures from the Collection of and Glenn D. Lowry, Akbar’s % Jahangir’s Memoirs frequently of India, Vol. I:2) (Cambridge the State Museum of Oriental Art) India: Art from the Mughal mention that he ordered artists to University Press, Cambridge, (Agni House Editions, Samara, City of Victory (The Asia Society decorate new structures. /993), pp. 43–4>; and Bianca Al+i- 3112). Galleries, New York, /962), p. 3>; & Blochmann, The A’in-i Akbari eri, Islamic Architecture of the "( Wheeler M. Thackston (ed. and S. Verma, Mughal Painters and by Abu’l-Fazl ’Allami op. cit., Indian Subcontinent (Laurence trans), The Baburnama: Their Work. A Biographical vol. I, pp. //1–//;. See also Susan King Publishing, London, 3111), Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Survey and Comprehensive Stronge, Made for Mughal pp. 3/3–3/2, offer or summarize Emperor (Oxford University Press, Catalogue (Oxford University Emperors (Roli Books/Lustre different interpretations. New York, /994), pp. ;2/–;23. Press, Delhi, /99>), pp. >1–/; Press, New Delhi, 31/1), chapter II. "$ Ebba Koch, Mughal Architecture #$ Ibid., pp. ;29–;41. and A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, “Mir * Blochmann, The A’in-i Akbari by (Prestel-Verlag, Munich, /99/), p. 41. #" Ibid., p. 3;>. Sayyed ’Ali: Painter of the Past Abu’l-Fazl ’Allami op. cit., vol. I, "" Beveridge, The Akbar Nama of ## Ibid., pp. >1;–>/6. For the dating and Pioneer of the Future”, in pp. /19–//;. Abu-l-Fazl op. cit., vol. II, p. /9/. of this Babur-Nameh manuscript Asok Das (ed.), Mughal Mas- ' Most art historians, including See Koch, Mughal Architecture see Randhawa, Paintings of the ters. Further Studies (Marg, most recently J. P. Losty and op. cit., pp. 2>–22, and Asher, Babur Nama op. cit., p. /> and vol. >9, no. >, Mumbai, /996), Malini Roy, Mughal India. Art, Architecture of Mughal India n. ;, quoting Rai Krishnadasa. p. ;/. However, other evidence Culture and Empire (The Brit- op. cit., pp. 21–2/ for precise #% Asher, Architecture of Mughal suggests they arrived as early as ish Library, London, 31/3), p. /2, in+luences of Bengal, Gujarat India op. cit., p. ;0; and Ebba AH 924/AD /2>9 (H. Beveridge, follow the dating of c. /243–00 and elsewhere on Akbar’s Koch, Mughal Art and Imper- The Akbar Nama of Abu-l-Fazl ori ginally suggested by Pramod monuments. ial Ideology. Collected Essays [History of the reign of Akbar Chandra in /904. John Seyller "# Beveridge, The Akbar Nama of (Oxford University Press, New including an account of his (The Adventures of Hamza. Abu-l-Fazl op. cit., vol. III, p. >4>. Delhi, 311/), pp. 31;–336. predecessors] translated from Painting and Storytelling in "% Susan Stronge, Painting for the #& Beveridge, The Akbar Nama of the Persian [Ess Ess Publica- Mughal India , Smithsonian Mughal Emperor. The Art of the Abu-l-Fazl op. cit., vol. I, p. 2>;; tions, Delhi, /900, ; vols.], vol. I, Institution in association with Book &*+"–&++" (V&A Publica- vol. II, pp. ;;3 and >60. See also p. 223; H. Blochmann [trans.], Azimuth Editions, London, 3113, tions, London, 3113), pp. ;4–62. Asher in Attilio Petruccioli (ed.), The A’in-i Akbari by Abu’l-Fazl pp. ;3–>/), followed by Milo "& Beveridge, The Akbar Nama Mughal Architecture. Pomp ’Allami [second edition revised Cleveland Beach ( The Impe- of Abu-l-Fazl op. cit., vol. II, and Ceremonies (Environmental and edited by Lieut. Colonel rial Image: Paintings for the pp. ;03–;0;. Design. Journal of the Islamic D. C. Phillott, ; vols, Oriental Mughal Court , Mapin Publishing, "* Ibid., pp. 2;1–2;/. Environmental Design Research Books Reprint Corporation, New Ahmedabad, 31/3), proposes "' Asher, Architecture of Mughal Centre, IXth Year, no. //, /966), Delhi, /900; reprinted from the an earlier dating, but his iden- India op. cit., pp. 26–29. See pp. >4–2;; and Stronge, Painting second edition of /930 published ti+ication of the numerals on Ratish Nanda in J. P. Losty (ed.), for the Mughal Emperor op. cit., by the Asiatic Society, Calcutta], some paintings as dates is not Delhi. Red Fort to Raisina p. 69. (# PART II THE MUGHAL EMPIRE THROUGH THE AGES

#* Edmund W. Smith, revised and its inscriptions see Beach made of an equestrian portrait the Regional Courts in the &!th by W. H. Nicholls, Akbar’s and Koch, King of the World op. of Jahangir now in the Chester and &6th Centuries , Marg Publi- Tomb, Sikandarah, near Agra cit., pp. /6> and 31>. Beatty Library, where Akbar’s cations, Mumbai, 3113), pp. /4–/0, (Archaeological Survey of India, %& For a broad summary of archi- tomb in the background looks like for the +irst major reassessment vol. XXXV, Allahabad: F. Luker, tecture in the reign see Asher, a later addition. This painting also of painting under Mohammad Supdt., Govt. Press, United Prov- Architecture of Mughal India has an Avadhi connection: it was Shah. inces, /919), p. ;2 (Persian text op. cit., chapter 2; see also Koch, mounted in an album of Shuja && Ibid., pp. /;–;;; and Dalrymple and English translation). Mughal Architecture op. cit. al-Dawla, nawab of Avadh from and Sharma, Princes and Paint- #' Wheeler M. Thackston (ed. and Al+ieri, Islamic Architecture of /02>–02 (Elaine Wright, Muraqqa’ ers in Mughal Delhi op. cit., trans), The Jahangirnama. the Indian Subcontinent op. Imperial Mughal Albums from cats. 4–/>, for depictions of the Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor cit., devotes a chapter to Shah the Chester Beatty Library, Dub- emperor. of India (Oxford University Press, Jahan’s reign in her detailed sum- lin , Art Services International, &* Zahiruddin Malik, A Mughal New York, /999), pp. /06–/09. mary of Mughal architecture from Alexandria, Virginia, 3116, cat. 3>, Statesman of the Eighteenth #! Translated into English by Rogers /234 to the nineteenth century, pp. 326–329). Century. Khan-i-Dauran. Mir and Beveridge: Alexander Rogers with extensive colour illustra- %' See, for example, Koch in Beach Bakhshi of Muhammad Shah and Henry Beveridge (eds. and tions. For the de+initive account and Koch, King of the World op. &5&6–&576 (Aligarh Muslim Uni- trans.), The Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, of the Taj Mahal see Ebba Koch, cit., p. 316. versity, Aligarh, /90;), p. >6; the or Memoirs of Jahangir (Royal The Complete Taj Mahal and %! Ibid., especially pp. /40–/46, /9/, chapter “Crisis of the Old Order Asiatic Society, London, /919 the Riverfront Gardens of Agra /99 and 31>. /010–/032”, pp. >3–2;, gives a [vol. /] and /9/> [vol.II]); and (Thames & Hudson, London, %) For the proclamation of the detailed account of the process Thackston, The Jahangirnama 3114). Excellent colour illustra- emperor as “King of the World” based on contemporary Persian op. cit. tions of Shah Jahan’s monuments in Persian inscriptions even on sources. #) Asher, Architecture of Mughal are in George Michell and Amrit religious monuments see Wayne &' Schmitz (ed.), After the Great India op. cit., pl. 29, p. //>. Pasricha, Mughal Architecture Begley, “The Symbolic Role of Mughals op. cit., provides the #( Ghulam Yazdani, Mandu: the and Gardens (Antique Collectors’ Calligraphy on Three Imperial +irst major reassessment of paint- City of Joy (/939), followed by Club, Martlesham, 31//). Mosques of Shah Jahan”, in ing of the period; and Stephen Brand in Petruccioli (ed.), Mughal %* The Padshah-Nameh manuscript Joanna G. Williams (ed.), Kala- Markel and Tushara Bindu Gude, Architecture op. cit., pp. />–/4. in the Royal Library, Windsor darsana. American Studies in India’s Fabled City. The Art of %$ There is an extensive literature Castle, is signed by the cal- the Art of India (Oxford & IBH Courtly Lucknow (Prestel, New on Western in+luence on Mughal ligrapher Muhammad Amin of Publishing Co, in collaboration York, 31/1) give an overview art. Engravings, paintings and Mashhad and dated AH /140/ with American Institute of Indian of Lucknow’s art and culture objects were initially brought by AD /424–20 (see Beach in Beach Studies, New Delhi, Bombay and at this period, with extensive a series of Jesuit missions to the and Koch, King of the World op. Calcutta, /96/). bibliography. See Beach, Fischer court from Portuguese Goa. For cit., p. /2, who converts the date %( Koch in Beach and Koch, King of and Goswamy (eds.), Masters of a broad introduction to the sub- to /420–26). In /099 the nawab the World op. cit., p. 311. Indian Painting op. cit., vol. II, ject, with good illustrations and of Avadh presented it to Lord &$ See, for example, Losty and chapters V and VI; and Losty excellent bibliography, see Jorge Teignmouth, Governor-General of Roy, Mughal India op. cit., p. 62, and Roy, Mughal India op. cit., Flores and Nuno Vassallo e Silva, India, for King George III. Beach though the austerity did not chapters ; and >, for later Mughal Goa and the Great Mughal points out that the paintings and extend to music being com- painting. Chanchal Dadlani, “The (Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation text are not contemporary: the pletely banned. See Katherine ‘Palais Indiens’ Collection of /00>. in association with Scala Publish- margins are later additions and Butler Brown, “Did Aurangzeb Representing Mughal Architec- ers, Lisbon, 311>). there are peculiarities in the way Ban Music? Questions for the ture in Late Eighteenth-Century %" Sheila Canby, Princes, Poets and the paintings have been inserted Historiography of His Reign” (in India” (in Smithsonian Institution, Paladins: Islamic and Indian in the text (ibid., pp. /2–/9). He Modern Asian Studies >/, no. /, Ars Orientalis , vol. ;9, Globaliz- Paintings from the Collection of concludes (pp. /34–/39) that 3110), pp. 00–/31; and William ing Cultures: Art and Mobility Prince and Princess Sadruddin the manuscript was assembled Dalrymple and Yuthika Sharma in the Eighteenth Century , 31/1), Aga Khan (British Museum Press, after Shah Jahan’s death in /444, (eds.), Princes and Painters in deals speci+ically with represen- London, /996), cat. /12, pp. />/– but that all the paintings in the Mughal Delhi, &5"5–&!*5 (Asia tations of architecture. />3, gives a full bibliography of volume date to the emperor’s Society Museum, in association &! For an account of Polier see this painting, updated in Beach, reign. It seems more likely that with Yale University Press, New Pratul C. Gupta (ed.), Shah Alam Fischer and Goswamy (eds.), the entire volume was substan- Haven and London, 31/3), p. 3. II and His Court. A narrative of Masters of Indian Painting op. tially altered in Avadh at the end &" Richards, The Mughal Empire op. the transactions at the court of cit., vol. I, p. 3/>. of the eighteenth century, with cit., pp. 30;–306. Delhy from the year &55& to the %# See Koch in Milo Beach and Ebba paintings of Shah Jahan’s reign &# For Bhavani Das see Navina present time by Antoine Louis Koch, King of the World. The being made into double-page Haidar in Beach, Fischer and Henri Polier (The Asiatic Society, Padshahnama (with new trans- compositions by the addition of Goswamy (eds.), Masters of Calcutta, /969); Lucian Har- lations by Wheeler Thackston, new paintings and new episodes. Indian Painting op. cit., vol. II, ris, “The Exploration of Nawabi Azimuth Editions, London, /990), Some of the seventeenth-century pp. 2;/–2>4. Culture by European Collectors pp. /;;–/;0. pictures give the impression &% See Terence McInerney, “Mughal in /6th-Century Lucknow” (in %% For the artist, see Milo Cleveland of having later embellishments, Painting During the Reign of Rosie Llewellyn-Jones [ed.], Beach, The Imperial Image: but a scienti+ic analysis of these Muhammad Shah” (in Barbara Lucknow Then and Now , Marg Paintings for the Mughal Court pages remains to be carried out. Schmitz (ed.), After the Great Publications, Mumbai, 311;); op. cit., p. 31>; for the painting The same observation may be Mughals. Painting in Delhi and and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “The THE IMAGE OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE (%

Career of Colonel Polier and Late d’Orient – Miniatures – Objets Eighteenth-Century Orientalism” de vitrine , lot ;9 (http://www. (in Journal of the Royal Asi- pba-auctions.com/html/+iche. atic Society of Great Britain & jsp?id=/661449). Another copy, Ireland , vol. /1, 3111). Muzaffar by Nidha Mal, is in the Royal Alam and Seema Alavi (trans. and Ontario Museum, Toronto (per- eds.), A European Experience sonal communication from Malini of the Mughal Orient: the I’jaz-I Roy): ROM311>-/1>1-2. Arsalani (Persian Letters &557– *& Gupta, Shah Alam II and his &556) of Antoine-Louis Henri Court op. cit., pp. 43, 4>. Polier (Oxford University Press, ** For an account of Delhi at this New Delhi and New York, 311/), period see Dalrymple and provide an English summary of Sharma, Princes and Painters in his letters in Persian. Mughal Delhi op. cit.; and Losty, &) Jean-Marie La Font, “The French Delhi. Red Fort to Raisina op. in Lucknow in the Eighteenth cit. Century”, in Violette Graff (ed.), *' Dalrymple and Sharma, Princes Lucknow. Memories of a City and Painters in Mughal Delhi (Oxford University Press, New op. cit., cat. 36, p. /13. Delhi, /990); R. D. Gadebusch, *! Dadlani, “The ‘Palais Indiens’ Col- “Celestial Gardens: Mughal Minia- lection of /00>” op. cit., provides tures from an Eighteenth Century an excellent analysis of French Album” (in Orientations , vol. 3/ patronage and its in+luence on no. 9, November 3111); Harris, architectural representation in “The Exploration of Nawabi Cul- Delhi and Avadh, as well as giving ture by European Collectors in a comprehensive bibliography on /6th-Century Lucknow” op. cit.; the same process in the British and Almut Von Gladiss, Album- milieu slightly later. blätter. Miniaturen aus den *) For detailed descriptions of the Sammlungen indo-islamischer painting see Dalrymple and Herrscherhöfe (Edition Minerva, Sharma, Princes and Paint- Berlin, 31/1). Malini Roy, “Ori- ers in Mughal Delhi op. cit., gins of the Late Mughal Paint- no. ;2; Losty, Delhi. Red Fort to ing Tradition in Awadh” (/999; Raisina op. cit., +ig. 0/; and Losty unpublished PhD thesis, in Markel and Roy, Mughal India op. cit., and Gude, India’s Fabled City pp. 3/1–3/;. op. cit., pp. /04–/06) and “Some *( Translated by Wheeler Thackston Unexpected Sources for Paint- in Abolola Soudavar, Art of the ings by the Artist Mihr Chand Persian Courts. Selections from (+l. c. /029-64), Son of Ganga Ram” the Art and History Trust Col- (in South Asian Studies , vol. 34, lection (Rizzoli, New York, /993), No. /, March 31/1), has made the pp. ;26–;29. most detailed study to date of the artists in Polier’s circle, notably Mihr Chand. &( Losty, Delhi. Red Fort to Raisina op. cit., who nevertheless does not suggest this speci+ic source of inspiration. *$ Patricia Bouchenot-Dechin and Georges Farhat (eds.), Andrée Le Nôtre in Perspective (Editions Hazan, Paris, 31/;). *" For Martin, see especially Rosie Llewellyn-Jones, A Very Ingen- ious Man. Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, /993). *# Roy, “Some Unexpected Sources for Paintings by the Artist Mihr Chand” op. cit. *% Sold at auction in Paris on 9 June 31//: Pierre Bergé & associés, Art