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1986 Church Buildings Enter the Urban Age: a Louisiana Example of the Church in Settlement Geography (1885-1930). Gail L. schlundt Sechrist Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College

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Sechrist, Gail L. Schlundt

CHURCH BUILDINGS ENTER THE URBAN AGE: A LOUISIANA EXAMPLE OF THE CHURCH IN SETTLEMENT GEOGRAPHY (1885-1930)

The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical Ph.D. Col. 1986

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University Microfilms International CHURCH BUILDINGS ENTER THE URBAN AGE: A LOUISIANA EXAMPLE OF THE CHURCH IN SETTLEMENT GEOGRAPHY (1885-1930)

A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Geography and Anthropology

by Gail L. Schlundt S echrist B.A., Valparaiso University, 1977 M.A., Ohio U niversity, 1981 May 1986 ©1987

GAIL L . SCHLUNDT SECHRIST

All R ights R eserv ed PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work deals with the changing role of the churoh in society and the results of this change on the landscape. Chroniclers of American social history note these changes at the national or regional level. My research foouses on how these changes influenced ohurches at the looal level. The patterns observed in Individual churoh build­ ings help illustrate the broader changes at work in America during the time of change from a rural to an urban society. My interest in the changes in ohuroh form was first aroused by the 1968 construction of a modern building by my home congregation in Michigan City, Indiana. The old ohurch, erected in 1867» was a steepled, red brick structure located near the edge of the central business district. The new sanctuary, designed to look like a ship, is attached to an educational wing that includes a courtyard. The situation of the new church, near the edge of town, was altered by the subsequent ereotlon of a shopping mall next door. These changes in my ) home church symbolize changes that were both typical and profound. The form and location of many church buildings has changed as the functional nature of the church has become more complex. These modern functional ohanges in the church began in the late 1880s. Many congre­ gations had begun adding new facilities by 1930 to accommodate the growing number of churoh organizations. The majority of the additions and reconstructions, however, have occurred sinoe the Second World War. These ohanges in the social organization of the church and their early expression in the church buildings took place between 1885 and 1930. The Sanborn fire insurance maps provided most of my information i l about the pre-1930 Louisiana church structures. Measurements of a few structures differed from year to year, and a few names and denomina­ tio n s were in co rrectly mapped, but the maps proved overall to be an excellent source of information about buildings that have long since disappeared. Because of the size and complexity of the data, there are undoubtedly a few errors in the building statistics. These errors, however, are not frequent enough to alter the conclusions of this work. Every effort has been made to keep them at a minimum. Each change in a church building was recorded as a new observation, new structures were tabulated in the total number of churches, and the number of congregations was based on consistency in name and location (Table 2). The information gathered from the Sanborn Maps is found in Appendix B; a lis t of church abbreviations used throughout the work appears at the beginning of Appendix A. I would like to acknowledge the insightful guidance of my advisor, Dr. Milton B. Newton Jr. He always encouraged me to question the conventional assumptions about the landscape and to examine the broader questions regarding man and faith. I am also grateful to Joyce

Nelson for allowing me easy access to the Sanborn Maps and a pleasant atmosphere to conduct my researoh. The staff of the Louisiana Room was also helpful in the retrieval of maps, histories, and files that

I used in my research. X appreciate the contributions of the other members of my committee; Drs. Loveland, Hilliard, Hichardson, Muller, and Segal; as they expanded my ideas about how man has ohanged his perceptions and his landscape. Lastly, X would like to thank my husband and my parents for their encouragement and support. i l l TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. l i - i i i LIST OF TABLES. vi LIST OF FIGURES. v il ABSTRACT. v iii- ix CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION. 1 URBANIZATION AND THE CHURCH 4 SYSTEMATIC GEOGRAPHY OF RELIGION 7 NONSYSTEMATIC GEOGRAPHY OF RELIGION 10 GOALS OF THE STUDY 20 CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE STUDY 21 CHAPTER TOPICS 21 CHAPTER 2. DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGES IN AMERICAN RELIGION. 23 DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN RELIGION 23 Early Evangelical Forms 23 Sectionalism Influences 31 CHANGES IN AMERICAN RELIGION IN THE URBAN AGE 34 Challenges Faced by the Churches 34 Reactions of the Churches 41 RELIGIOUS PATTERNS OF THE POSTBELLUM SOUTH 48

CHAPTER 3. CHURCHES IN LOUISIANA COMMUNITIES. 53 SOURCES AND METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION 53 The Sanborn Map Company F ire Insurance Maps 54 Seleotion of the Sample Communities 55 Method of Data Collection 60 INFLUENCES OF CHURCHES ON COMMUNITIES 62 INFLUENCES OF COMMUNITIES ON CHURCHES 65 Dominant Creed 65 Community Size 67 Community Vigor 75 Community Type 78 CHANGES IN THE CHURCH-COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIP 99 CHAPTER 4. LOUISIANA CHURCH BUILDINGS. 111 ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS 111 Early Protestant Churches 111 Early Catholic Churches 114 DATA ANALYSIS 117 CLASSES OF CHURCH STRUCTURES 120 Basic Building Shapes 120 Specific Building Features 123 Most Common Building Combinations 125 CHANGES IN CHURCH BUILDINGS 129

i v FACTORS INFLUENCING CHURCHES 136 Economic Factors 136 Current Theological or Denominational Trends 140 Available Materials and Technology 141 Cultural and Physical Environments 143 Lot Size and Looatlon 145 Period of Construction 151 CHAPTER 5. THE SOCIAL COMPONENT OF LOUISIANA CHURCH BUILDINGS. 153 DENOMINATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN CHURCHES 154 High Churches versus Low Churches 154 Locational Differences 161 RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN CHURCHES 163 Social Structure Differences 163 Physioal Structure Differences 170 Locational Differences 172 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION. 176

REFERENCES CITED. 185 APPENDIX A. SANBORN INSURANCE MAPS OF LOUISIANA TOWNS AND CITIES. 196 APPENDIX a LOUISIANA CHURCH DATA FROM SANBORN MAPS 1885-1948. 210 VITA. 256

v LIST OF TABLES

Table Ho. T itle Page

Table 1 Dominant Pariah Creed 57 Table 2 Sample Communities 61 Table 3 Churoh Building Educational Additions by Community Size 68 Table 4 Church Building Area by Community Size 70 Table 5 Extremes in Churoh Area 72

Table 6 Building Material by Community Size 74 Table 7 Community Rate of Change Indexes 77

Table 8 Community Types of Sample Communities 79

Table 9 Frequencies of all Building Features 123 Table 10 Combinations of Building Features with Five or More Cases 127-28 Table 11 Changes in Louisiana Town Churches 1885-1948 131-32

Table 12 Sample of Church Building Costs 137 Table 13 Sample of Churoh Lot Sizes 146-47 Table 14 Relation of Ground Plan to Lot Areas for Baton Rouge 1923 149-50 Table 15 Entranceway Looation by Lot Location 151 Table 16 Brick Churches and Towers by Denomination 156 Table 17 Tower-Spire Heights in Feet 156 Table 18 Chancel Types by Denomination 159 Table 19 Floor Plans by Denomination 160

Table 20 Percentages of Blaoks and Black Churches, 1920 174

v i LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No. T itle Page

Figure 1 Dominant Creed of Louisiana Parishes 58 Figure 2 Location of Sample Communities 59 Figure 3 Lake Providence 1928 Churoh D istribution 81 Figure 4 Clinton I940 Churoh D istribution 82

Figure 5 Baton Rouge 1923 (1947) Church Distribution 83 Figure 6 Breaux Bridge 1923 Churoh Distribution 87 Figure 7 Abbeville 1929 Churoh D istribution 88 Figure 8 Amite 1928 Churoh D istribution 90

Figure 9 Arcadia 1924 Churoh D istribution 91 Figure 10 Donaldsonvllle 1928 Church D istribution 92 Figure 11 Alexandria 1928 Churoh D istribution 94 Figure 12 Morgan City 1927 Church D istribution 98 Figure 13 Fordoche and Loranger 1919 Church D istribution 100 Figure 14 Independence 1929 Churoh Distribution 101 Figure 15 Changes in Mansfield F irs t B ap tist Church 1867-1919 110 Figure 16 Common Churoh Floor Plans; Preliminary Study of Sanborn Map 118 Figure 17 New Ib eria Methodist Church 122

Figure 18 New Iberia Episcopal Church of the Epiphany 122 Figure 19 Entranceway of Donaldsonvllle Methodist Churoh 134 Figure 20 Donaldsonvllle Methodist Church with Modern Additions 134

V i i ABSTRACT

The type of church building being erected today is quite different from the traditional white steepled church on the village green. Churoh buildings and their location in the community have gradually changed as American relig io n has become more complex. The ohanges in religion reflect the dramatic transformation of American society from a rural to an urban culture. This process began after the Civil Wart but it was not widely acknowledged until the last decades of the nineteenth oentury. The transformation was not limited to the large urban centers, but can be seen in towns and villages aoross the

nation. Various characteristics of urban plaoes influenoe church develop­

ment and location. Community size, type, vitality, and in Louisiana, dominant creed, play a role in the looation and size of ohurch buildings. Community size and vitality also influenoe the acceptance of new ideas and styles by the congregations. Besides community influences, a variety of other factors affect the type of churoh building that a congregation erects, these include

the following: economic means, current theologioal or denominational

trends, available materials, current technology, oultural and physical environments, access routes, lot size and location, and period of

construction. Because each churoh is a group effort, it is a good indicator of the group's ideal image. This image changes as new ideas are added to the ideal model of what a churoh building should look like and the functions it is to serve.

v i i i During the early years of the study period, rectangular buildings with entranceways and projecting ohanoels were the most popular type of church. Towards the end of the study period, the id eal image began to change as the funotion of the church changed to include organisa­ tions for every age group and Interest. The buildings reflected this with the addition of educational and recreational facilities. Deno­ mination and race also Influenced the erection of ohurch structures, but these faotors were often found not to be as great as has been traditionally supposed. Throughout Louisiana, and across the country, the ohuroh was entering the urban age.

i x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

The little brown churoh In the vale la a reminder of the settle­

ment landsoape of the past. Although a number of these small, rural, wooden structures still stand, they are not the typical churoh of today's urban society. The majority of today's churches occupy urban, or more likely, suburban settings. Compared to their predecessors, these buildings are usually plain, functional, and sprawling. Educa­ tional wings and facilities devoted to recreation activities occupy much of.the urban churoh building. The buildings require large parking lots and often have large yards with trimmed conifers. The successful suburban churches are generally located along well traveled routes where

they can attract the attention of the passerby. The buildings reflect the new attitude towards the church, and to many they no longer seem like a churoh because they lack some of the traditional features. When did these ohanges occur and what were the Influences on the churches that caused these ohanges? After the Civil War, American religion and the role of the churches gradually became more complex as society became more complex and as religious movements became religious in s titu tio n s . The ro le of the church expanded as members p articip ated in a greater array of eduoational and social activities. No longer simply religious meetinghouses, churches have become gathering places for a variety of social organizations. The ohanges in American society that influenced churoh struc­ tures began after the Civil War, but were not readily noticeable until the last decades of the nineteenth century. Between 1880 and 1940, a dramatic transformation took place in American society as the country

1 beeame more urbanized and cosmopolitan. Alterations in church build­ ings during this period reflected ohanges in society and in the insti­ tutions that the buildings housed. As the churoh took on functions other than the tra d itio n a l Sunday worship, the stru ctu res became larg e r and more complex. Hot only did the buildings change, but so did their location in the community, as well as their service areas. These alter­ ations were more frequent in the larger communities, but various other social factors influenced the rate and the way in which the churches were adjusting. tfhen a congregation makes plans to erect a stru ctu re, they envi­ sion an ideal model of a church building. Glassie (1968) refers to this ideal model of a building as the "deep structure"—the abstract image of a building. Because each ohurch is a community effort, it reflects the group's ideal image rather than one individual's view, as is reflected in a single house. This model of the ideal church changes as new ideas are added. Sometimes conditions prohibit the construction of the ideal model. A more suitable structure might later be erected, or the exist­ ing churoh might be modified. Conditions that both lim it and determine the type of building erected Include: economic means, race and heritage of the congregation, current theological or denominational ideals, available materials, technology, cultural and physical environments, access routes, lot size, and period of construction. "In the colonial or frontier village the white meetinghouse or church tower dominated the green. In the industrial city even the visual symbol of the steeple was lost in the chaos of factories" (Marty 1970, 104). Although church buildings are no longer the focal points of the community, they continue to influence society. Thou- sands of congregations have left their marks on the landsoape by contributing money to ereot great and small edifices for worship. These churohes are the settlement features which this work w ill examine.

Jordan (1966, 27) defines settlement geography as "the study of the form of the cultural landscape, Involving its orderly description and attempted explanation." This study of the religious settlement landscape of Louisiana describes the form of the buildings as well as examining factors influencing the forms. Many traditional elements of settlement geography are included: distribution of church buildings, floor plans, and material composition. More focus, however, is given to the explanation of these settlement elements.

The main objective of the study is to examine the effects of various oommunity, social, oultural, and historical factors on church structures and location during the study period. Because the period from 1885 to 1930 was a time of rapid urbanization in the United States, the above factors were necessarily influenced by the urbanization pro­ cess. The ohurch was affected by the characteristics of urbanization: mobility, anonymity, specialization, professionalization, and disinte­ gration of tradition. Although these characteristics are felt most in the metropolis, they have affected American culture at all levels of population agglomeration. Whether consciously or not, churches have been affected by the urbanization of American society. Urbaai^n altered the components, programs, and attitudes of the churches, but it also altered the nature and form of the building. As church edifices were built to accommodate the new activities, the size and shape of the structures changed. The American churoh building has evolved from a single room structure, into one containing enough rooms to satisfy the needs of every organization of the congregation. The location of churohes has also changed. Many congregations have moved out of the city centers; they have located in the residential sections of the city. Not only have the older congrega­ tions moved to new sites, but many new neighborhood and suburban congre­ gations have been established. These alterations in the form of the buildings and the settlement pattern began during the study period and have accelerated since then.

This model of change in the form and location of the modern church building was tested in an earlier study using one relatively homogeneous community, Athens, Ohio (Schlundt 1981). The current work includes over sixty communities of various sizes and characteristics as well as detailed elements of the churoh buildings. The examination of the early stages of this model should provide a better understanding of today's religious landsoape. "He [the geographer] oannot treat the localization of activities without knowing the functioning of the culture, the process of living together of the group, and he cannot do th is except by h isto ric a l reconstruction" (Sauer 1941, 8).

URBANIZATION AND THE CHURCH As urbanization occurred, the settlement landscape changed in both town and country. Kohn (1954, 125) defines settlement geography as having "to do with the facilities men build in the process of occupying an area. These facilities are designed and grouped to serve specific purposes, and so carry functional meanings.” Church build­ ings were originally built for the purpose of worshipping God, but the purpose has been expanded to include facilities for a multitude of related social activities. In 1923, it was noted that "the growth of the churoh building from the practical type to a structure containing three, six or even as many as two dozen rooms, evidenoes the expanding vision of the people as to the social and religious functions of the

Church" (Morse and Brunner 1923, 137)* Therefore, by examining the churches and their forms, one can determine the social and religious functions of the congregation. This is not to say that only churches

with educational space have educational and social functions. Inade­ quate space can be the result of insufficient funds or of too small a congregation. Kohn (1954, 125) notes about buildings, "Onoe created they are apt to outlast both the funotion for wbloh they were origin­ ally designed and the architectural fashions of their time." The facilities which men build both reflect changes in man's occupancy and

linger as expressions of past patterns. Although some s till occupy simple frame churches, the great majority of American congregations have either erected new structures

since World War II or significantly modified their old ones. To examine the transition between the churches of early America and the churches of the modern suburbs, one must look at urban settlements during the time of greatest change. American society is no longer rural; even in the countryside, an urban outlook exists. The trans­ formation has not been limited to the large urban centers, but can be seen in towns and villages across the country. From one point of view, each individual church, no matter where situated, is an urban place because of its nature as a community gathering place. An examination of country churohes might reveal some quaint buildings with interesting histories, but it is town and eity churohes which serve the majority of the population. Some country churohes, because of a decrease in congregation size, barely endure. Active rural churches have adopted some of the features of their urban counterparts. The urbanization of America challenged churohes in both the city and the country. Some congregations were in many ways unable to deal with the new conditions. Population changes were chief among the new situations created by urbanization. Shifts in population generally reduced the support for the country churches. At the same time, in the cities, and to a lesser degree in the country, Protestants found that their neighbors were increasingly Catholics from Southern and

Eastern Europe. As these new Immigrants settled in congested areas, the native-born population left for other sections of the cities or for the suburban areas, and their church organizations soon followed. The churches found refuge from the turmoil of the modern city in the quasi-rural environment of the. suburbs. "Where they have remained, geographically, within the city life, they have tried to maintain a rural frame of reference—a 'village1 atmosphere--thus forming 'pockets' that have lost touch with the ongoing life of the re a l city" (K loetzli 1961, v iil). This movement of P rotestant churches to the suburbs constitutes what Gibson Winter (1961) terms the "suburban captivity." The ohurches became segregated and iso lated from the problems of the lower class and non-whites. Abell (19*13) describes the churohes as slipping into a passive alliance with the well-to-do middle class. Adaptations to the urban situation occurred, but in making them, the Protestants had to disregard some of their own 7

principles. Church leaders often c ritic iz e d c ity ways and defined God's ways in pastoral terms. Holiness and Pentecostal groups were

brought by rural migrants to the cities. These groups provided a

spiritual religion, while the popular evangelioal churches of the frontier period transformed into staid churohes of the middle class.

SYSTEMATIC GEOGRAPHY OF RELIGION This transform ation of the American fro n tie r relig io u s movement into a suburban institution has been chronicled by historians, theolo­ gians, and sociologists. Geographical studies of religion focus on the expressions of religion on the landsoape. Erioh Isaac (1962, 12) states: "the task of a geography of religion . . . is to separate the specifically religious from the social, economic and ethnic matrix in which it Is embedded, and to determine its relative weight in relation to other forces in transforming the landscape." Only a few works define and delimit the geography of religion. Isaac has probably written the most thought provoking articles on the subject. In "Religious Geography and the Geography of Religion" (1965)* he defines the two topics and then traces the shift in Western tradition from religious geography to the geography of religion. Religious geo­ graphy examines the attempts of communities to make their landscapes conform to their religious ideals. Geography of religion, on the other hand, examines the impact of religion on the landscape or the land upon religion. Religion today is influenced more by the world than it trans­ forms the world, but religious groups still alter the landscape, especi­ ally in the third world. "Even within our own culture, in a limited sense religions continue to be concerned with structuring their sacred buildings in a symbolically appropriate fashion" (Isaac 1965, 1). In both "Religion, Landsoape and Space" (1960) and "The Act and the Covenant" (1962), Isaac expresses bis dissatisfaction with other comprehensive studies of the geography of religion. "They fall to bring us nearer to an understanding of the most important problem, namely, in what lies the transforming power of religion upon the landscape and why, in different cultures, has the extent of its e ffe c ts been so disparate" (1960, 16). He fe e ls th at man's d esire to modify the landscape to conform to his conception of a cosmic scheme has lessened because his spatial conception has ohanged from symbolic cosmic-magical space to abstract-geometrical space (1960, 17). This change in spatial conception has implications for studies of the development of religious landscapes in the twentieth century. Dense distributions of religious structures in American cities do not neces­ sarily mean that religion is an important force in today's society. In "The Act and the Covenant," Isaac distinguishes further the causes of the disparate effects of religion in transforming the land­ scape. He feels that a key to a methodology of the geography of religion lies in the study of religion itself. Thus he notes the differences in conception between those religions that conceive of their beginnings as the cosmic creation and those that conceive of their beginnings as a specific act, such as the Crucifixion. Reli­ gions beginning with creation attempt to reproduce the cosmic plan on the landscape, while religions based on a central act use rites to reenact the event and thus attempt comparatively little landscape transformation. Isaac notes, however, that this polarity is only theoretical because most religions have been altered by long exposure to other religions. "The symbolism of Catholic church layout, for example, is in significant contrast to the early Christian attitude” (1962, 16). This change in Christian outlook was the result of con­ tact with animists who had a different view of the nature of religion. Other comprehensive studies of the geography of religion focus mainly on systematic classifications of types of influences that religions have had on the landscape (Deffontaines 1948). David Sopher (1967) d eals with four c u ltu ra l geographic themes: (1) the Importance of the environmental setting, (2) religious modification of the envi­ ronment, (3) ways in which religions organize and ocoupy space, and

(4) the distribution and diffusion of religions. He provides numerous examples of ways in which religions around the world have influenced, and have been influenced by, the cultural landscape. In "Fundamental

Questions in the Geography of Religions," Paul Fickeler (1962, 94) states that the investigation of the influences of the environmental setting on religion is primarily a task for the science of religion, whereas the investigation of how a religious form affects the cultural and physical landscapes is a subject for the geography of religion. It is the ceremonial side of religion which he feels should interest geographers. Religions whose ceremonialism is oriented towards sensory life have maximum impact on the landscape. The remainder of Fickeler's essay is a catalogue of cultural phenomena shaped by religion. Isaac (1962, 17) finds these categories of religion theologically outmoded and unsound. Contemporary studies of geography of religion have been shaped by culture history, comparative religion, and cultural geography. The majority of these studies deal with the role of religion in the devel­ opment of oultural landscapes. Eaclesiastloal geography, including 10

religious distributions, demography, and diffusion, is also a part of present day geography of relig io n (Isaao 1965, 14). This study of churoh buildings and the cultural Influences on them,

however, goes beyond the traditional geography of religion framework that is concerned with the impact of religion on the landscape. Both religious and nonreligious factors have a bearing on the type of church structure erected. In this work, the specifically religious cannot be separated from the social matrix. Thus, although dealing with religious

features, this study is better classified as settlement geography rather

than the geography of religion. The following section reviews recent

works in the geography of religion and illustrates the differences between these studies and the current work.

NONSYSTEMATIC GEOGRAPHY _0F RELIGION

Few recent geographical studies of religious groups delve into religion and how it influences the group's transformation of the landscape. Elaine BJorklund's "Ideology and Culture Exemplified in Southeastern Michigan" (1964) i s the major exception. She shows that cultural concepts are one of the major factors affecting decisions and ways of organising space. Several fundamental Dutob Reformed philoso­ phies are shown to have produced events that were geographically expressed. For example, the belief that education must be Christian produced many ohurch elementary and secondary schools in the Holland- Zeeland region of Michigan. Those concepts which have the most gen­ eral religious significance are: (1) "protection and control of reli­ gion (ideology) and the way of life derived from it"; (2) "indepen­ dence valued highly, recognized In terms of individual responsi­ 11

bility"; (3) "the non-Dutoh Reformed world regarded as basically sinful and inferior"; (4) "education must be Christian and learning must be selective"; and (5) "ohurch must have effective means of keeping in touch with its membership." Protection and oontrol of religion and the way of life derived

from it was one of the basic emigration motives of the Dutch Reformed and other relig io u s and c u ltu ral groups. The Dutch Reformed selected southwestern Michigan to establish their church-centered communities. The departure of the Pilgrims from Holland for similar reasons is a story well known in America. Other small religious sects, such as the Mennonites (Brando 1979) and the Amish, immigrated to North America because of religion and their special way of life. The Mormons also

migrated to protect and oontrol their religious life, while in Louisiana, the Roman Catholic Church was the only denomination legally

allowed in the te rrito ry p rio r to 1803. The high value placed by the Dutch Reformed on independence led to very developed self-determination and resistance to outside author­ ity. This is expressed in individual churoh autonomy, absence of

strong church hierarchy, and lack of a permanent church leadership center. A similar Independence occurred among the Congregationalists and many Baptist groups. The degree of congregational independence,

typical of much of Southern Protestantism, plays a role in churoh architecture. The highly structured Roman Catholic Church, by con­ trast, has specific canons concerning the building of a churoh. Other denominations simply have prototype plans available for congregations to use, while totally Independent groups receive no outside direc­ tiv e s. Because the Dutch Reformed regard others as b asically sin fu l and inferior, contact with them is avoided as much as possible, except

when necessary to gain a living. This is expressed in the landscape of southwestern Michigan by the lack of taverns, movie theaters, dance halls, or other churches, except in the town of Holland. The Amlsh have traditionally also avoided contact with non-Amish groups; their agricultural economy provides isolation. Recent developments, however, have placed considerable pressure on the Amish, and occupa­

tional differentiation is apparent around Lanoaster, Pennsylvania (Martineau and MacQueen 1977). The Mormons have also been interested in excluding "gentiles." One of the fundamental ideas of Joseph Smith's plan for utopia was "that the Mormons were Chosen People and

they must be segregated" (Lifchez 1976)* Emphasis on Christian education found expression in southwestern

Michigan in a high density of churoh-supported schools. Other reli­ gious groups also have paroohial schools, with Roman Catholics prob­ ably having the g re a te st number. In h is study of the general p attern s

of Cincinnati churches, Hotchkiss (1950, 84) points out that the Roman

Catholic ohurches are the most conspicuous religious institutions in many communities partly because of parochial schools. Besides provid­ ing Christian education, these sohools also preserve group identity. Cultural identity is especially important for immigrant churohes. In the early history of the Lutheran Churoh—Missouri Synod, for example, it was hard to separate parochial education from German education.

"No one oan deny that the parochial school fostered the retention of German tra d itio n s and language" (Meyer 1975, 182-83). Retention of group identity, while not the main objective of these schools, is an 13

Important concern. Once a religious group moves into a region, it has to have an effective means of keeping in touch with the membership. The Dutoh Reformed required regular church attendance; to facilitate this, they erected numerous large ohurch structures. The Puritans also wanted their flook to stay close to the meetinghouse. There was an early effort made to keep the settlers in nucleated villages in order to maintain social as well as spiritual order. By the mid-l650s, however, more and more families settled away from the nucleated villages (Stilgoe 1978). The Texas Hill Country Germans also abandoned the nucleated farm village settlement pattern; the large majority of the German settlers dung, however, to the European tradition of town-based churches.

Because there were few villages, church attendance became Irregular and the role of formal religion decreased for some people in the outlying areas. Although the Texas Germans later began to build rural churches, "the Lutheran and Catholic Germans never equaled the neighboring Anglo- Americans in the density of rural churches11 (Jordan 1980, 117-18). The concepts of the Dutch Reformed enabled the group to re ta in many of its characteristics in its new environment. In "Folk Religion as Ideology for Ethnic Survival," Linda Degh (1980, 143) points out that religion "aan have enormous significance and assume a leading role in the formulation of ethnic group identity . . . ." Among the Hungarians of Kipling, Saskatchewan, the Calvinist church brought from the old country remains the focus of ethnic identity. Many of the members hold memberships in other churches, but they still continue to participate in important services at the Hungarian Calvinist church.

Oscar Handlin (1973, 109, 111) notes that the immigrants "were anxious that religion do and mean in the United States all that it had back there before the Atlantic crossing." There were differences as to how

the various groups reestablished their churches. "But the problem of all was the same: how to transplant a way of religious life to a new environment." Denominations native to America also faced a challenge in new environments. Probably the most visible transformation of the landscape by a native American denomination is the Mormon Region of the Great Basin. In his historical geography of the region, Donald Meinig (1965, 191) asserts that the Mormons are not, "as persons necessarily more religious than others but that, as a group, they constitute a highly self-conscious subculture whose chief bond is religion and one which has long established its mark on the life and landscape of a particular area." The specific cultural landscape features of the Mormon region are described by a number of authors (Francaviglia 1970; Pitman 1973; Jackson and Layton 1976; and Jaokson 1978). Francaviglia sought to identify certain visual clues of the Mormon

landscape: wide streets, irrigation ditches, in town barns, unpainted farm buildings, open fields, hay derricks, Mormon fences, dominant use of brick, and ward chapels. The Mormon settlements are distinctive, but

as Jackson and Layton point out, they are not uniformaly based on the City of Zion master plan devised by Joseph Smith. There was a great deal of variation in the morphology of Mormon communities. General characteristics include: regular grld-pattern oriented as close to north and south as possible, main streets and side streets that usually have the same width, and extremely large blocks and lots. All these traits are also common to Gentile communities. "The large lot3 of the Mormon villages allowed the rural ethic to be combined with the cultural and in te lle c tu a l advantages of community life " (Jackson 1978, 107). This reverence for the country and villages was not unique to the Mormons, but as w ill be shown la te r, was q u ite common during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Pitman (1973) shows how the nineteenth century folk housing of the Mormons reflects assimilation of the various cultural groups into the Mormon culture region. Unlike the village street-and-field pattern s, which Church policy made q u ite common, folk housing forms were never prescribed or promoted by the Church. There are two visual Mormon landscapes today, Jackson concludes; one is a relic landscape on the marginal fringes of the Mormon culture region, and the other is the urbanized areas in which Mormons are dominant, but whose landscape is part of general American suburbia.

Articles on the transformation of the landscape by the Mormons, Dutch Reformed, Amish, and others all demonstrate ways that religious groups organize and occupy space. -This study also examines the organ­ ization and occupation of space by religious groups, but unlike the previously mentioned studies, all the religious groups within an area are included. Instead of foouslng on simply how the religious groups have organizled their space, the current study is also concerned with the influences on that organization. In this way, the study is simi­ lar to the Bjorklund article (1964), although most of the Influences examined here are secular. Geography of religion studies also inolude works dealing with the distribution and diffusion of religion and religious forms. Zelinsky (1961) and Shortridge (1976) analyze the geographic d istrib u tio n of 16 the data on church membership collected by the National Council of Churches for each county in the United States. Zelinsky's maps show the areal distribution of the major denominations in 1952. Shortrldge uses the data on church membership for 1971 to map various aspects of religious affiliation. He classifies the denominations as liberal or conservative and maps their distribution; he shows that the liberal denominations are concentrated mainly in urban places. Several authors have also dealt with the distribution of churches in one community. Hotohklss has looked at churches in Cincinnati (1950) and Chicago (1948). A more recent a rtic le by Berdichevsky (1980) has both topical and regional relevance for this work. His study of the movement of New Orleans churches to the suburbs illu s tr a te s the changes in the religious landscape that occurred following the Second World War. Twenty-seven churches within the city lim its were abandoned between 1957 and 1977* while during the same period, 74 new churches were built in the suburban areas of the city. There were five main reasons for the abandonment of the churches: highway and bridge construction, expanding commercial areas, changing neighborhoods, hurricane damage, and the gradual movement of members to the suburbs. The number of churches abandoned was not as great as in many other major metropolitan areas.

"The great movement to suburbia since World War I I has le f t behind 'fossil' religious structures in many American cities. The trans­ forming power of the religious impulse in molding the landscape has largely been replaced by secular ideologies and concerns In the twentieth century ..." (Berdichevsky 1980, 48). Between 1880 and 1930, the beginning stages of this suburban c ap tiv ity began. F irs t, there was the movement of churches to the towns and c itie s , followed by movement w ithin the c ity core. Then churches moved to the neighborhoods and, following the War, to the

suburbs. The histories and distributions of churches in the Louisiana

sample illu s tr a te these movements. In addition to the articles on the general distribution of deno­ minations, some articles deal with specific religious groups. Crowley (1978) and Landing (1975) have each w ritte n about the diffusion of Old Order Amish settlements. Crowley, after beginning with the group's origins and dispersal in Europe, maps five periods of American settle­ ment. Surviving and extinct settlements of each period are shown along with their places of origin. Landing discusses migration as an

Amish method of problem solving. The distribution of Northern and Southern Presbyterians is used by Heatwole (1977) as an example of the usefulness of geographies of religion in the classroom. The Old World origins and distribution of religious adherence in Nova Scotia is

covered by Andrew Clark (1960), while M.A. Ghayur (1981) w rites about a more recent religious group of the New World—the Muslims. In "The D iffusion of the Reformation in'Southw est Germany," Hannemann (1975) notes that three patterns of diffusion were operating: (1) expansion within the region, (2) relocation as university students returned home, and (3) hierarchical as priests, mayors, and princes accepted the new ideas. Some relig io u s phenomena, such as pilgrim ages, can be studied geographically in a variety of ways. In "The Evolution of a Pilgrim­ age as a Spatial-Sym bolic System," Tanaka (1981) describes how the Shikoku pilgrimage includes many symbolic numbers and associations. The pilgrimage oonsists of 88 temples located in the four Shikoku prefectures; both numbers are considered sacred by Buddhists for various reasons. "Shrine building, in turn, leads to modification of the landscape and changes in patterns of religiously motivated travel" (Nolan 1983a, 1). Mary Lee Nolan's recent work on apparitions that have become pilgrimage sites reflects additional aspects of pilgrimage

study. She notes th a t some scholars have made generalizations based on a few, and sometimes unrepresentative, examples of pilgrimages. Her data base includes 5,130 ourrently active Roman Catholic shrines in Western Europe, and a recent article (1983b) points out the unique­ ness of the often mentioned Irish pilgrimage. As is oommon in geography, some geography of religion works

combine aspects of several branches of geography. One provocative work that combines political and religious aspects of geography is "Torah as Movable T erritory" (Maier 1975). Maier fe e ls th a t the Torah served as the substance of home territory to the Jew during the diaspora. The Torah represents the feminine side of God; this symbol­ ism is related to the ancient Mediterranean reverence for Mother

Earth. Maier notes that, after the fall of the Second Temple, the synagogue became the center of the Jewish community, but he feels that the reading and oeremony surrounding the Torah, rather than the syna­ gogue or the community, became a substitute for Israel. This view­ point Ignores that fact that "the Jews had real territory in the ghetto" (Newton, Newton, and E asterly 1976, 178). The Torah served to remind the people of territory lost, but I do not think that it was their territory or their homeland. "The place or building where services take place is a sanctuary (sanotus. holy) of God; it is a sacred place on earth, a bit of heaven on earth—not earthly territory at all" to the true believers (Newton, Newton, and E asterly 1976, 179). Thus do the synagogue and Torah define territory—the sacred territory of the believers. In our modern churches, congregations have lost much of the sacred oommunity feeling connected with ohurches In the Old World. There are several causes for this change in outlook. One was the introduction in Amer­ ica, of voluntary churches, rather than the geographic religious parishes of Europe. Secondly, our urban, segmented culture does not provide us with the feeling of security and social Identification once provided by the rural oommunity and its church. There has also been, beginning with the Reformation, a decline In the feeling of sacredness of church buildings. Identity, or sacred territory, is today fur­ nished by the organization church. This type of church developed "as an attempt to maintain a oommunity of religious identity in the midst of residential mobility11 (Winter 1961). A fondness may still exist for that sacred territory of one's childhood, but areal distance often separates one from it. New groups and people in a comparable sacred environment must fill the void. If a suitable organization church cannot be found, the person grows away from the church or finds its role in his or her life changing. This change from a parish church, whose main activity was worship, to an organization church began around 1880. The transition was noted in the 1920s when the Committee on Social and Religious Surveys con­ ducted its town and country church surveys. It was a gradual change that oocurred at different rates and to different degrees in various communities as American culture became in orientation less and less rural and more and more urban. One important indicator of this change in the funotlon of the ehuroh is that the buildings changed. The con­ struction of facilities to house them usually lags behind formation of church organizations. The ereotion of suoh facilities emphasizes the importance that the organizations hold for the congregation. This work w ill examine the period between 1885 and 1930 when this change from sanctuary to organization was coming to dominate church structures in towns and small cities of Louisiana.

GOALS OF THE STUDY

The underlying theme of this study is to show how the changes in the social structure of the ehuroh as an organization resulted in

changes in the physical structure of the church building. Because I want to show these general changes in American denominational history!

I will describe national trends and how they relate to Louisiana. The historical background serves as a framework for the model of the response of the church organization to urbanization and other factors. To have a data set with whioh to test this model, I choose the Sanborn f ir e insurance maps of Louisiana. Most of these maps were made between 1885 and 1930, which ooincidently corresponds to the initial stages of the model. The model is thus limited to the information available from the Sanborn Maps. Therefore, if the theory underlying my model is true, then the maps should show church buildings occupying new relative locations in the communities, first in neighborhoods and then in suburbs. The maps should also show the congregations adding organiza­ tional components (e.g., educational and recreational facilities) to their buildings. The process of urbanization does not encompass all the influences affecting the geography of urban churches before 1930* Factors Influencing church buildings not included in the urbanization 21

model are also discussed. The collection of the data to test the model

necessarily gives rise to an additional goal of providing an organiza­ tion of the elements of the urban church landscape.

CONTRIBOTIONS OF THE STUDY

This study provides a better understanding of the factors influenc­ ing the location and form of churches in cities. (1) It expands upon, and provides a more general understanding of, the relative location of

religious structures in cities. Hotchkiss (1950), Leiffer (1938), and Berdichevsky (1980) have already made contributions in this area. (2) The analysis of building form and variety will lead to a reevaluation of

building "types11 in the cultural landscape. (3) The study provides a view of the congregation as the social organism that occupies the reli­ gious structure and oontrols such structure's physical form, symbolism, and relative location in the town. (4) The importance of denomination

and race is reevaluated in light of the relevance, in many instances, of other factors. (5) It introduces into the study of churches as settle­

ment features systematic, repeatable methods of data collection and

analysis. The creation of a oommunity rate of change index provides a method valuable for settlement geographers interested in changing land­

scapes. (6) Lastly, by documenting the tendency for expansion in the

physical plant and building relocation, the study demonstrates the important influence of urbanization on the congregation's view of a church structure.

CHAPTER TOPICS

This work is an outgrowth of "The Impaot of Urbanism on the Protestant Religious Landscape of Athens County, Ohio" (Schlundt 1981), which deals with changes in an individual community. The same theme has been extended to the state level using more detailed data on the individual churches. The historical changes in American religion during the period of urbanization are oovered in the second chapter. Urbanization resulted in changes in the social structure of the congregations, which in turn, resulted in the construction of a dif­ ferent type of church building. The changing setting of the churches in their communities is another important part of the reaction of the church to the urban culture and is covered in the third chapter. The buildings themselves present a variety of information, and a chapter is devoted to their general characteristics. Social faotors, espe­ cially denominational and racial ones, influenoe the types of build­ ings, and these are the main focus of another chapter. CHAPTER 2 DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGES IN AMERICAN RELIGION

DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN RELIGION American churches continued many religious practices of Europe, but several new developments arose in the colonies, where the struc­ ture and spirit of the churches changed in the new social and cultural environment. The idea of established churches came from Europe; the Anglican or the Puritan church was established in most colonies. Some colonies, perhaps for economic reasons and because it was the trend in England, adopted a policy of religious toleration. After

independence, religious freedom was established for the entire coun­ try. This change figured greatly in the wide diversity of religions that developed.

Early Evangelical Forms Voluntary churehes emerged as a major difference between Europe and America. The laity became much more important, especially in denominations lacking an established church hierarchy. This increased stature for laymen also led to local autonomy and a reluc­ tance to be subordinated to the larger units of the church (Hudson 1973, 10-18). The breakdown of the parish system generally followed. In Europe, each member of the commonwealth was a member of the church, and the territory was divided into parish units. New England and Virginia did have parish systems in the colonial period, but in the other colonies membership became voluntary, creating interesting dis­ tribution patterns. Despite the early establishment of religion in America, only a

23 small percentage of the population were members of churches. In the mid-eighteenth century, revivalism emerged as a new technique for gaining adherents. "The Great Awakening was the f i r s t relig io u s movement which made any serious im pression upon the common people of the American colonies, and marks the beginning of an aggressive Ameri­ can Christianity11 (Sweet 1950, 5). The religious excitement and furor of the Great Awakening disrupted the established churches. Hen who saw the whole world as their parish began preaching outdoors without waiting for invitations from local clergy. Gilbert Tennent's pub­ lished sermon on "The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry" typified the attitude of the revivalists towards the established clerics. Besides increasing the number of church members, the Great Awakening enhanced the role of the laity, created a new charitable impulse, increased the number of religious colleges, and undermined the standing of the established clergy, while strengthening that of the revivalists. The general nature of the movement also helped form a national conscious­ ness among the separate oolonies (Hudson 1973, 67-77). Following the Revolution, there was a reordering of American denominations, as they broke formal ties with Europe. Anglicans made a clear break from the church that recognized the King of England as i t s head. Under the leadership of a new generation of men, the denomination began to regain its strength lost during the war. At the beginning of the Revolution, the Congregatlonalists were the largest denomination, but internal theological conflict divided the church after the war, and the denomination lost its primary position. In contrast, the Baptist church grew quickly in the Eastern states and then in the West. Before 1784, the Methodists were not a church but a relig io u s society nominally related to the Church of England. Follow­ ing the War, they established themselves as a separate ehuroh that

also grew rapidly (Hudson 1973» 116-23). During the first years of nationhood, evangelioalism developed as a kind of national religion. The formal aspects of this Evangelical

Empire resulted in a network of denominations, local churches, educa­ tional institutions, revivals, and agencies. The disestablishment of the churches left an opportunity for these new forms to develop. Clergymen no longer served as interpreters of the civil order, and they gradually became conoerned predominately with spiritual matters. "By the time they discovered the implications of this institutional­

ized divorce between faith and the surrounding world, they found that the sooiety at large was eager to honor the new Informal contract”

(Marty 1970, 69). The diversity of denominations distinguishes American religion.

H. Richard Niebuhr, in several books on denomlnationalism in the United States, examines the reasons for denominational complexity. In

The Sooial Sources of Denomlnationalism (1929), he stresses the social and economic reasons for the divisions in American religion. He concludes in The Kingdom of God in America (1935), however, that there

were other factors. A difference exists between religious institu­ tions (static religion) and religious movements (dynamic faith). Sooial scientists can only explain static Christianity, but these explanations are inadequate because the Institutions developed out of

the movements. Niebuhr traces the development and effects of reli­ gious movements on denomlnationalism. Niebuhr differs from the traditional viewpoint that sees the contrasts in denominations resulting from the official oreeds of the churches. Since religious life is so Interwoven with social condi­ tions, the cultural environment naturally moderates formulation of theology. The church as an inclusive social group is closely allied with national, economic, and cultural interests; by the very nature of its constitution it is committed to the accommodation of its ethics to the ethics of civilization; it must represent the morality of the respeotable majority, not of the heroic minority (Niebuhr 1929, 18). Denomlnationalism is decisive when too much attention is paid

to the social group, to conditions that are really irrelevant to the Christian ideal, and to self preservation and extension. No one element, be it religious, economic, or ethnic, acts alone in creating denominations. Economic factors tend to be the most Important, but they can be minor compared to ethnic and cultural factors. In Amer­ ica, where so many nationalities coexist, ethnic, cultural, and politioal concerns have caused many divisions. The social attitudes, languages, and customs of the various ethnic groups fostered distinc­

tio n s. In the American South generally, and in Louisiana in particular, relative ethnic simplicity dominated the nineteenth century. Until the arrival in Louisiana in the last quarter of that century of new people, two patterns prevailed: Methodists and Baptists in the north and Homan Catholics in the south. A belt of faint denominational diversity lay along the commercial corridor of the Mississippi River. Conscious awareness of this regionalization dominated public affairs from 1800 to 1875. The Reformation coincided with the rise of nationalism, and as a result, Protestantism was joined witb the nationalistic spirit. Deno­ minations have often been kept distinct by differences of language and ethnicity rather than by great theological differences. The variety of churches in Europe resulted in many of the social sources of Ameri­ can denomlnationalism. Because of freedom of religion, each immigrant group, Protestant or Catholic, was able to keep its own religious faith; the free competition, however, led to an Americanization of their churches. Settlers who arrived in Louisiana, especially after 1875, brought witb them these nationalistic overtones of denomination­ alism. Italian and German Catholics added their national traditions and customs to the religion of the state. The vast amount of ecclesiastically virgin territory on the frontier created quite a challenge for American ohurches. Individual­ istic and independent pioneers were determined to go their own way in religious matters, which only increased the number of denominations.

Frontier liberalism had to deal with the narrow control of the older settled regions. Itinerant preaohlng, popular since the First Great Awakening, promoted some jealousy between the se ttle d and itin e ra n t clergy. Those denominations that were best able to use itinerant preaohlng made the greatest advances in the frontier. The Presbyterians were most strategically located for frontier expansion. They dominated scattered areas in the western parts of New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. An important factor in their growth was the adoption of the "Plan of Union of 1801," by which the Congregatlonallsts and the Presbyterians agreed to join forces in the westward extension. Although the plan called for the establishment of organizations of both denominations, it generally worked in favor of the Presbyterians (Sweet 1950). The Presbyterians and Congregationalists added muoh to the educa­ tional and cultural life of the frontier. Even so, they did not make large membership gains for their churches. They were outdone in this aspect by the Baptists and Methodists. Both of these groups took a more aggressive approach in their searoh for members. ^The religion they brought was fervent, emotional, and personal; their institutional forms were fluid and they were ready to modify them freely at need" (Herberg 1960, 118). Sweet (1950, 215) describes the d iffe re n t denominational approaches; "the Presbyterian preacher was called; the Methodist preaoher was sent; the Baptist preacher simply came with the people." The Methodists were the most successful in moving into the continental Interior. Their preaohers traveled circuits that corres­ ponded in area to the number of settlements present. The early years of the nineteenth century found Methodists entering Louisiana and, perhaps incidently, fomenting rebellion against the Spanish Crown and established Homan Catholism.

Several factors made the Baptists well suited to the frontier: their ideas of government, their economio class, and their form of church government. The Baptist farmer-preaohers spread the gospel to the back country of the South. The two most privileged churches of the colonial period, the Episcopalians and the Congregationalists, did not develop adequate plans to expand into the new territory, and they consequently lost their dominant positions in American religious life. Mt. Lebanon, in Bienville Parish, was a typical Baptist settle­ ment. In 1836, about a dozen families lead by a Baptist minister moved there from South Carolina. They established a ehuroh the next year, and the Louisiana Baptist Convention operated a university there from 1652 until 1906. "As most of the leaders of the church were leaders in the community also, the church was a dominant factor in local government a t th a t time" (MoMichael 1951, 41). The churches, begun with enthusiasm on the frontier, changed into denominational organizations. Rosenberry (1962, 6) notes how the characteristics of the frontier tend to disappear with settled econo­ mic and social conditions; "radicalism gives way to conservatism, provincialism breaks down before education and travel, and the new oommunity tends to grow more and more lik e the old.” So, the pioneers became established citizens, and the loosely organized groups of believers became part of the denominational organizations. With an Increased amount of control in the hands of the local group, however, churches, no matter whether episoopal or presbyterian, in many ways were basically congregational. The minister was now "called” by the looal patrons, and his success depended on whether he gained their acceptance. Hatters were meant to be kept simple by keeping them local, but as the members prospered, simplicity fell by the wayside.

Competition among denominations was soon encouraged at the local level as well. This passage about the Shreveport Baptists illustrates the change from a relig io u s movement to a relig io u s in stitu tio n . The first house, which stood on the southeast corner of Market and Travis S tre e ts, was a very humble place. But it was the house of God and a place of worship for the heroic pioneers who laid the foundations in a strong and courageous faith. The second house of worship stood on the northwest corner of Texas and McNeil Streets, and was erected in 1880 under the pastorate of Rev. J.A. Hackett at a oost of $12,000. The third house of worship stood on the southeast corner of Travis and McNeil S tre ets, and was erected in 1907, under the pastorate of Rev. H.A. Sumrell, at a cost of $65,000. The fourth house of worship was erected In 1920-22 on Travis S tre e t adjoining the third house, at a cost of $500,000, under the pastorate of Or. M.S. Dodd. This was the first Baptist ehuroh in the South to have a ten-story building, a roof garden, a thir­ teen bell ohlme, a four manual organ, and to own and operate Its own broadcasting station (Howe and McLure 1934). The Sunday school was another evangelioal form added to American religion. It was introduced in 1780 in England with the purpose of bridging the sacred and secular worlds. At f i r s t , the Sunday school encountered opposition from the churches because i t represented a threat to the established patterns. Soon, however, most clergymen realized its effectiveness for instilling evangelical values, and by 1830, it was increasingly a part of the denominational system. Empha­

sis on secular subjects declined as public schools arose and the

Sunday school spread from urban to ru ra l areas. So the country became settled, and the forms of the Evangelical Empire took shape. "Despite controversies and schisms—or perhaps because of them—evangelical Protestant churches, with their message and methods tuned to the patriotic aspirations of a young nation, reached their high point of cultural influence" (Alstrom 1972, 387). The frontier experience destroyed the original oolonial expectation of transplanting the settled life of the Old World, since the frontier presented new opportunities and new contacts with other cultural groups. From the Puritans to the Texas H ill Country Germans, new ways and features appeared in the religious landscape. The difference between the former denominations of the frontier and those of the East is exemplified by the percentage of churches of each group located in rural areas in 1926. Baptists, Methodists, and

Disciples of Christ had large percentages in rural areas, while Protestant Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Luth­ erans, and Roman Catholics were more prominent in the citiesJ Churches in Louisiana were similarly distributed. Baptists and Metho­ dists were common in all the communities, while Episcopalians, Presby­ terians, and Roman Catholics were looated mainly in the the larger communities. The main exception to this generalization occurred in the Catholic region of the state, where Catholic ohurches were also looated in smaller communities. Niebuhr (1929, 183) notes that the extent to which this rural- urban dichotomy affected religious attitudes and forms is not easy to measure. I t can be said, however, th at the ru ra l churches were more conservative, simpler, Individualistic, more sectarian, and had greater emotional appeal. In contrast, he describes the Eastern ohurches as being more tolerant, more worldly, and possessing European-born, aristooratio, and city-nurtured ethics. Rural religion has been modified by rapid and frequent communication, by commercial­ ization of the farm, by extension of urban education to the district schools, and by migration of rural members to the city, where they remain loyal to their home churches.

Sectionalism Influences While the Far West was s till pioneer country, sectionalism grew in importance until the tensions brought on the Civil War. During the Era of Sectionalism, the interdenominational organizations dissolved,

Percentages based on numbers of reported ohurches outside of cities of at least 2,500: Southern Baptist 92.0}, Negro Baptist 80.0}, Methodist 81.6}, Christian 73*7}, Episcopal 48.0}, Congre­ gational 61.8}, Presbyterian 67.2}, Lutherans 68.9}, and Roman C ath o lic 58.4} (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1926 , 82-87). and denominational units developed along separate lines. Loyalty to a denomination became socially important, just as loyalty to the South or North did politically. Conservative Presbyterians and then the C ongregationalists rejected the "Plan of Union of 1801." The slavery issue combined with theological differences created new denominational divisions. Host of these divisions continued through Reconstruction and some to the present day. The divergent attitudes that separated the North and South economically and culturally carried over into religious matters. Several Louisiana communities that had a number of settlers from the North had both a Northern and a Southern branoh of the Methodist or Presbyterian Church. Southern religion is best characterized by its individualistic nature, by its concentration on personal salvation. Despite the variety of denominations in the South, there is a homogeneity of ecclesiastical and theological patterns. nA religious solid South preceded the p o litic a l so lid South'* (Veaver 1968, 98). There has been an attempt to build the Kingdom of God on earth through individual salvation. Preachers in the South emphasize the atoning death of Christ, the sinfulness of man, and the promise of salvation. Evangelical Protestantism was also accepted by the black popula­ tion, except in South Louisiana where many blacks became Roman Cath­ olics. The conversion of slaves to Christianity had been cited, from the beginning, as a justification for enslavement. Conversion of slaves, however, was Impeded by: the objections of slaveholders; the lack of missionaries; the laok in the South of clergy, even for white churches; and the contemporary means of conversion, cateohesis, which involved time consuming oral in stru ctio n (Raboteau 1978, 126). The F irs t Great Awakening, and the inorease in the number of native-born slaves, created a better atmosphere for large scale conversions, but the majority remained only minimally influenced by Christianity prior to 1820. This was especially true of most rural slaves. In the 1830s and 1840s, Southern churchmen began bringing evan­ gelical religion to the plantations. Increasingly, slavery was not only accepted as an econo­ mic fact of life, but defended as a positive good, sanc­ tioned by Soripture and oapable of produoing a Christian social order based on the observance of mutual duty, slave to master and master to slave. It was the ideal of the antebellum plantation mission to create such a rule of gospel order by convincing slaves and masters that their salvation depended upon i t (Raboteau 1978, 152). By the beginning of the Civil War, the three largest Protestant groups had already divided over the slavery issue. The Southern Baptist Convention and the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, were formed in 1845. The division of the Presbyterian Church began with the Old School-New School split in 1837* The other Protestant deno­ minations and the Roman Catholic Church avoided serious divisions (Hudson 1973, 203). Following the war, Evangelical Protestantism flourished in Dixie and began waning in the North. Southerners had

their own church organizations, leaders, and an appealing message.

"It was a simple acceptance of a body of belief, an innocence of protest and heresy which left religion one of the unquestioned and unquestionable supports of the general settlement under which men live" (Weaver 1968, 98). In contrast to Northern denominations, Southern denominations have demonstrated a limited social consciousness; they have been selective in the public oauses which they have supported. Drinking and the teaching of evolution were condemned by the postbellum clerica, while they found elaborate justifications for supporting segregation and white supremaoy. "Religion is dominantly a conserva­ tive or reinforcing agent for the traditional values held by white Southern society. Fattern-maintenance has been the primary result, if not the declared intention" (Hill 1972, 36). A faith emphasizing evangelism declares that social concerns are outside the realm of the church for both black and white. After the Civil War, Northern denominations began moving away from evangelicalism as they were influenced by Darwinism, textual criticism of the Bible, and development of the sooial gospel. South­ ern white and blaok evangelicals remained faithful to the traditional ways, and they rejected theological and sooial trends of the rest of the nation.

CHANGES IN AMERICAN RELIGION IN THE URBAN AGE

The evangelical forms that developed during the early years of nationhood were successful agents for the establishment of religion in

the expanding frontier. Networks of ohurches were founded in rural and urban places from Maine to Louisiana. Circuit riders, local preachers, and educated elite helped organize congregations of believers. These evangelical churches thrived in small towns and in the countryside, but as the nation became more urban and complex they found themselves faced with new challenges.

Challenges Faced by the Churches On both the intellectual and social fronts, the Evangelical

Empire faced numerous issues in the decades following the Civil War. Eie tenets of evangelical faith were being oalled into question. "The new findings of science and scholarship impelled intellectual people to reconsider their traditional attitude toward the Bible, while the devout were driven to blind resistance or a new apologetics'* (Sohleslnger 1933, 322). These social changes resu lted in a different type of church organization that in turn resulted in a different type of church building. The theory of evolution, the science of Biblical criticism, and the new interest in comparative religion threatened evangelical beliefs. In the 1880s, the religious dispute over biological evolu­ tion peaked. By then, American scientists supported the theory, as did many educated people. Eventually, more and more m in isters acoepted evolution as a revelation of the mysterious ways in which God moves. Textual criticism of the Bible oreated doubt about the infal­ libility of the Soriptures. Intense historical analysis of the Holy Writ indicated that the sixty-six books were not one piece of inspired literature, but instead a collection of history, folklore, poetry, and prophecy complied over generations. Orthodoxy in American religion was also challenged by missionary contact with the universal faiths of Asia. The returning missionaries, as well as secular scholars of the day, began to make the American public aware that great truths and teachings were also present in other faiths. These various intellectual questions increased the diversity of religion by dividing, often just temporarily, congregations and deno­ minations. Each section of the oountry was affected differently. New England was the stronghold of Protestant liberalism, while the Middle West was generally moderate. Very few Southern congregations were affected by these controversies until after World War II when the issue of racial equality was added to the issue of infallibility of the scriptures. Besides these intellectual challenges, Evangelical Protestantism faced challenges caused by growing industrialization and urbanization. The era of frontier expansion was almost past and in its place was developing a new frontier--the frontier of the industrialized, urban­ ized society. Herberg (1960, 124} states: "Here American Protestant­ ism was confronted with a challenge for whioh it was not prepared and which has so far proved very nearly beyond its capacity to meet." Because American Protestantism had developed forms designed for a rural environment, churchmen were unprepared for urbanism. The reli­ gious leaders of the Era of Urbanization were not able to put aside these rural forms as easily as their fathers had put aside the forms of European ohurches. Cities grew rapidly after the Civil War, creating challenges for the Protestant churches. Denominations had settled into established patterns by this time, and they lacked the forms to deal with the social problems of the urban centers. Their primary concern was their own flock and its salvation. Industrialization brought about a tre­ mendous increase in wealth, whioh affected the churches in various ways. The rising standard of living quickly dissolved the crudities of antebellum times. As homes became more oomfortable in town and oountry, no longer were church members willing to worship in simple meetinghouses, and an era of church building was the natural conse­ quence.

The churohes built after 1865 In the major cities were more ornate, had professional choirs, and had ministers who avoided contro­ versial topics (Abell 19^3, 6). "This was an age of progress and success, of boasting and excess in the Protestant churches, and churchmen did what they could to leave monuments celebrating th e ir achievements" (Marty 1970, 172). During th is time of change, church­ men looked backwards and used building styles from the past. The Gothic Revival, begun in England, spread from the Episcopal church to other denominations. It was an expensive style that exemplified religious values in a materialistic world. These trends in architecture also spread to lower order urban places. Louisiana has several fine examples of antebellum, Gothic Revival Episcopal churches. These brick structures reflect the pros­ perity of the congregations in Napoleonville, New Iberia, and St. Franclsville in the years proceeding the Civil War. The location of these structures also reflects the former importance of those com­ munities in the urban hierarchy. Fostbellum erection of Stick Gothic churches in such places as Clinton and Hammond reflects a new period of prosperity, more modest than the earlier boom and looated in a lower order of urban places. Another issue facing the postbellum Protestant churches was their middle class orientation. "The economic development of the oountry and the social mobility characteristic of American life transformed it into a middle-class ehuroh, established, respectable, self-satisfied, preoccupied with itself as an institution of standing in middle class America" (Herberg 1960, 130). This gradual development in to a middle class institution meant that the lower classes began feeling out of place in many of the traditional denominations. The increase of the middle class in the Protestant churches occurred In several ways. Most Importantly, the native-born white population gradually improved their social and economic status, and the subsequent move of their churches to better residential neighbor­ hoods meant the abandonment of those members who could not move. An increase in the number of non-manual occupations changed the size and character of the middle class. The old middle class contained farmers and small business owners, while the new middle class is bureaucratic and skilled. The churches gradually abandoned the old belief that a person's miseries resulted from his own idleness and misdeeds. The Protestant work eth ic provided s p iritu a l rewards fo r hard work, honesty, and thrift. Calvinism had emphasized individual salvation. As Protes­ tantism became Institutionalized, this religious individualism began to serve as a way of ignoring and avoiding the social problems con­ nected with the industrial urban centers. Some members of the clergy defended the status quo and opposed social and political reform. Prosperity was seen as an indication of virtue. Although there were large and influential congregations of most of the major denominations in all principal cities, Protestantism's viewpoint was still that of the village. This anti-urban bias was another challenge faced by the church: "God made the country; man made the city." The village scene was somehow more Christian than the urban rush hour. Urban growth was not welcomed by some in te lle c tu a ls , writers, and spiritual leaders. Mammonistic pleasures were criticized and all evil things were seen as being concentrated in the cities: fast women, men who drank something other than beer, money changers, landlords, and robber barons (Norton 1964, 15). They drew upon the pastoral linages In the Bible to support the idea that being olose to the soil meant being close to God. The most serious result of this attitude was that some churchmen did not recognize social gains made by the c ity . Even though rural people had an anti-urban bias, they were still attracted to the cities in large numbers. This rural-to-urban migra­ tion led to ruralistlc nostalgia. Around the turn of the century,

school children read textbooks that praised industrial power, but pictured village life as being common. “Their authors, often nostal­

gic sons and daughters of Hew England village parsons, returned again and again to the agrarian model, even though more of their readers as the century wore on were ooming to be young urban!tea" (Marty 1970,

157). Even today if an image of a church is required on something like a greeting card, it will generally be a picture of a rural church in a small village. This continuation of the agrarian myth in the

church, and in other areas of American culture, is an example of cultural lag. It is an understandable response to perplexing changes in society; moreover, Protestantism had been most successful when

America was a ru ra l society. The church's alienation from the oity has been accentuated by several other characteristics. One factor was the rural origins and outlook of the ministry. Many Protestant ministers came from smaller

communities and were mainly eduoated in the small colleges of the South and Midwest. Another characteristic with which the Protestant churches had to deal with was the difference in ethnic and religious origin of the old Protestant groups and the newer urban immigrants. There developed among the Protestants a sense of racial superiority over the "alien stocks" of the new immigration* Ethnic neighborhoods developed in American cities in the nineteenth century, with religious affiliation entering into the segregation. The great majority of the new immigrants ooming from Southern and Eastern Europe were not Pro­ testants, but Catholics or Jews. They settled in the urban areas and did not experience the frontier as had the earlier Immigrants. The massive immigration of Catholics into the United States in the years following the end of the Civil War alarmed many older Ameri­ cans. Although some of the tensions were the result of ethnic differ­ ences, the religious differences created negative feelings on both sides. Some Catholics criticized American life, while native Protes­ tants feared the changes in American soolety that a large Catholic population would bring. "The existing social order, which embodied in so many ways the Ideals and moralities of evangelical Protestantism, seemed to many thoughtful people to be in danger of being completely subverted" (Hudson 1973, 243). The new Catholic immigrants upset the Evangelical Protestants by their lack of regard for the Sabbath and their seemingly excessive use of alcohol. Even more alarming were the attacks made by Catholics against the public schools, but the worst fear was that Catholicism would undermine American democracy. Events in Europe, official Vatican statements, and statements made by conservative American Catholic leaders did little to ease their fears. Although Catholicism did not drastically overhaul American society, the influx of large numbers of non-Protestants signaled the end of the Evangelical Empire. In Louisiana, Italian and other Southern European immigrants settled in several places. Friction ocourred between the native-born popula- tion and these new arrivals. As Italians migrated to Tangipahoa Parish, many natives in Independence and the surrounding area aban­ doned much of the land to the immigrants who established successful straw berry farms (Baiamonte 1972). Rapid technological advance spurred on Industrialization, and both immigrants and native Americans flocked to the growing commercial cities and mill towns. In Louisiana, for example, Bogalusa exper­ ienced a rapid growth as people moved to the booming lumber town. The growth of the town is reflected in the rapid lnorease in the number of

ohurches mapped. Between 1910 and 1919, the number of churches increased from four to fifteen, and by 1925 there were thirteen more (Sanborn Map Company). Before the churches could effectively minister to the urban popu­ lations, they had to adjust their own attitudes, and they had to shift the concentration of their efforts from the rural areas to the cities. As the people left the farms and villages for the cities, many left behind their habit of church attendance. Their Christian responsibi­ lities were not the object of oommunity scrutiny as they had once been

in the village. In their new surroundings, these former churchgoers were inclined to be indifferent about the church. Later, the task of re-evangelization in the cities was complicated by the flood of foreign immigrants.

Reactions of the Churches Nondenomlnational professional revivalism was the most publicized effort of Protestants in the cities. The old methods of revivalism developed during the Great Awakening and the Methodist camp meetings became a means of reaching "the anonymous mass of the city folk who, in their uprooted loneliness, longed for the old-time religion" (Ahlstrom 1972 , 743). From the small towns to the large cities, revi­ valism became the largest response of evangelical Protestantism to the challenge of the urban frontier. Dwight Moody was the dominant figure of revivalism during the 1870s and 1880s. He preached the old-time religion, but used several new techniques similar to and borrowed from business. Publicity, lo cal church support, use of large downtown buildings, inform al preaching, a professional music director, and speoial group meetings were all techniques used by Moody. His message emphasized the sinful­ ness of man and redemption by C hrist. Most of h is preaching was aimed at obtaining conversions and placing the converts in looal churches. Revivalism continued to be popular in the South throughout the study period. Louisiana's Mansfield First Baptist Church even erected a large auditorium for its revivals. During the period of early attempts at Protestant social service, emphasis shifted from study of the problem to an increase in charity and reform. Suggestions for modification focused on (1) the organiza­ tion of urban missionaries, (2) the unification of Protestant efforts, and (3) a sufficient solution to the industrial problem (Abell 1943, p 11). Progressive Protestants became involved in the social gospel movement, which included such in s titu tio n s as the IMCA, Salvation Army, settlement houses, institutional churches, and missionary organ-

2 The term "social gospel" was not commonly used until after 1900. Before that the term most frequently used was "social C hristianity." (Hudson 1973 , 310). izations. The agencies were seen more as a way of realizing the Ideals of social justice than as being ends in themselves. The social gospel movement, however, had very little impact on the Southern ohurohes. “Before the Civil War, northern influence on southern church leadership was continual and significant, and parallels obtained for the following twenty to thirty years. But once the social gospel orientation emerged, the two geographical areas were to go th e ir separate ways with a vengeance" (H ill 1972, 49). Southern denominations were almost exclusively concerned with the salvation of souls, while the Northern churches were aotively involved in programs of Christian social ministry. As the central cities experienced a shift in population, con­ tinued church presence was made difficult. The more affluent members moved to the outskirts of the cities, leaving room in the city centers for the newer arrivals. Unless a church had an endowment, they were faced with the decision of following their congregations or remaining with insufficient funds. Churches in Baton Houge and Alexandria began moving away from the central city in the 1920s, but most of the move­ ment to the suburbs did not occur until after World War II (Berdichev­ sky 1980). Another result of this period of change in religious attitudes and programs was the formation of new urban religious organizations such as the Salvation Army and the Church of C hrist, S cien tist. The Salvation Army originated in London, when William Booth adapted Meth­ odist revivalism to the city. In 1879, it was brought to America and grew rapidly in the next two decades. The Christian Science system of therapeutics assured nerve-racked urban dwellers the immediate cure of their bodies as well as the ultimate cure of their souls (Schlesinger 1933» 336-38). By 1900, there were over 400 Christian Science groups with approximately 36,000 members in urban places throughout the nation.3

Other religious organizations were also formed during this period because people found that the old evangelical denominations did not fulfill their spiritual needs. At least twenty-five holiness and Pentecostal bodies developed during this period, mostly in the Central West where the Methodist bodies were dominant. The term "holiness" designates the more moderate groups, of which the Church of the Nazarene is the largest; while "pentecostal" is applied to the more extreme alternative, of which the Assemblies of God are the largest. Despite the common assumption that these evangelical groups were only poor man's churches, Paul H obllt’s (1970) study of Baton Rouge Fente- oostals shows these congregations are now mainly middle class, and of course, they always had some members who were middle or upper class. These evangelical churches exist primarily in small towns and the open country, although the Church of Nazarene has made progress in the c itie s . In the later years of the study period, more of these evangelical congregations appeared in urban places as rural migrants moved to the cities. Of the 33 evangelical groups in the sample, 26 were mapped after 1920. In the large metropolitan centers, these groups were frequently located in inner city store fronts, while in the smaller and medium cities, they were generally located in the neighborhoods.

^There were five Christian Science churches in the sample: Alexandria (1928), Baton Rouge (1923), Lake Charles (1923), Opelousas (1927), and Sulphur (1929). The later development of these ohurches meant that on a national soale these denominations were not as large and Influential. Locally, their congregations tended to be smaller, and their buildings were simpler because of theological and economic constraints. During the period of urbanization, the Sunday school also changed as i t became more form alized. nThe rapid movement of population from country to city, the increasing secularization of the public schools and the easy p itf a lls of c ity l i f e —a ll these demand of the Sunday school greater effectiveness11 (Abell 1943, 207)* Church leaders recognized the need to improve the methods of teaohlng the Sunday classes. After the 1872 Convention of the American Sunday School Union, an interdenom inational Sunday school lite ra tu re arose (Sweet 1930, 387)* Following the lead of the publlo schools, churches intro­ duced graded classes recognizing the differences in age groups.

Church leaders tried to impress upon the looal congregations the need to provide adequate facilities, teachers, and materials for religious instruction. The director of the Bureau of Architecture of the Metho­ dist Episcopal Churches notes: "Separate rooms for departments and classes which are so essential for successful teaching are luxuries" (Conover 1928, 119). Many children were attending modern public sohools and could not help but make a comparison between them and the dark, damp Sunday school classrooms. On the local level, congregations experienced, and continue to experience, numerous changes due to the growth of cities. In The Churoh in the Changing Citv. Douglass (1927, xiii) categorizes the ways in which churches adapt to their new surroundings: avoidance, compromise, and readaptation. A sure method for avoiding the problems of the inner city is to move to a more favorable location. Some churches remain behind, but only serve a select group of people. Another way of avoiding the urban ohanges is for the first churches to keep their church site and develop a city-wide parish. These first churohes continue as the most important religious organizations in the m unicipality; th e ir members commute from other neighborhoods to the downtown area (L eiffer 1938, 15). These congregations are able to construct high-style structures imitating the architectural styles of Europe; their expanded programs require alterations of the buildings or the use of additional structures. The looal churches also made some conscious changes sim ilar to those being made by business and other city Institutions. They began using telephones, radio, movies, printed materials, and increased advertising. Churches also increased the number of professionals on their staffs in order to make their operations more efficient. Prob­ ably the most important changes which occurred during this period, however, Involved the development, of "the activity church." As the number of church organizations and groups Increased, the minister had to manage an ever more complex in s titu tio n (Marty 1970, 7*0* Sunday schools were some of the first church auxiliary organizations to be formed, followed by ladies groups, youth groups, brotherhoods, and numerous others serving all ages and interests. Churches no longer had activities confined to the first day of the week, but had organi­ zations meeting throughout the week.

As neighborhoods and communities changed, churches found it advantageous to federate. There might have been too many churches in these areas in the first place, and it becomes obvious after some members move away. "It is natural, therefore, for these Protestant churches in their efforts to live, to federate" (Kinoheloe 1928, 871). Federating increases the congregational size and eases the financial load. In Hammond, Louisiana, the Congregationalists and Presbyterians federated and remodeled the old Congregational church building for the

Joint congregation's use. The large number of Catholic and Jewish immigrants moving in to the cities aroused concern among the native Protestants. The main response of the Protestant churches was to provide foreign language training to clergymen so that they could work with the immigrants. These e ffo rts did a ttra c t some new members to the B ritish background churches, but their numbers were relatively small. There was, for example, an I ta lia n B ap tist Church in Independence. Most of the growth in membership occurred in the churches of the immigrants' homelands. Roman Catholicism was particularly successful in keeping the allegiance of Immigrants to America. The four million Catholics of 1870 increased to nine m illion in 1890. By 1920, every th ird churoh member was a Roman Catholic (Hudson 1973 , 247). The variety of nationalities of the immigrants and their lack of financial resources seriously challenged the Roman Catholic Church. Priests and nuns were sent over from Europe, but it was still difficult to main­ tain adequate supervision over the increasing number of parishes and facilities. The fifty year span between the end of the Civil Har and the beginning of World War I was a time of great change in American culture and religion. The nation was changing from an agricultural to an industrial society, as its population moved from rural to urban areas. The Protestant Evangelical Empire was changing to a tripartite division of Protestant, Catholic, or Jew, as a great flood of new immigrants entered the country. There was also an increasing secular­ ization of religion in America. "Under the influence of the American environment the historic Jewish and Christian faiths have tended to become seoularized in the sense of becoming integrated as parts within a larger whole defined by the American Hay of Life" (Herberg

1960, 82). The South remained predominantly Protestant and after 1800 received relatively few Immigrants. After the Civil War, independent regional organizations continued in the three largest denominations. These organizations furthered regional self-consciousness and inoreased the Isolation of the Southern ohurches from national reli­ gious trends. Southerners Justified their independent organizations by declaring that they were different, and gradually their continued separation made their assertions true.

RELIGIOUS PATTERNS OF THE POSTBELLUM SOUTH Southern church membership grew in the years following the Civil Har. Sooial obligation to belong to the church contributed to member­ ship rolls. It became the only institutional expression of sectional feeling because politically the South was divided into various states, and there was a growing economio diversity in the region. The three large Southern Protestant denominations provided regional unity. Southern Evangelical Protestantism was also popular because it helped the whites to deal with the strain between democratic and

Christian ideals, and slavery and segregation. Feelings of guilt about racial issues were eased by evangelical emphasis on the 49 sinfulness of man. Sinoe forgiveness occurred with conversion, moral questions oould be put aside. The doctrine of "the spirituality of the churoh" was first formulated by a Presbyterian, John Holt Rice. "When it became apparent in 1827 that the slavery issue was apt to disrupt churoh life, Rice suggested that the church should 'confine itself to making good Christians' and not concern itself with matters beyond its competence, such as the civil arrangements of society" (Hudson 1973, 219)* Thus, the ohurches were able to condone slavery and segregation while condeming card playing, drinking, and dancing. Host importantly then, Evangelical Protestantism was popular because it legimatized the white Southern Nay of Life (Hill 1972 , 43)* The growth in both the number and size of black churches in the South even exceeded the growth of the white churches. The church was popular among blacks because it was one of the few institutions that was exclusively their own. Blacks found opportunities for self-expression, recognition, and leadership in the church. For many years, the ministry provided one of the few opportunities for leadership for young black men. Additionally, the church was a sooial and economio gathering place where members of the community met, exchanged greetings, and made business contacts. The church also helped maintain group cohesion under difficult social circumstances. Evangelical Protestantism also legimatized the Southern Hay of Life for the blacks. The churches emphasized individual salvation and personal moral behavior, but until the mid-twentieth century did not try to disrupt the status quo of Southern race relations. The black clergy was not unanimously submissive. Overall though, they showed considerable oomplacency about the contemporary situation. The very nature of evangelical religion itself led to an evasion of the larger corporate sins of Southern society for both blaoks and whites (Ahlstrom 1972, 711-13). Another term used to desoribe evangelical religion is fundamen­ talism. It is a term that can be defined in several ways. A funda­ mentalist can be a person that holds a certain set of doctrines, such as the five points of the Niagara Bible Conference of 1895. Literal interpretation of the Bible is probably most frequently associated with fundamentalism. N0r, in the broadest sense, it may signify a whole set of cultural or tribalistic values associated with nineteenth century rural, southern, Anglo-Saxon America" (McLoughlin 1968, 67). Fundamental religion has been one of the central characteristics of the South.

Religious conservatism Isolated Southern Protestants from social and religious influences from outside. The issues posed by modern science made only a small impact on prevailing attitudes in the South prior to World War II. The Southern denominations also disapproved of the way in which the Northern ohurches interfered with civil matters.

The New Orleans Christian Advocate declared in 1880 that: There is a south side to Churches and religion, not so muoh in regard to their creeds, articles of religion and Church p o lity , as in the type of piety th at p rev ails. Methodists and Presbyterians in the South profess the same faith as Methodists and Presbyterians in the North, and yet they are not the same people. The political meddling of the Northern Churches is, of course, one difference. . . . There is a secular!ty about them, and a style that brings them into near fellowship with worldly e n terp rises and organizations (Farish 1938, 148-49). The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, did develop a strong middle and upper class membership in the postbellum period. Although the denomination was Involved In the sooial gospel movement, they began losing contact with the urban poor. Unlike in the North, the movement did not seek to change the social order. Southern white churches were basically content to use old solutions and practices. Although the general character of Southern religion remained the same, the congregations were changing their programs and their buildings. More ritual appeared in the services, and organizations for social and recreational enjoyment became a part of Southern churches, especially in the cities. In the 1870s, church women began organizing missionary societies, studying geography, raising money, and recruiting foreign missionaries. "The introspeotive piety of the early decades of the century turned outward, the desire to do good in society increased, and a missionary spirit directed both to foreign lands and to social problems oloser to home developed very rapidly" (Scott 1972, 105-06). These missionary societies and the Women's Christian Temperance Union provided women with outlets for their religious energies and gave them their first public community leader­ ship roles. Membership in the sooial organizations of the Church provided social distinction both within the Churoh and within the community.

In his sociological evaluation of activities in Caldwell Parish, Louisiana, Edward McKillips (19^0, 75) notes that the church exercised "a powerful control in regulating a person's social position on the pyramid in Caldwell Parish, especially in the smaller villages and open country." McKillips found that the Methodist churches were more stratified than the Baptist churches. In the Baptist churches, there was less 52 distance between the "lowest1* and "highest" members. The minister occupied the top position, followed very closely by the deacons. In the Methodist churches, the minister did not always rank higher than the governing board of the church because the Methodist conference appointed him, rather than the congregation as was done by the Bap­ tists. In the black churches of both denominations, the minister always had the highest sooial rack, but the distance between him and the deacons was greater than in the white churches. The Baptist and Methodist ohurches each had organizations for women, men, and young people. "These groups, aside from being strati­ fied within themselves, tend to lnorease sooial distance in the churoh as a whole, because members of the church who belong to one of these groups are in a more favorable light than non-members" (McKillips

19^0, 66). Within Caldwell Parish, people were often described as

"church goers," "ohurch members," or "church workers." Thus, church organizations not only provided members with activities, but they also provided them with sooial niches. Although some congregations in the open countryside had social organizations, it was in the cities where the organization church flourished. The urban congregations had larger memberships and were able to sponsor a greater variety of organizations. They also generally had more capital available to construct facilities to house this growing number of organizations. Towards the end of the study period, however, urbanism increased in both town and country. School consolida­ tion, better roads, the automobile, and the telephone all Increased place connectivity and decreased village isolation. Throughout Loui­ siana, and across the country, the church was entering the urban age. CHAPTER 3 CHURCHES IN LOUISIANA COMMUNITIES

Louisiana i s w ell known fo r i t s relig io u s heritage. Those who know the state recognize its division into North Louisiana and South Louisiana. North Louisiana is well known as a Protestant stronghold, while South Louisiana has a long Roman Catholic tradition. These two areas and a transitional region between provide a variety of religious regions. Whereas the Southern states generally lack the variety of immigrant churches found in the Northeast, Louisiana has one or a few congregations of most of the national denominations. The religious heritage of Louisiana, and the rest of the South, has been rural. When the Committee on Social and Religious Surveys conducted their work in the South, they noted that one-half of the rural churches in the nation were in the Southern states. Yet, in their sample they found "that while the urban population was only one-third of the total, the urban churoh membership was one-half of the total" (Brunner 1923, 57). Although rural churches were still most numerous in the South in the 1920s, many were abandoned or inactive. Others did not have regular services or an active program.

"Buildings are erected chiefly to provide auditorium space for the congregations" (Brunner 1923, 57). This was the condition in the rural South; in the urban places, however, congregations were expand­ ing the size, number, and complexity of their programs and their buildings.

SOURCES AMD METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION Because the period after World War II has seen a great deal of

53 reconstruction of church buildings, the Sanborn Map Company fire Insurance maps were used as a source for floor plans from 1885 to 1930. Although these maps contain a few minor inaccuracies, they are one of the few sources for the plans of structures that have long slnoe disappeared. The use of these maps lim its the type of questions that can be asked about the church buildings, but the maps provide detailed information that cannot be found elsewhere for such a large number of oases.

The Sanborn Map Company F ire Insurance Maps The production of insurance maps flourished between the American Civil Har and Horld Har II because of the serious fire risks in rapidly expanding urban centers. The most prominent fire insurance map publisher in the United States was the Sanborn Map Company of New York City, Incorporated in 1876. Unlike most of the oompanies, which were small and looal, the Sanborn Company eventually published insur­ ance maps for some 12,000 communities in all states. This wide cover­ age was partially achieved by the absorption of other insurance map publishers.1 The market for insurance maps declined following Horld

Har II, and the company had to stop production in 1950 (Ristow 1976). The Sanborn Maps are diagrammatic plans; they were commonly used by fire insurance companies, mortgage underwriters, and public works and tax o ffic ia ls . Each se rie s of maps contains a number of fa c ts about the community, especially factors pertinent to fire prevention, such as the available water supply, the number of firemen and equip­

1 These absorptions are re fle c te d in the company name changes on the Louisiana maps: pre-July 1885—Sanborn Map & Publishing Co., Limited; Aug. 1885-1900—Sanborn-Perris Map Co., Limited; and 1902- 1950—Sanborn Map Company. 55 ment, and the prevailing wind direction. The map sheets (measuring 22 1/2 x 25 inches) were produced in both bound and unbound form. The soale of the majority of the map sheets is 1 inch to 50 feet (Thiele 1938, xil). The buildings were hand colored according to the building material. Yellow and pink, for frame and brick respectively, are the most common oolors, giving the maps a bright, cheerful appearance. Churches, being public buildings, have more information recorded about them than most mapped stru ctu res. Each church's name and denomination are inoluded; Negro congregations are usually specified. Symbols or numbers indicate roof material, ceiling heights, and number of floors. The later maps include methods of heating and lighting. One hundred and fifty Louisiana communities were mapped by the Sanborn Map Company (Appendix A); these maps date from between 1884 and 1951, with approximately seven year intervals between map series. Of these communities, fifty-nine were mapped once, forty were mapped two or three times, twenty-five were mapped four to six times, and twenty-seven were mapped seven to nine times. The median year is 1917, and community populations range from 100 to 387,219 (U.S. Census 1920). The wide range of communities mapped, as w ell as the re p e ti­ tion of maps for one place, make the Sanborn Maps an excellent source for historic building plans.

Selection of the Sample Communities

The 150 Louisiana communities mapped by the Sanborn Company were stratified using 1920 population, dominant religious creed of the parish, and the looation of the community. The 1920 Census was used because it was the closest census year to the median year of the 56

Louisiana Sanborn Maps (1917). Based on the frequency of community populations, the following categories were chosen: ( 1) under 500; ( 2)

500-1000; (3) 1001-1500; (4) 1501-2500; (5) 2501-5000; (6) 5001- 10,000; (7) over 10,000. To determine the dominant religious prefer­ ence of a parish (Protestant or Catholic) the WFA Guide to Vital S ta tis tic s Records of Church Archives in Louisiana (1942) and the updated version of this work (Bebert 1975) were consulted. These sources do not list every church in the state in the early forties, but they do indicate the general distribution of churches at the end of the period covered by Sanborn Maps. For each parish, the number of Protestant and Catholic churches was tabulated and then the percentage of Protestant and Catholic churches (Table 1). The following designations were chosen for the parishes, based on the percentage of Protestant churches in each circa 1940: Protestant (100—90%), Majority Protestant (89-78$), Transitional (77-60$), Majority Catholic (59-50$), and Catholic (49-14$) (Fig. 1). Because the membership of Catholic churches tends to be larger than Protestant churches, a ratio of one Catholic churoh to four and one- half Protestant churches was used. Thus, 77 percent Protestant churches was used as the break-off point between Protestant and Tran­ sitional categories. The last means of stratification of the communi­ ties was by geographic regions (Appendix A). The communities were selected by assigning them a number based on alphabetical order and then using a random number table. Those numbered 1-10 were used in the preliminary study, and they were automatically included in the final sample (Fig. 2). T able 1

Dominant Parish Creed

Protestant Transitional 100< Protestant 77-6Qt Protestant Caldwell Ascension Claiborne Catahoula East Feliciana DeSoto Franklin East Carroll LaSalle Iberia Vernon Jefferson Vest Carroll Jefferson Davis Winn Natchitoches "Orleans Protestant 99-90^ Protestant Majority Catholic Beauregard 59- 50j Protestant Bossier Cameron Caddo Ib e rv ille Concordia Lafayette East Baton Bouge Lafourche Grant Madison Jackson St. Charles Lincoln St. Mary Livingston Tensas Morehouse Terrebonne Ouachita V eraillion Bapides Bed Biver Richland Catholic Sabine 49-14it Protestant St. Helena Acadia Union Assumption Webster Avoyelles West Feliciana Evangeline Plaquemines St. Landry Majority Protestant S t. Tammany 89-78< Protestant St. Martin Allen B ienville Calcasieu Point Coupee St. Bernard "The percentage St. James was estim ated. S t. John the B aptist Tangipahoa Washington West Baton Bouge PROTESTANT CHURCHES IN LOUISIANA, C. 1940 AS A PERCENTAGE OF ALL CHURCHES IN LOUISIANA

LEGEND! CAT HHIIIIIIUM1 PROTESTANT tminill MAJ. PROTESTANT TRANSITIONAL l " I MAJ. CATHOLIC I I CATHOLIC

Figure 1. Dominant Creed of Louisiana Parishes VO MEADOW •GOLDEN LORANGER AMITE PONCHATQJJLA *ABITA SPRINGS PONCHATQJJLA # LUTCHER CLINTON •DONALDSONVIUE i '■ 'I -^PROVIDENCE ake i BAYOU GOULA BAYOU •,{ BERWICK BERWICK * * MORGAN CITY “I FRANKLIN FORDOCHE f •GILBERT •MANGHAM •ALTO •COLLINSTOWN #BASTROP •YOUNGSVILLE •MANSUR^v •CHURCH POINT "ABBEVILLE KAPLAN «NEW IBERIA CHENYVILLE 1 ■CROWLEY •ALEXANDRIA •WINNFIELD ARTHUR ARTHUR * •LAK E | •ELTON •DUBACH •COLFAX GlfNMORAGLENMORA " BUNKJE • • £VERG« £N' •WELSH •MONTOGOMERY KINDER •ARCADIA •SALINE •ATHENS •HAYNESVILLE PROVENCAL CHARLES • LAKE •LEESVILLE MINDEN SULPHUR MINES SULPHUR ^SULPHUR GROVE c edar h o s st o n • .BELCHER • •MOQRINGSPORT

Figure 2. Location of Sample Communities 60

Method of Data Collection Sanborn Maps of large communities have an Index and an index town map on the first sheet for a series. These Indexes include most churches; some churches, especially black churches, are occasionally missing. Each map sheet was carefully scanned for any churches. Then the locations of the churohes were plotted on a town map. For each churoh, the name of the community, the dates when the church was mapped, and the community id e n tific a tio n number (l.e., BR 12) were recorded on the top of a 3x5 card. The church's name, building mate­ rial, roof material, ceiling height, exterior dimensions, number of floors, dimensions of projections, and type of heating and lighting were also recorded. Finally, a small sketch of the building plan, including street names, was made. When a congregation erected a new building, or made significant changes in their structure, the initial card for that church was marked "card 1," and a new card was made using the same id e n tific a tio n number. Thus, a congregation might be represented by several cards, if they built a new church or signifi­ cantly modified the original structure (Table 2). Once the data were collected, the analysis was divided into two sections. The first examines the relationship between churches and

their communities. The second section gives a detailed account of the structures and the factors influencing them. The community section, which follows, begins with the influences of the churches on their

communities. These influences include moral and spiritual guidance as

well as religious place names. In modern urban culture, however, the influences of the communities on their churohes are more prominent. Community characteristics of dominant creed, size, vigor, and type T able 2 Sample Communities

Town #ConR #Chur #0bs Town #Cons #Chur #0bs

Abbeville 11 14 20 Grand Cane 3 3 3 Abita Springs 2 2 2 Hammond 16 17 25 “Alexandria 52 68 85 Harrisonburg 1 1 1 Alto 2 2 2 Haynesville 10 11 11 Amite 9 14 18 Hosston 2 2 2 Arcadia 6 8 10 Independence 3 3 3 Athens 3 3 3 Kaplan 3 3 4 Baker 2 2 2 Kinder 6 6 7 Bastrop 9 10 14 Lake Arthur 4 4 7 Baton Bouge 63 78 114 “Lake Charles 31 50 64 Bayou Goula 2 2 2 Lake Provld. 11 11 15 Belcher 0 0 0 L eesvllle 11 13 18 Berwick 4 4 4 Loranger 2 2 2 Bogalusa 30 35 47 Lutober 5 6 8 Breaux Bridge 3 3 4 Mangham 2 3 4 Bunkle 10 13 14 “Mansfield 15 18 25 Cedar Grove 8 8 8 Mansura 1 1 1 Cheneyville 4 4 5 Maringouin 0 0 0 Churoh Point 2 2 2 Mlnden 10 13 14 Clinton 5 6 6 Montgomery 2 2 2 Colfax 7 8 8 Mooringsport 2 3 4 Collinstown 0 0 0 Morgan City 11 12 21 Covington 11 13 18 New Ib eria 16 16 25 Crowley 18 23 30 Opelousas 10 12 15 “Donaldsonvll le 15 16 20 Ponchatoula 9 11 12 Dubach 2 2 2 Provencal 2 2 2 Elton 3 3 3 Saline 1 1 1 Evergreen 1 1 1 Sulphur 11 13 16 Ferrlday 5 6 6 Sulphur Mines 0 0 0 Fordoche 1 1 1 Washington 4 4 4 Franklin 8 10 12 Welsh 7 8 9 Franklinton 2 3 4 Wlnnfleld 9 10 10 G ilbert 2 2 2 Youngsvllle 1 1 1 Glenmora 5 6 6 Golden Meadow 1 1 1 Totals 529 635 812

* Alexandria totals Include 5 congregations from Plnevllle; Donaldsonvllle totals Include 4 congregations from Port Barrow; Lake Charles to ta ls Include 2 congregations from West Lake; and Mansfield totals Include 1 congregation from South Mansfield. were examined for their role in influencing the size, composition, and location of churches. Lastly, the changes in the relative location of the ohurohes within their communities are desoribed.

INFLUENCES OF CHURCHES ON COMMUNITIES

As the character of American culture changed, the churches soon reflected these changes at the community level. Churches both reflect and shape the character of a community. If a community is economi­ cally depressed, this will soon be reflected in the inability of the churches to pay their mortgages or construct new facilities. Both religious and non-religious people reoognlze religious institutions as

a fundamental parts of the community. The churches not only provide

spiritual and moral guidanoe to the community, but they also 3erve as symbols of the religious disposition of the inhabitants. If a town has several beautiful churches, it declares to the world that this is a religious and moral community. One looal historian writes, "Claiborne is a land of beautiful ohurches lifting their spires in testimony of the religious inclination of the people" (Haley 1956, 49). The whole community recognizes the importance of religious institutions because the churches help transmit many of the values of

the larger society. Church histories often note the contributions of people who were not members, but who felt the need to support religious institutions. W.W. Duson, one of the founders of Crowley, Louisiana, donated land to many of the schools and churches (Hair 1944), while the Homer Trinity

Episcopal Church was founded by official of the L&NU Railroad. "Information from various sources confirms the fact that most of the employees of the railroad . . . as well as many businessmen and residents of Homer, members of other denominations, contributed gen­ erously to funds for the building of this church" (Ayers 1952). The enthusiasm of a congregation over the erection of a new building can be felt by the whole community as local newspapers record the pro­ gress of the construction. The Alexandria Daily Town Talk had at least four articles between July 1895 and January 1898 on the erection of the Emmanuel B aptist Church. The May 7, 1896, a rtic le featured details of the building progress provided by the superintendent of construction. Writers of local histories often romanticize the role of the church buildings in the development of communities. Alfred Duperler (1899, 5H) notes that with the ereotion of the Catholic Church one can date the second epoch in the development of New Iberia. "Around this first permanent improvement there very soon radiated others, showing that a new impetus had been given to the village, with its steeple,

that supplanted the old Spanish and French trading post ."2 The erec­ tion of churches does signal the end of the founding period of a community and the establishment of a more permanent order. As the number of fam ilies s e ttlin g in a community increases, there soon develops an interest In the establishment of religious organizations. When settlements are small and scattered, people usually depend on traveling preachers. The ereotion of a church building is one step in the establishment of a stable congregation and a stable community.

This type of stablity is reflected in the statements of Rev. L.M.

2Glenn Conrad (1979) notes th at Duperler was more poetic than factual because the original church was only surmounted by a cupola; the steeple was added during the Civil War. 64

Sawyer (1949) about Ebenezer, Louisiana. It Is said that during the sixty years of the life of this church not one serious crime of any nature has been committed in th is community. This i s a fine clean com­ munity and we give the Ebenezer Methodist Church a great deal of credit for making and keeping it so. Another way in which religion influences society is in place- names. The most notable Louisiana examples are the major political divisions! which are called parishes rather than counties. Eleven of the 64 civil parishes, all located in the southern part of the state, are named after a religious parish. Nine parish names begin with the word saint: the other two are Ascension and Assumption parishes. Besides the parish names, there are also several examples of Louisiana

communities named a fte r the local church. The aforementioned Ebene­ zer, in Acadia Parish, is named after the Ebenezer Methodist Protes­ tant Churoh, and after the establishment of a Catholic mission chapel, the Acadia Parish community of Tribly was known for six years as Gassier, for Rev. F.L. Gassier, the first priest (Fontenot 1976, 273,

228). Two other South Louisiana plaoe-names contain the word church itself. The original name of the town of Washington was Church Land­ ing, named after the first church in Opelousas Territory. Spanish Governor Unzaga selected the s ite , and a bridge was b u ilt over Bayou Courtableau to haul lumber to erect the church in the year 1774. What is now called Washington soon developed near the structure. In 1797, the church was moved to the post at Opelousas; Washington was without a church fo r 55 years (Fontenot 1955). The crossroads oommunity of Church Point was referred to as th a t d r o a 1870. The Je su its of Grand Coteau had established a church in the settlement in 1848 (Fontenot 65 and Freeland 1976, 144).

INFLUENCES OF COMMUNITIES ON CHPflCHES Dominant Creed The influence of the ohurch on local history and community names is an example of the way in whioh churches affeot their communities. Churches also reflect or are influenced by the social conditions of their communities. One of the more noticeable social conditions of Louisiana is the difference between Protestant North Louisiana and predominantly Catholic South Louisiana. This difference was acoounted for in the stratification of the sample based on the percentage of Protestant churches in eaoh parish (Table 1). A Chi Square Test shows that, for the sample communities, there is a difference between the distribution of Protestant and Catholic churches in the five regions (Protestant, Majority Protestant, Transitional, Majority Catholic, and Catholic). This difference is statistically significant at the 0.001 level. This finding simply confirms the well recognized difference between these regions of the state. The strong Frenoh-Acadian influence in South Louisiana accounts for the large number of Catholic churches located there, whereas migrants from the Upland South brought Baptist and Methodist tradi­ tions to North Louisiana. The Afro-American population throughout the state is also strongly Baptist and Methodist. Episcopal and Presby­ terian churches are present in smaller percentages. A few "North­ em" denominations appear in Louisiana towns settled by Northerners and Midwesterners. The greatest area of Midwestern settlement was in the southwest prairie region of the state, where Crowley is located. Several communities in the piney woods also had settlers from the 66

Northf and Hammond, on an important northbound railway, is one such community.

The churches in Crowley and Hammond reflect the Midwestern origin of the settlers, but this Northern imprint soon blended with the sur­ rounding Southern culture. The first church organized in Crowley was the Methodist Episcopal Church, South; the Central Methodist Episcopal Church (North) was begun a few months la te r. Due to the great number of Northern people oomlng to live in Crowley, the Central Methodist Church building became too small, and it was rebuilt in 1692 and enlarged in 1903* For a while this congregation flourished, but as the flow of migrants from the North decreased, the membership of the church began to decline. The church was disbanded in 1919, and most of the members affiliated with the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, or the Presbyterian or Christian churches (Hair 1944, 74; Fontenot and Freeland 1976, 308). The Hammond Methodist Episcopal Church (North) did not last very long either. The Christian congregation purchased the Northern Methodist building in 1921, after having used a building called the Tabernacle, whloh had been erected in 1900 shortly after the organization of the group. Practically all the charter members of the C hristian Church came from Iowa, Illin o is , and Kansas. A church historian notes that the congregational life reflects the fortunate circumstance of a blend of "the culture and tradition of the Old South" with "the aggressiveness and Ingenuity of the North" (Louisiana Christian 1950). Crowley and Hammond churches illustrate the ways in which cultural groups influence the churches. Further discussion of denominational differences is in Chapter Five. 67

Community Size Another important influence on churches is community size. One assumes, correctly, that larger oities would receive innovations in congregational organization earlier and that they would be first in constructing new facilities. Larger cities also tend to have larger and wealthier congregations which would enable them to construct modern church plants. This is not to take away anything from the smaller communities. Although the general trend was for these addi­ tions and improvements to occur earlier in the larger communities, smaller communities also had some early examples of the erection of facilities for the organization congregation. The size of the facilities erected for the organization congre­ gation began small and gradually has increased until today most churches have more space devoted to educational and social activities than to the sanctuary. The Sanborn Haps show that Louisiana congre­ gations began making these additions in the 1910s and 1920s. Some congregations built additional rooms on the side or rear of their sanctuaries, while others used additional buildings. (The old church or an old house was often adapted for such use.) The occurrences of the four types of educational and social space (side rooms, rear education rooms, eduoational second building, second building for other use) were stratified by community size. The fre­ quency of these additions to the church buildings was compared to the number of buildings without additions using a Chi Square Test (Table 3).

The results of this test were Insignificant at the 0.12 level. Three community size categories (seven, four, and two) had as many observed values as expected. Two of the larger sized categories (six and five) T able 3

Church Building Educational Additions by Community Size

Frequency Expected Without With Total Additions Additions C Size

1 30 1 31 <500 (27.2) (3.8) 3 . 82*

2 49 7 56 500-1000 (49.2) ( 6. 8) 6.90*

3 63 2 65 1001-1500 (57.1) (7.9) 8.00*

4 85 11 96 1501-2500 (84.3) ( 11. 8) 11. 82*

5 139 25 164 2501-5000 (144.0) (20.0) 20.20*

6 116 21 137 5001-10000 (120.3) (16.7) 16.87*

7 231 32 263 >10000 (230.9) (31.9) 32.39%

Total 713 99 812 87. 81* 12.19* 100. 00*

Chi Square 10.128 Level of Significance 0.12 69 bad a higher frequency than expected. Two of the smaller sized cate­ gories (three and one) had a lower frequency than expected. Thus, there is a alight trend for educational and social additions on church build­ ings to occur in larger communities. In the largest cities (Baton Rouge, Alexandria, and Lake Charles), however, these additions are mainly restricted to the "first ohurches."3 The cities with 1920 popu­ lations under 1500 were served predominantly by first churches and did not have neighborhood or smaller denomination churches. All but three towns with populations over 1500 had at least one church with these

types of additions. The lack of observed additions in the smaller communities (under 1500) could also be the re s u lt of sampling erro r. These communities were mapped for fewer years, so comparisons through

time cannot easily be made. Further, smaller congregations cannot develop multiple organizations, so the majority of the additions appear

on ohurohes with larger congregations. There is also a distinct relationship between community size and church building size. The church;sizes, or areas, are computed by multiplying length by width. For irregular shaped buildings then the figure is an approximation of the total area. Table 4 shows the distri­ bution of church building area- by community size categories. The Chi Square Test measuring the relationship between building area and commun­

ity size is highly significant. Nearly half of the churches (47.24?) have an area between 1500 and 2999 square feet. For communities with

populations under 10,000, there are more churches of this size category

^"First churches" refers to the community's oldest congregations, which generally have the name First. They are predominantly churches of the major national denominations th a t draw members from the e n tire community. T able 4 Church Building Area by Community Size

Frequency Expected APQB. <1000-1499 1500-2999 >3000 C Size sq. ft. sq. ft. sq. ft. Percent

1 8 20 3 31 <500 (10.4) (14.6) (6 .0 ) 4.89%

2 12 27 11 50 500-1000 (16.7) (2 3 . 6) (9.7) 7.90$

3 15 31 10 56 1001-1500 (18.7) (26.4) (10.9) 8.85$

4 30 39 10 79 1501-2500 (26.3) (37.3) (15.4) 12.48$

5 32 63 28 123 2501-5000 (41.1) (58.0) (23.9) 19.43$

6 31 49 19 99 5001-10000 (33.1) (46.7) (19.2) 15.64$

7 83 70 42 195 >10000 (65.2) ( 92. 0) (37.8) 30. 81 $

Total 211 299 123 633 Percent 33.33$ 47.24$ 19.43$ 100. 00$

Chi Square 24.15 Level of Significance 0.0185 71 than are statistically expected. For the smaller church buildings, every community size category, except four and seven, has fewer observed churches than are expected. The largest church buildings more closely approximate the expected values. To understand further the extremes in church size, those build­ ings with areas over 4000 square feet and those with areas under 1000 square feet were examined in detail (Table 5). There were 78 churches in the sample with over 4000 square feet of spaoe (Appendix B). The majority of these churches (86%) were either Roman Catholic or first churohes. Roman Catholic and first churches both generally have large congregations, which would facilitate and necessitate larger struc­ tures. The other 14 percent of the churches were found in cities with a population over 2500, mainly in Baton Rouge, Alexandria, and Lake Charles. They Include some of the older and well established black congregations, neighborhood or second churches of the large denomina­ tions, and a Full Gospel Church in Leesville. The majority of the largest churches (82?} were located in cities with a population over 2500, but it is significant to note that all community size categories have at least two ohurches with an area larger than 4000 feet. The largest Roman Catholic churches were found in the Transitional or Catholic civil parishes (Table 1), except for the Catholic churches in Baton Rouge, Alexandria, and Lake Charles. The largest Protestant churches were found in the Transitional or Protestant civil parishes, except for two large churches in Crowley. Of the 59 sample ohurches with under 1000 square feet of space (Appendix B), the majority (81.4?) are black churches or congregations of the smaller denominations. During the period of the study, blacks Table 5 Extremes In Church Area

Largest Area Churehes Smallest Area Churches > 4000 square feet < 1000 square feet Denom. Total Black Denom. Total Black

Catholio 27 4 B aptist 23 23 B aptist 25 4 ••Other 14 6 Methodist 15 1 Non 9 7 Presby. 6 0 Meth. 7 6 •Other 5 0 Presby. 5 0 Total 78 9 Total 59 41

Largest Area Smallest Area CSize RC BC ME PR OT Tot BC 0T NO ME PR Tot

1 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 1 2 3 2 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 1 1 3 1 1 1 0 0 3 1 0 2 0 1 4 4 1 1 2 0 0 4 2 5 1 2 1 11 5 11 7 1 0 1 20 - 1 1 0 0 0 2 6 6 4 3 2 0 15 2 3 3 2 2 12 7 4 9 8 4 4 29 17 6 3 2 0 28

•Inoludes: 2 Episcopal, 1 Jewish, 1 Christian, and 1 Holiness. “ Includes: 3 Holiness, 3 Church of God, 2 Christian Science, 1 Episcopal, 1 Catholio, 1 Lutheran, 1 Congrega­ tional, 1 Christian, 1 Salvation Army, and 1 Pente­ co stal. 73 were largely economically disadvantaged and could only afford small structures. An additional factor Is the tendency In the larger cities for splinter neighborhood black ohurches to develop. In his study of black Baptist churches in East Baton Rouge Parish, Fogleman (1949, 59) notes the recurrent organization of these splinter churches. These new congregations sometimes add the words new, greater, or second to the original congregation's name or build in the immediate proximity of the older church. The other 18.6 percent of the churches with less than 1000 square, feet can be grouped into three categories. First, there were three Presbyterian, a Christian, and a Methodist church that were located in the smaller communities. In a state where Baptists, and to a lesser extent Methodists, dominate, the other denominations gener­ ally have fairly small congregations until the town reaches a certain population threshold. Second, there were three small churches in

communities where the dominant creed (Protestant or Catholio) was the opposite. Hie Minden Catholio Church had only 840 square feet of space in the early 1900s. Finally, two small structures in Lake Charles in the early years were replaced by larger structures. Except

for these few examples, the majority of the churches under 1000 square feet belonged to blacks or to smaller denominations. Thus, despite a relationship between church size and oommunlty size, such factors as denomination, race, economics, and location also play a part. The type of building material also relates to community size.

Brick churches are more common in the larger cities. A Chi Square Test oomparing frame buildings to brick and briok veneered buildings

is significant at the 0.05 level (Table 6). The more unusual types of T able 6 Building Material by Community Size

Frequency Frame Brick Brick *Other }Column Veneer

1 29 1 1 0 <500 5.50} 1.16} 10.00} 0}

2 39 11 0 0 500-1000 7.40} 12.79} 0} 0}

3 46 7 1 2 1001-1500 8.73} 8.14} 10.00} 18. 18}

4 72 5 1 2 1501-2500 13.66} 5.81} 10.00} 18.16}

5 109 13 0 1 2501-5000 20.68} 15.12} 0.00} 9.09}

6 81 14 1 3 5001-10000 15.37} 16.28} 10.00} 27.27}

7 150 35 6 3 >10000 28.65} 40.70} 60.00} 27.27}

Total 526 86 10 11 633 82.86} 13.52} 1.73} 1.74} 100.00}

^Includes: concrete block, frame and Iron, stone, brick and ooncrete block, and brick and frame.

Chi Square comparing frame to brick and brick veneered 14.63 75 building materials, such as oonorete block and stone, tend to appear in the larger communities. The one stone churoh In the sample was the Lake Charles Episoopal Churoh. Frame was by fa r the predominate building material In every community.

Community Vigor Community vigor or well-being also influences the churches. In those towns where the population is growing and where the economy is healthy, congregations can build larger and better facilities. Of the

68 communities in the sample, only 27 were mapped four or more years by the Sanborn Map Company. At least four different sets of maps are necessary to aompare the changes in ohurches. Subtracting the number of congregations in a community from the total number of observations, gives a figure representing the number of changes in the buildings (net renovation). Dividing this net renovation figure by the total number of congregations gives a rate of change index. o—o' = roi o where o i s the number of observations c is the number of congregations rcl is the rate of change index This index is not adjusted for the time span of the map coverage, which averages 36 years and ranges from 22 to 55 years. Additionally, towns that had more congregations formed near the end of the time span

would have lower indexes. Amite's rate of change index is 0.50. The town's nine congrega­

tio n s had 18 total observations, which represent individual buildings and any notable modifications of them. Lake Frovidence had 15 obser­

vations and 11 congregations, representing four changes or a rate of 76 change index of 0.36 (Table 7). The rate of change index provides only a rough estimate because some churches in a oommunity did not change at all during the study period while others had several altera­ tions or erected a new building.

The changes observable on the Sanborn Maps represent aotual alterations of the sizes or basic shapes of the structures. Common alterations include the addition of an entrance or an extended chan­ cel. Not included in these alterations are changes in the Interior and such improvements as a new coat of paint, which are also important i in an examination of church vitality. Although only a small percen­ tage (12.19#) of the renovations observed during this period represent adaptations for the organization congregation, it can be assumed that renovated church buildings housed vital congregations. It can also be assumed th a t these same congregations would be the ones th a t would be most lik e ly to add educational wings a fte r World War XL As one might expect, the explanations for the rate of change indexes are nearly as varied as the number of communities. Many a town that had a high rate of change was vital because it served as a transportation link (Hammond, Morgan City) or because of the lumber or oil booms (Bogalusa, Baton Rouge). Other towns suffered more severely from the economic downturns during the period of the study. The two towns with the highest rate of change indexes (Amite and Lake Charles) experienced disasters that required the reconstruction of a number of buildings in the communities. The 1910 Lake Charles Fire destroyed much of the downtown, and a storm in 1918 also destroyed several churches. Four of Amite's churches were damaged by a tornado in 1908. A local historian notes that the ohurches were "crushed to the earth, T able 7 Community Hate of Change Indexes

Community Index Community Index

Abbeville .46 Franklin .33 Alexandria .39 Hammond .36 Amite .50 Lake Arthur .43 Arcadia .40 Lake Charles .52 Bastrop .36 Lake Providence •36

Baton Rouge .44 L eesville • 39

Berwick .00 Mansfield .40

Bogalusa .36 Mlnden .29 Breaux Bridge .25 Morgan City .48

Clinton .17 New Ib eria .36 Covington .39 Opelousas .33 Crowley .40 Ponchatoula .25

Donaldsonville .25 Washington .00

Welsh .22

Table 2 contains the number of congregations, churches, and observations for all communities. 78 only to rise In greater size and beauty” (Reese 1945)* Congregations often erect a larger or more substantial (brick) structure after their churches have been destroyed by fire or storm. The disaster beoomes a "blessing In disguise," however, only in a vital community. The historical landscape holds the scars of many churches that were not re b u ilt. Even historic ohurohes can be altered to meet modern needs while maintaining the integrity of the old sanctuary. Nineteenth century churches in New Iberia, Clinton, and Baton Rouge have been modernized and now have educational facilities. The motives behind the upkeep and modernization of ohurches are expressed well by Miriam Reeves (1967, 90) in her description of St. Andrew's Episcopal Church in

Clinton. During its long history, efforts have been made to maintain and preserve the old landmark, not only because it is one of the finest examples of Victorian- Wood-Gothic architecture, but because it serves an activ e, progressive and a liv e community of C hristian people.

Community Type The function and layout of communities also influence the loca­ tions of churches. To examine this aspect, the Louisiana communities in the sample were classified by type (RR Town, Bridgehead Town, Courthouse Town) and the distribution of churches in each was examined

(Table 8). This classification is only tenative because it is based

primarily on the twentieth century layout of the towns and is not

based on extensive historical documentation. A number of generaliza­ tions can be made about the distribution of churches in the various types of communities. It must be kept in mind that, although these 79

T ab le 8 Community Types o f Sample Communities

Abbeville Ctho-Brldgehead Golden Meadow Bayou Line Town Abita Springs Resort Settlement Grand Cane RR Village (ex) Alexandria Ctho-Brldgehead Hammond Railroad Town Alto Bayou V illage Harrisonburg Ctho-Brldgehead Amite Railroad Town Haynesville Railroad Town Arcadia Railroad Town Hosston Railroad Village Athens Railroad Town Independence Railroad Town Baker Railroad Town Kaplan Railroad Town Bastrop Courthouse Town Kinder Railroad Town Baton Rouge River Bridgehead Lake Arthur Lake Town Bayou Goula T-Village Lake Charles Ctho-Lake Town Belcher Railroad Town Lake Providence Ctho-Lake Town Berwick Bayou Bridgehead L eesville Courthouse Town Bogalusa Lumber RR Town Loranger Dispersed Village Breaux Bridge Bayou Bridgehead Lutoher Indus tr i al-Real d. Bunkie Railroad Town Mangham Railroad Town Cedar Grove Industrlal-Resld. Mansfield Courthouse Town Cheneyvllle Railroad Town Mansura Miscellaneous Church Foint Bayou Bridgehead Maringouin Railroad Town Clinton C tho-Bridgehead Minden Ctho-Bridgehead Colfax Courthouse Town Montgomery RR-Brldgehead Collinstown Railroad Town Mooringsport Lake-RR Town Covington Ctho-Brldgehead Morgan City Bayou Bridgehead Crowley Courthouse Town New Ib eria Bayou Town Donaldsonv. Bayou Bridgehead Opelousas Courthouse Town Dubach Crossroads Town Ponchatoula Railroad Town Elton Railroad Town Provencal RR-Crossroad Evergreen Crossroads Town Saline RR Village (ex) Ferriday Railroad Town Sulphur Railroad Town Fordoche Railroad Village Sulphur Mines Company Town Franklin Ctho-Bridgehead Washington Bayou Bridgehead Franklinton Courthouse Town Welsh Railroad Town G ilbert Railroad Town Winnfleld Courthouse Town Glenmora Railroad Town Youngsvllle Crossroads Town 80 generalizations apply in most communities, there are some churches that do not fit the typical patterns. The central focus of the towns during the study period differed according to the type of community. The courthouse was the main focus in some places, while in others the focus was the railroad depot or a central business district. A number of the Sanborn town index maps have a series of 1/4 mile concentric oircles drawn on them that were centered on the focus. These concentric circles provide a useful aid in the examination of ohurch distribution. In Lake Providence, for example, seven of the town's eleven churches stood within a 1/4 mile radius of the courthouse (Fig. 3)* The looations of the churches in Lake Providence are typical of many towns in which the church sites encircle the central focus of the town. In a few towns, the church sites are located to one side of the central focus; this is often the result of a physical feature. A bluff lies one and half blocks west of Clinton's courthouse square (Fig. 4). The proximity to the central focus tends to decrease to a degree with growth of the community. This generally takes place as congre­ gations move out of the central business district because property values Increase and space to expand declines. The movement of churches in downtown Baton Rouge illu s tr a te s th is point (Fig. 5). The F ir s t B aptist Churoh was located in the 300 block of Florida S tre et until the second structure was completed in 1920 at 5th and Convention streets (State Times 1941a). Two other congregations that moved

during the study period were the First Methodist and First Presby­ terian. The Methodists were worshipping in a two story structure (1836, 1860) a t Laurel and 4th s tre e ts , while the Presbyterian Church LAKE PROVIDENCE - 1928

£3, CHS,

In

Figure 3. Lake Providence 1928 Churoh D istribution

1 Center Baptist 1928 7 1st Methodist 1892-1903 2 Sanctified 1928 8 St. P a tric k 's RC 1892-1928 3 Episcopal 1899-1928 9 S t, P e te r's ME (B) 1909 4 St. James AME (B) 1909-28 B aptist (B) 1928 5 1st Methodist 1909-28 10 North Star Baptist 1909-28 6 B aptist 1928 11 1st B aptist (B) 1909-28 82

CLINTON-1940 f 7

k

Figure 4. Clinton 1940 Church Distribution

1 Roman Catholic 1940 4 Presbyterian 1926-40 2 Methodist 1898-1940 5 Lutheran 1940 3 1st Baptist 1885-1940 *6 Episcopal 1871-

* Not mapped by Sanborn Map Company i —JL I , ~IC BATON ROUGE □□□□□□ 1923. □DOODODaaaaaD/ □□□□□□□□□□□□a'/ DDDODDDDODODy QQQQOODQODIM □□□□□□□□□17/ □□□□□□□□□ □□□□□□□DR □□□□□□□C7/ □DC □ □ □ JO D O Z ]□ [ • □□□□□□£7/" □□□□□□/ ]QC □□□□□□/ i n r ,, □ □ □30/. DDDQacziczia D □ □ □ □ □ □ □ ! = \ nP n L □da □ U 9 o L_ □agm □ e d d □nnaiiiooQ n ]□□□□□□ □ 3 D maamc|dL/aaaaon □pDD DDO □□□ dD lonnoaoc ]□ □DO □□□□ ]DDDCpDDDD C3 □□□ □□□□ inaaoc^jO D SH : ibgsdo □ □□ □DO □ ESgjsaDDDDBCioncanra QDOC m inizmDsaoaaosi □□□□ □□□DDflD □□0 CZDDD Qc jOaaaDDnaeOsaDf DflD□ □ □ □ D D .ODD□□□ODD

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^□□□□[SJuOuO □ Q O Q D E ^

Figure 5. Baton Rouge 1923 (1947) Church Distribution Figure 5 Legend

Baton Rouge 1923 (1947)

1 B aptist (B) 1923 37 New Sunlight BC (B) 1916-47 2 Presbyterian 1923 38 1st C hristian 1916 3 Weller Ave. BC 1923 39 Mt. Mariah BC (B) 1908 4 Istrouma HE 1947 40 Mt. Zion BC (B) 1891-1947 5 Istrouma BC 1923-47 41 New Salem BC

” 1947 Sanborn Hap only spot checked. Information from Fogleman (1949) provides end dates for some black Baptist churches. (1853) was at Florida and 4th streets. Both congregations erected new buildings on North Boulevard in 1926 (Varnado 1959; History of the First Prftshvtaplan Church 1927).

Two other congregations that were in the central business dis­ tric t in 1930 moved to new sites. Temple B’nai Israel Synagogue moved to Kleinert Avenue in 1956 (Pearson 1982), while Bethel AME Church moved to South Boulevard in 1957 (cornerstone). Not a l l congregations have moved out of the h e art of downtown Baton Rouge. Three congregations have substantial structures in the area and probably will not move to new sites in the foreseeable future. St. Joseph’s Roman Catholic Church has been at 4th and Main streets nearly 200 years. Antonio De Gras, who laid out a portion of the city, donated the land. The current sanctuary was built between

1853 and 1856, and the steeple was added in 1891 (Couvillon 1943). The structure has been restored and enlarged several times, and it is

"one of the most fam iliar and beloved sights of downtown Baton Rouge" (State Times 1964a). St. James Episcopal Church has been at 4th and Convention since a lot was leased there in January 1845 (Morning Advocate 1969). The present stru c tu re was completed in 1895, and lik e St. Joseph's, has been expanded and now includes a school, parish hall, and youth building. The First Baptist Church, having moved in the early part of this century to its present site, appears to be firmly rooted to this site with a large columned sanctuary and a three story education building. So although some churches move out of the heart of the city, others through tradition and growth maintain their positions among the secular buildings of the business section. As another generalization concerning ohuroh location in the various types of towns, the first churches of the dominant denomina­ tions stand closer to the central focus of the town. In Baton Rouge, most of the large first churches were once located in the heart of the central business distrlot (Fig. 5). Two churches that were not there were located in nearby Beauregard Town: Mt. Zion B aptist Church (the oldest black Baptist churoh in the parish) and Wesley Chapel (a black Methodist church). Except for the Jewish synagogue, all of the churches in the heart of central business district were first ohurches of the large southern denominations. Three other denominations had erected first churches by 1923: First Evangelical Lutheran, First Christian Science, and First Christian. These denominations are large nationally, but not in Louisiana, and their ohurches were not located in the core of the downtown area. The dominant churches also tend to occur closer to the central focus of the town In the smaller communities, where there are few neighborhood or second churches (except for the black congregations). St. Martin Parish is a strongly Catholic civil parish. The parish seat, St. Martinville, has an unusual town plan. St. Martin de Tours

Church, rather than the courthouse, is located in a central square. In nearby Breaux Bridge, St. Bernard Catholic Church is located on Main Street near the center of the town; it is one of the first build­ ings that one notices after crossing Bayou Teche. The black Catholic and Baptist churches are located on opposite edges of Breaux Bridge (Fig. 6). In Abbeville, St. Agnes Catholic Church is located at Port and Main streets near the bridge over the bayou (Fig. 7). The church sits on an embanked hill and dominates the block. Although the other churches encircle the oourthouse, the Catholic church clearly has the BREAUX BRIDGE - 1929

S3S*H

Figure 6. Breaux Bridge 1923 Church D istribution

1 St. Francis of Asslssl Reman Catholic (B) 1929 2 St. Bernard Ranan Catholic 1899-1929 3 B aptist (B) 1929 ABBEVILLE - 1 9 2 9

I n 4C *l •» HIT In

Figure 7* Abbeville 1929 Church D istribution

1 St. Anne's BC 1895-1929 7 1st Presbyterian 1912-29 2 Methodist 1895-1929 8 St. Mary Cong. (B) 1899, 1912-29 3 Pleasant Green BC (B) 1899-1929 *AME (B) 1907 4 B aptist (B) 9 B aptist (B) 1929 5 1st Baptist 1929 10 King Memorial ME (B) 1912 6 1st Baptist 1912 11 Mt. Triumph B aptist (B) 1929

* Probably an error on 1907 Sanborn Map, because the Congregational Church was erected in 1905 (cornerstone). 89 dominant site. In New Iberia, the relative positions of the court­ house and Catholic church are opposite those in Abbeville, but the main p attern i s the same.

In Amite, located in a predominantly Protestant civil parish, a dichotomy appears within the location of church sites. The white Protestant churches were located to the northeast of the business section on the one side of the railroad tracks, while the Catholic, AME, and black Baptist churches were on the west and south sides of the business section on the other side of the railroad (Fig. 8). This distribution mirrors the general dichotomy in the civil parish between the Protestant north and the Catholic south. As another generalization about church location, blaok churches tend to cluster in the neighborhoods rather than near the central foous* This is true for all types of towns and in all but the small­ est communities «1001).** Black neighborhoods can easily be identi­ fied by the locations of the black churches. In Arcadia, the Negro neighborhood occupied the south side of town, just outside the city lim its (Fig. 9). The other church sites were clustered around the business section, (Both the white Baptist and Methodist churches had by 1924 moved to the northeast side of the railroad.) The distribution of black and white churches in Donaldsonville represents a more typical pattern for the larger towns (Fig. 10). Most of the churches were clustered near the center of town on both sides of Railroad Avenue (main business street). Ascension Catholic

^Because of racial neighborhood segregation, most of the communi­ ties with 1920 populations under 1001 did not have black churches mapped on the Sanborn Maps (Newton 1972). 90

AMITE - 1928

! 5 1 1 n t i M f '32 4 * « • I ■ u « 5!4 ■ ■ 3 4 I 6

w i 7 4 J 9 Collator I t JHM :£ i ! \ W M t l l ■ 1 t 10 5 ■ Q r : 5 o rtiw r

«

9QO____ Q____ tOft___ 1109 t t u l n r u i

Figure 8. Amite 1928 Church D istribution 1 Baptist 1886-1904 6 Methodist 1898-1928 2 1st (Olive) Baptist 1908-28 7 Grants AME (B) 1928 3 Episcopal 1886-1928 8 St. Helena's RC 1898-1928 4 Presbyterian 1886-1928 9 Little B Baptist (B) 1928 5 Church of C hrist 1928 10 B utler AME (B) 1928 91

ARCADIA-1924

Figure 9. Arcadia 1924 Church Distribution

1 Methodist 1914-24 4 Methodist 1903-09 2 Methodist Protestant 1903-09 5 1st Baptist 1903-14 Holiness 1914 6 Methodist (B) 1924 3 1st Baptist 1924 7 Baptist (B) 1924 92

DONALDSONVILLE - 1928

M is s is s ip p i Rwef*-

BSB

0 ■IN 3

Figure 10. Donaldsonville 1928 Church D istribution

1 Bowman B aptist (B) 1922 9 S t. P e te r's ME (B) 1891-1928 2 S t. Luke's AME (B) 1922 10 Baptist 1891 3 S t. Matthew's BC (B) 1922 Methodist 1896-1928 4 Mt. Triumph BC (B) 1922 11 Nazarene BC (B) 1891-1906 5 Ascension RC 1896-1928 12 Roman Catholic 1891 6 Episcopal 1885-1900 13 S t. Catherine RC (B) 1928 7 Synagogue 1885-1928 14 Mt. Zion B aptist (B) 1923-28 8 Episcopal 1906-28 15 Mt. Kilbano (B) 1923-28 93

Churoh, located near the edge of town on M ississippi S treet, was estab­ lished in 1772, thirty-four years before the founding of the town, which probably explains its location. Port Barrow, a Negro village on the west side of Bayou LaFourche, was incorporated in 1862 (Marchand 1931). Since 1930, it has been annexed by Donaldsonville. A booklet written in 1888 to attract new residents to the parish notes the following about religion among the blacks:

The colored people are mostly Baptists and Methodists, and both sects own spacious houses of worship. The Catholic faith has many adherents among the colored population, particularly those of the class known as Creole Negroes (Brown 1888, 22). Besides the four black churches in Port Barrow, there were three in the central part of the town (Baptist, Methodist, and Catholic) and one Baptist ohurch south of the Texas and Pacific Railroad tracks. Not only do black churches tend to locate in the neighborhoods, but neighborhood church development occurs much earlier there than in white neighborhoods. The number of black neighborhood churches is also greater than among the whites because of the tendency for black congregations to splinter.^ Transportation costs might be another factor in the development of greater numbers of black neighborhood churches. Alexandria in 1928 provides a good illustration of the earlier development of black neighborhood churches (Fig. 11).

The original section of the town& had nine churoh sites between

1896 and 1928. Four of them were black, these were mainly the_oldest

^This practice, of course, occurs in churches of both races whenever there are personal or liturgical disagreements, but during the study period it oocurred more frequently among black churches. ^Bounded by Front St. to the east, La. RR to the south, 9th St. to the west, and Beauregard St. to the north. ALEXANDRIA 1928

P1NEVILLE

2*

lOOOfl

Figure 11. Alexandria 1928 Churoh Distribution 95

Figure 11 Legend

Alexandria 1928

1 Augustan Lutheran (B) 1928 27 S t. James RC (B) 1921-28 2 S t. P au l's ME (B) 1928 28 St. Mark's BC (B) 1914-21 B Olive Branch BC (B) 1928 29 St. Mary's BC (B) 1928 4 Mt. Triumph BC (B) 1921-28 30 B aptist (B) 1914 5 Mt. Triumph BC (B) 1914 31 Church of Nazarene 1928 6 True Vine BC (B) 1921-28 32 Methodist 1904-09 7 S t. James Episcopal 1900-28 33 Christ Episcopal 1909 8 B'nai Israel (Orth) 1921-28 Redeemer Lutheran (B) 1914-28 9 1st Methodist 1896-1904 34 Calvary Baptist 1928 10 1st Emmanuel BC 1896-1928 35 1st C hristian Science 1928 11 S t. Francis X. RC 1896-1928 36 S t. James Episoopal 1928 12 Synagogue 1885-1909 37 Progressive BC (B) 1914-28 13 Temple 1909-1928 38 Churoh (B) 1921 14 St. Paul's ME (B) 1914-28 39 H ilton ME (B) 1914-21 15 Mt. Zion BC (B) 1909-28 40 2nd Bethlehem BC (B) 1909-28 16 B aptist (B) 1914 41 Evergreen BC (B) 1914-28 17 S t. P e te r's BC (B) 1904 42 New Hope BC (B) 1921-28 18 1st Presbyterian 1904-28 43 Sanctified (B) 1921-28 19 Sacred Heart RC (B) 1914 44 2nd Evergreen BC (B) 1928 20 Bethel AME (B) 1896-1904 45 Antioch BC (B) 1928 1st Methodist 1909-28 '46 Sanctified (B) 1928 21 1st Christian 1909-28 47 Live Oak BC (B) 1921-28 22 Newman ME (B) 1896-1928 48 Mt. Carmel BC (B) 1928 23 Shiloh BC (B) 1904-28 49 Nazarene BC (B) 1928 24 Bethel AME (B) 1909-28. 50 St. P au l's BC (B) 1928 25 1st Union BC (B) 1896-1928 51 Mt. Buiah BC (B) 1928 26 Rose of Sharon (B) 1909-28 96 black congregations. The corner of 7th and Jackson was first mapped by the Sanborn Company in 1896; Bethel AME had a new structure at the corner and an old one next door. Newman Methodist and F irs t Union

B aptist were also f i r s t mapped in 1896. F irs t Union B aptist had been organized in 1868 tDaily Town Talk 1897), which makes i t older than the white F irs t Emmanuel B aptist Church (1881) (Alexandria Daily Town Talk 1957). St. James Catholic Church (c. 1920) was the fourth black congre­ gation in the original section of the town. To the north of the original town, the Clapp Addition and the

Upper Suburbs had eight church s ite s between 1896 and 1928. Four congregations were located in the blocks closest to the original town (between Elliot and Beauregard). These were all white congregations except for Sacred Heart Catholic, which only appeared on the 1914 map. The other four churches (all black), located closer to the bayou, f i r s t appeared on the maps between 1904 and 1914. Thus, they could be c la ss ifie d as neighborhood churches. The Lee S. Land and tfayno Addi­ tions, Just to the south of the original town, were also begun around 1900. Bethel AME began construction on its Washington Street site in

1902 (The Daily Town Talk 1902a), and two black Baptist churches were built in this area by 1910. Two other small black neighborhoods mapped between 1914 and 1928 were the area west of the Texas and Pacific Railroad near Bayou Rapides (3 church sites) and South Alexandria near the Red River (6 church sites). The largest black neighborhood, however, was the area between Jefferson Highway and the Texas and P acific Railroad, devel­ oped mostly by the South Alexandria Land Company. As this area was developed between 1909 and 1928, fifte e n church s ite s were mapped. Eleven of these churches were Baptist. The density of churches within these 57 blocks was nearly as great as the density of churches in the central seotion of the city. Between Jefferson Highway and Gould Avenue were a number of white neighborhood additions. In these neighborhoods, however, the church density was much iower than it was within the black neighborhoods in 1928. The six church sites were mainly second churches or churches of the smaller denominations, such as the Church of the Nazarene. The movement of St. James Episcopal Church from Second S tre e t to Bolton Avenue represents an early example of the movement out of the central city. Overall then, the density of churches in the white neighbor­ hoods in 1928 was muoh below that in the black neighborhoods. Another generalization about church distributions is that churches tend to cluster within several blocks of each other. Often several churches are located on the same street, at the same inter­ section, or even in the same block. This pattern is clearly visible in Morgan City (Fig. 12). Only two churches stand more than two blocks away from any other church. Three church s ite s were located within a four block area on the north side of Third Street, while the Presbyterian and Methodist churches were on the same block. In summary, there are some church d istrib u tio n patterns th at are common in all Louisiana towns: clustering around the central focus of the town, location of first churches nearest to the central focus, clustering of black churches in neighborhoods, and the proximity of churches to each other. Variations of these patterns occur between the different types of towns. In railroad towns, for example, the location of the tracks determines the central focus. In other types MORGAN CITY - 1927

»yo| | | a too aw K 4 I » r i t l

Figure 12. Morgan City 1927 Churoh D istrib u tio n

1 New Zora BC (B) 1927 6 Presbyterian 1919-27 2 L ee's AME (B) 1919-27 7 Sacred Heart RC 1899-1927 3 Mt. Zion BC 1899-1927 8 Mt. Pilgrim BC (B) 1919-27 A Union Methodist 1912 9 Episcopal 1895-1927 5 Methodist 1899-1927 10 Synagogue 1885-1927 99

of towns, it is the courthouse or the central business district that is the focus. Churoh s ite s ty p ically c lu ste r around the cen tral focus in

the towns. When c itie s become large enough to support neighborhood churches, other factors suoh as race play a greater role in church looation. In some Louisiana towns, the location of the first churches appears to depend more on dominant creed than the type of town. There is some relationship between town types and church distri­ bution patterns. Courthouse towns typically have a clustering around the courthouse (Abbeville and Clinton), unless, as in Donaldsonville (Fig. 10), there are other elements—Bayou bridgehead. The bridgehead towns in Acadlana appear to have a special plaoe for the Catholic churoh in relationship to the bridge (Breaux Bridge and Abbeville).

The railroad towns account for the greatest number of variations, with community size also being an important factor. In the smallest com­ munities, the depot used to be the central foous (Fig. 13)- As the size of the communities increased, a business section developed around the depot, and this became the central foous. Churches were often found on or near the railroad in the smallest towns (Fig. 14), but as the population inoreases the churches locate next to the business section (Amite). In Baton Rouge and Alexandria, the churches closest to the railroad tracks were mainly blaok churches. Although community type plays a role in church distribution, other factors, such as community size, dominant religion, community vigor, and racial compo­ sition, also influence location.

CHANGES IN THE CHPRCH-COMMUKITY RELATIONSHIP

This section outlines the changing role of the church within its community from the period of early settlement until the present day. Loranger-1919

loeaft In

1 1st Methodist 1919 2 1st Christian 1919

Fordoche 1919

icuo I |

1 Methodist 1919

Figure 13. Fordoohe and Loranger 1919 Church D istributions INDEPENDENCE-1929

•En MM ■ Ml* (•

Figure 14. Independence 1929 Church D istribution

1 Roman Catholic 1929 3 1st Baptist 1929 2 Italian Baptist 1929 102

Although there were urban churches from the beginning In America, until this century the majority of churches were rural. The rural churches served as community focuses, as well as centers of religious activity. Camp meetings were used mainly by the Methodists as a means of gathering the scattered settlers and increasing religious enthu siasm. Elizabeth Pritchett (1956, 100) writes about Claiborne Parish:

The early settlers were church-minded. They held the Bible and religion at the center of their lives. Often a travelling preacher, carrying his Bible and hymnbook, met others in a home or other convenient place and held a relig io u s service. Each year the e n tire oommunity met in a campmeeting a t Shady Grove churoh. This gathering was a major event of the year, and attracted all kinds of people. They worshipped under a brush arbor, lighted by pine knots .... Outdoor revivals continued into the twentieth century, and faci­ lities became more elaborate. In the early days, families brought bedding and provisions and camped outside. Later, tabernacles, dining halls, and dormitories were erected. The Southwest Louisiana Baptist Encampment in Beauregard Parish had 53 acres, f a c ilitie s fo r 850 people, and a tabernacle that seated 3000 (Beauregard Parish Develop­ ment Board 1955). Once organized, many congregations were not immediately able to erect buildings, and they worshipped in churches of other denomina­ tions until they could erect their own buildings. The Presbyterian Churoh (1861) was the f i r s t church erected in Amite. The Methodists held services in the building when the Presbyterian minister was preaohing in other towns. Baptists also helped build this first church (The Amite Progress 1936a; The Amite Progress 1936b). In Baton

Bouge, Episcopalians organized a churoh in 1819, but a visiting bishop noted in 1830 that the Episcopalians, having none of their own, were 103 supporting the Presbyterian minister. In 1840, two Episcopalian mini­ sters came to Baton Bouge to work at the college; they revived the services, meeting at first at the Presbyterian Churoh and later in the garrison until their building was erected in 1846 (Morning Advocate

1944). Most of this early joint use of structures resulted from the small size of congregations in the early years of settlement, together with a willingness to share; such sharing almost always involved two or more white Protestant congregations. In later years, as more people moved to the cities, there began appearing union, or community, churches in the smaller communities where there were not enough people to support several churches. In Claiborne Parish, the Union Grove

Church began as such a churoh. Members of the Church of C hrist wor­ shipping a t Union Grove decided to ereot a building "for the worship of God, to be free for all denominations of white people . . . "

(Helfey 1965). A more recent example is Evergreen's Baptist and Methodist Church completed in 1946. The concrete block stru ctu re was b u ilt by members of the community and used on a lte rn a te Sundays by the two denominations (The Minden Herald 1946).

The community church was one solution to the declining rural population; another was the movement of churches to urban places. In some cases the building i t s e l f was moved, while in others the congre­ gation constructed a new church in town. When the railroad changed the site of Bayne (formerly Poupeville), "Father Anthonioz, in 1882, had the church raised and placed on large wooden wheels; teams of oxen hauled the edifice to the new village site ..." (Fontenot and Free­ land 1976, 24). In 1866, the Forest Grove Church was taken down and 104

rebuilt In the nearby new manufacturing town of Arizona (Miller and

Wedlock 1886, 119). The movement into town also gave the congregations an opportunity to erect modern church buildings.

By 1900 the members of F o ste r's Chapel had begun to re a liz e the need of a larg e r and more modern churoh, including Sunday School rooms. They longed fo r the nice triangular plot near town where two main streets came together just at the town site [Athens]. By 1910 it was purchased and the new church was built (Billion 1969, 72). Churches also provided a familiar bond for the rural migrants. Some of the members of Ebenezer B aptist Church of B u rtv ille moved to Baton Bouge, and "they desired to m aintain something of the same re la tio n ­ ship that they had had in the church at Burtville." The pastor of Mt. Zion Baptist Church, having previously been their pastor, helped them organize Bulah B aptist Churoh in Baton Rouge (Fogleman 1949, 74-75). The beginnings of the modern organization congregation started with the growth in popularity of the Sunday school, which provided an important part of the religious instruction in many congregations. The Sunday school often met even when the pastor was serving his other churches. In a number of cases, Sunday schools were the beginning of a new congregation. Hammond's first Sunday school, organized in 1866, was the beginning of Grace Episcopal Church. Members met in various buildings during the period when church services occurred only if a circuit rider was in town (Times-Pioayune 1938). Bishop Leonidas Polk reported, concerning his visit to Pineville in 1856, "I addressed the children of a flo u rish in g Sunday school, gotten up among a deserted and destitute population in the village of Pineville, by the indefatl- 105 gable zeal of the ladles of the Parish of St. James." The ladles had raised nearly the entire amount needed to erect what would become Mt. Olivet Episcopal Church, "a plain, substantial church" (Alexandria Dally Town Talk 1957). As part of the effort of Protestant churches among Catholic Immigrants, the Calvary Baptist Church of Bogalusa began as an Ita lia n m ission Sunday school in 1922. The F ir s t B aptist Church sponsored the work which proved unsuccessful; the Americans of the neighborhood took over the responsibility of the churoh in 1929 (Quick

1942). As Sunday schools grew in size and Importance, congregations enlarged or altered their structures to provide space for the educa­ tional and sooial activities of the church. As the following case of the First Presbyterian Church of Baton Rouge shows, the provision of numerous class rooms did not oocur as soon as the Sunday schools were established. These ohanges in church structures were the result of a new attitude towards the social programs of the congregation that occurred during the time of urbanization. In 1827 a Princeton student was sent to East Baton Rouge Parish by the M ississippi Missionary Society. He organized a Sunday school with about 100 students that has continued to this day. Because of his efforts, the First Presbyterian Church was organized in May, and a building was completed two years later. The congregation gradually grew and a new building was erected in 1853. The new church was described by the Weekly Comet (1855) "as the larg e st and best ordered house of worship in the city." This structure was improved and remodeled through the years, but by 1910 the congregation recognized the need to have more space for the growing Sunday school. They had begun erecting a Sunday school annex adjoining the churoh in the rear, when they reoelved an unexpected $6000 donation from the Hill family.

The plans were changed, and a muoh larger and finer structure was built. The three story building contained numerous classrooms as well as the church parlors. The history of the First Presbyterian Church's organizational and structural growth provides an example of the changes that occurred in many churches during this period. Community organizations, such as the Boy Scouts, also began using the educational facilities of the churches. Baton Rouge's first troop was organized by the Presbyterian minister in 1910 tHistory of the First Presbyterian Church 1927). Congregations belonging to a variety of denominations, in a variety of communities, were erecting new facilities (The Amite Progress 1936b; Alexandria Daily Town Talk 1896a; Alexandria Daily Town Talk 1957; and Times-Plcayune 193 8). Various events, including the depression and two world wars, prevented some congregations from erecting the facilities that they might have desired. But the model had been set so that, in the years following World War II, congrega­ tions all over the country began building the new type of church plant with facilities to house Sunday schools and activities of the growing number of auxiliary organizations. The story of Trinity Episcopal Church in Baton Rouge illustrates the new attitude. The congregation was established in the growing neighborhood of University Gardens following World War II. An army chapel from Camp Claiborne had been purchased and moved by the diocese to the state capital. "The chapel was completely remodeled and an e sse n tia l wing was added" (Louisiana Forth 1950, 14). In 1957, a new modern brick stru c tu re was dedicated, and the army chapel was conver­ ted in to a parish h a ll (State Times 1957). Additional space was no longer just desired; it had become "essential," just as the whole set of churoh buildings became a "physical plant." Besides the changes that were being made in the physical plants of the churches, there were also changes occurring in the looatlon of ohurcbes. Neighborhood churches were developing in the growing sec­ tions of the olties. In his address at the 100th Anniversary of St. James Church, Rev. Werlein noted, “the other churches of Baton

Rouge have been erecting places of worship in the strategic points and with the present growth in population the Episcopal Church w ill have to keep pace by building suburban churches" (State Times 1944). Trinity Episcopal Church was shortly established. The Catholic Churoh, and other high ohurches, probably have the most orderly devel­ opment of neighborhood churches. Congregations begin as missions of the first ohuroh, as did St. Agnes in Baton Rouge. In less than three and half years after the first mass, the congregation was raised to the status of a parish in 1917, and territorial lim its were set (State

Times 1942). New locations were also being found for old congregations. Some­ times, as in the case of New Iberia's Methodist Church, neighborhood conditions changed, and congregations desired to move. The Iberia and Washington street site "proved untenable" with the coming of the South

Pacific Railroad on Washington Street in 1879. "A decade passed, however, before the Reverend F.S. Parker was sent to New Iberia by Bishop Duncan with instructions to relocate the church" (Conrad 1979, 54). In Baton Rouge, the First Presbyterian congregation wanted to move out of the central business district. The ohange of location seemed essential in view of the faot that the business district was encroaching upon the churoh more and more. [The new s ite on North Boulevard] was situated near the center of the residence section, was of adequate size, and was not on a street car line, the noise of which had proven so objectionable at the old site (H istory of the F irs t Presbyterian Churoh 1927). The First Methodist Church in Alexandria, however, made a move into the heart of the city. nDespite arguments and bitter disagree­ ments11 among the members, the lot on Third Street was sold around 1900 and property bought nearer what was considered, "'the center of the growing city.1 Some of the older members resented moving the church to Seventh Street where 'a ditch had to be built in a bog-hole"1 (Alexandria Daily Town Talk 1957)* Similar objections were sometimes raised when congregations decided after World War II to move from the center of the town to the suburbs. The h istory of Mansfield F irs t B aptist Church provides a good summary of the changes that have occurred in churches. The congre­ gation, organized in 1851, erected a building the following year.

Four years later, the lot was transferred to the police jury in exchange for a site on Franklin Street. This second church was des­ troyed by fire during the Civil War; a new church was built following

the war. Some black members of the congregation (150) l e f t in 1870 to form St. Johns Baptist Church. Also around this time, the first Sunday school was begun. Like many other f i r s t churches, the congre­ gation began a mission church in the lumber mill area of South Mans­ field in 1910. The congregation's fourth structure was finished in 1912. A new pastor arrived in early 1919, end during his tenure (1919-28), the church tripled its membership, expanded its buildings (Fig. 15), and sta rte d the Northwest B aptist Encampment in Mansfield. A $50,000 bond was issued to pay for the three story educational annex. In 1920, a member paid for the building of a tabernacle on Franklin Street. The tabernacle, seating 2500 people, was used for evening services and the annual fall revival. This property was sold follow ing World War I I , ending the revival era. In 1975, the congre­ gation made plans to erect a new structure on approximately six acres of land on Highway 175N (Anderson 1976).

Although the time of the events varied in other churches, Mans­ field First Baptist is typical of many other churches of its size. When the changes were made in churoh buildings, and the types of changes that they made, depended on the influences of dominant creed community size, and oommunity vigor. Also important were congrega­ tional characteristics of size, wealth, and zeal. The minister's leadership was another vital factor; many churoh histories note that additions or improvements occurred after a new clergyman arrived. But whatever the local story, beginning before World War II, and accelera­ ting afterwards, changes in ohurch buildings occurred in response to the changes in the organizational make-up of the congregations. II

FR FR I I 1:2 I F I R j

1867-1912 1912 Frame church Brick ohurch 65x38 52x52 Jefferson at Franklin Jefferson at Folk

Fool li t BR

BR FR

1=2

1920-1946 Annex begun 1919 Frame tabernacle Cburch used u n til 120x120 la te 1970s Jefferson at Franklin Jefferson at Polk

Figure 15. Changes in Mansfield F irs t B aptist Church 1867-1919 CHAPTER 4 LOUISIANA CHURCH BUILDINGS

ARCHITECTURAL DESCRIPTIONS Early Protestant Churches In Louisiana's pioneer days, churches often had ground plans similar to those of common houses—-plain and functional. Milspaw's (1980, 81) comments about Pennsylvania's pioneer churches sum up the attitude towards these structures. "They were meeting houses, a home, not precisely of God, but rather, In the best tradition of the Refor­ mation, a home fo r God's people." As communities became se ttle d , congregations were able to erect buildings that emulated the higher aspirations of religion. Suoh later and grander churches seemed less like plain houses. Descriptions of the earliest churches are fairly scant or non­ existent. The state's first Baptist ohurch was organized Ootober 12, 1812, near Franklinton on the Bogue Chito River. W.E. Graves des­ crib es the Half Moon B luff Churoh: [A] log house. I suppose it was 25 by 25 feet in size. It had a dirt floor, which slaves had beaten down. The ceiling was very low and i t had three doors, one on the south end and two on the sides. A ohimney stood on the north end. The holes left between the logs were sealed up inside with split boards. The benches were made with logs, were flat on top, round underneath, and had no backs (Lake Charles American Press 1962). Another early P rotestant church was the Methodist Church a t Plaquemine Brulee (c. 1820). Rev. Daniel Devlnne, an early c irc u it rider who helped erect the building, wrote in his autobiography: It was about twenty-four by thirty-six feet, and on the Spanish model; roof largely projecting, and walls of wattle plaster, whitewashed on both sides; the outer walls of which gave the church, at a distance, a very

111 112

fin e appearance (Harper 1949)•

/ This "Spanish model" for the church was apparently common for both Protestants and Catholics in Acadiana. White, frame ohurches became common as the frontier days quickly passed. The Salem Cumberland Presbyterian Church (o. 1858) at old

Russellville, in Claiborne Parish, was an oblong frame building with two doors on the front gable and one on the north side near the back. (The facts, recorded from memory, appear inconsistent because diagram­ ing is not clear.) The men entered the left door and sat on that side, while the ladles entered and sat on the right. It was the custom of the day for families to ait separated. The elders sat at the left of the pulpit in a section called the Amen Corner. In later years mothers with m all children and babies sat in this corner near the side door (Gandy 1965, 43). In this instanoe, the congregation was divided over where the pulpit and altar should be placed. "So to please everyone rollers were put under the pulpit and altar rail and they changed ends every six months, w ith the seats being turned to face the pulpit" (Gandy 1965, 43). Salem Presbyterian's second building (1905) was erected in the town of Athens. The church had bays on the front sides of the struc­ ture, a b e ll tower, im bricated shingles, and lan cet windows. These features express the higher aspirations of the town churches built i after the settlement had begun to mature. Church buildings became more s ty lis h as economic and so cial conditions improved. This was especially true among the "high church" denominations such as the Episoopal Church. Louisiana has a number of lovely, stylish, nineteenth century churches. This trend in Church architecture was the result of the development of culture, commerce, and industry in the state, as well as a reflection of trends in art and theology in the United States and Europe. Gothic Revival archi­ tecture for churches flourished in the United States during the 1840s and 1850s. The Cambridge Camden Society helped spread the use of Gothic Revival architecture from England to America, and the New York E c c le siastic al Society dissem inated the movement w ithin th is country (Stanton 1968). Proponents of Gothic Revival felt that the function of a building should be expressed in its appearance. To them, a Gothic church communicated the doctrines of Christianity. Samuel T. Coleridge (1835) 103) expressed i t as, MIn fin ity made Imaginable.11 Gothic Revival churches survive in several Louisiana communities,

notably New Iberia, Clinton, St. Francisville, and Napoleonville. Christ Episoopal Church of Napoleonville was designed by Frank W illis, master architect of the New York Eoclesiastical Society. Willis and Richard Upjohn both designed church plans that were used by large and small congregations all over the country. Although there was a trend towards more stylish churches as com­

munities grew, this occurred at different rates among various denomin­ ations and their individual congregations. In his discussion of the

traditional Southern rural chapel, Terry Jordan (1976, 12-13) notes that its simplicity is a deliberate expression of stern Protestant fundamentalism. "Religion is not meant to be an aesthetically pleas­ ing experience." No ornamentation or beauty distracts the congrega­

tion; few physical comforts relax the devout. Pearl Gandy (1965) notes th a t the early Salem Presbyterian Church had pews with high

backs to prevent parishioners from looking at each other rather than

the preacher. The traditional Southern Protestant view towards reli­ gion and society undoubtly Influenced the acceptance of stylish 114

eoclesiastical architecture, although the city churches tended to accept the stylish elements sooner.

Early Catholic Churohes Until Louisiana became United States territory, Roman Catholicism

was the only denomination legally allowed in the state. The earliest Catholic ohurches were chapels ereoted by missionaries. The first is believed to be a chapel built by a Jesuit priest near the Bayougoula Indian village in 1700. Father Du Ru and two Frenchmen did most of the construction work. The structure was about 50 by 20 feet, and he describes its appearance as that of a ship upside down. The timbers were plastered with moss and day, and then palmetto leaves were used

to cover the church (Baudier 1939, 28). Around 1750, a trading post was established at the present site

of Donaldsonville. The Ascension Catholic Church was founded there on

August 15, 1772, but a chapel is said to have existed there prior to that date. A contemporary document describes the cramped conditions of the building and the specifics of a reconstruction project (1781). The curate proposed to have the church enlarged by 30 feet: six feet to enlarge the sanctuary, eight feet to make a saoristy, and sixteen feet to enlarge the body of the church. There shall be two entrance doors to the church in the sacristy; likewise a third door of exit and two windows in the gable end. Of the twenty-two feet which shall comprise the sanctuary and the added length to the church, there shall be three windows on each side with slanting abutments . . . He will reconstruct the large door in order that it shall be arched so that it shall have the appearance of a church door and not that of a prison. The contractor will reconstruct, that is, remodel the steeple . . . (Marohand 1931, 26-27)* In 1819, the congregation contracted with architect Jean Francis St. Gees to build a brick church, in conformity with plans deposited with the church clerk, for $12,500. A second, brick edifice was erected fo r $19,000 in 1840. The contractor was to be paid a t the rate of $1000 per month, lliese two structures were greatly surpassed by the current building begun in 1876 and completed twenty years la te r . Financial and personality difficulties delayed the completion of the ed ifice. In 1883, a dispute arose over the management of the temporal affairs of Ascension Catholic Church. Construction was halted, and the archbishop olosed the sanctuary for several years until the matter was settled. An April 1883 itemized statement of construction expenditures shows that $31*471.35 had been spent. Special features of the sanctuary included the twenty interior, marble columns composed of 62 pieces and made in A ustria (Marchand 1936, 48, 212-15). They were sent by ship to New Orleans and by barge to Donaldsonville. As evidenced by Ascension Church, Catholic parishes often began erecting stylish structures earlier than Protestants; these structures, however, sometimes overextended the congregations.

The story behind the steeple of St. Joseph's Cathedral in Baton

Rouge illustrates the difficulties that many Southern congregations faced in the years following the Civil War. "The steeple is a usual, if not universal feature of church architecture, and ordinarily its presence or absence on a church building carries little significance" t Register 1953). For St. Joseph's, however, the steeple has a special meaning. In 1853, when construction began on the present church, parish funds and morale were down. The congregation had grown rapidly, and a new church was required, but many of the newcomers were destitute immigrants from Ireland and other places. Some of the older French families, offended that the sermon and announcements were now given in English, were not ardent supporters of the ohuroh. The board of wardens, therefore, tried in every way possible to keep down the oost of construction. Father Cambiaso was asked to modify his plans so that the build­ ing would hold the congregation, but still be affordable. The record does not show what modifications he made, but it can be assumed that the steeple was one thing eliminated. The building was said to appear incomplete without one. The War, Reconstruction, and yellow fever epidemics all delayed payment of the ohuroh's debts. The property was even seized twice and sold at sheriff's sales by the mortgage holders.

Finally, on May 18, 1889, the debt was paid off, and two years la te r, the steeple was added to the sanotuary. One author describes the steeple as na symbol of success in the face of heartbreaking discour­ agements, of brighter days and higher goals ahead" (Register 1953). Catholic congregations tend to erect larger and more stylish churches because they have larger congregations, ritualistic religion, a long tradition of stylish buildings, better educated and worldlier clergymen, and a highly structured denominational organization. Both the Donaldsonville and Baton Rouge Catholic Church histories mention the growth of congregations as a reason for the erecting larger struc­ tures. Cathollo ritual leads to the construction of transepts and longer chancels. Most, although not all, Catholic church buildings have one or both of these features. Those that do not are mainly small or mission parishes. Washington's second church building was a 32 by 52 foot chapel built In 1852. The first resident priest, Father Jacquet, arrived In December 1861. In the following year, he began enlarging the obapel and added a transept, 21 by 50 feet, giving the church the shape of

the Egyptian Cross CDally World 1955, 134). The C atholics retain ed many of the characteristics of European ecclesiastical structures in their churches. The Daily World journalist desoribes the Washington church as "a charming old building, dignified and 'American Gothic* . . . like most of the ohurches built in this era it has attractive steeples and buttresses on a miniature scale reminiscent of the 'Old country."* Both Catholic and Protestant ohurch buildings refleot the circumstances of the Individual congregations as well as their sur­ roundings.

DATA ANALYSIS

An initial set of church floor plans was established as a result of a preliminary study of approximately 180 churches (Fig. 16). The floor plans in Fig. 16, taken directly from the Sanborn Maps, repre­ sent typical examples. The most frequently occurring building was a simple rectangle. The other plans in their order of frequency of occurrence were: (2) a rectangle with a central-gable entranoeway-! and a projecting chancel; (3) a rectangle with a corner-gable entranceway and a projecting ohanoel; (4) a rectangle with a central-gable entranoeway; (5) various cross or T forms; (6) a rectangle with a projecting chancel; (7) miscellaneous designs; and (8) a rectangle with a corner-gable entranceway. Eaoh of these categories was

I 'Entranoeway is used here as a catchall term to include towers, porticos, and porches; it does not mean that this was the only or even an entranceway into the sanctuary. 118

n j~ a. Bowman B aptist b. Bethel AMS o. Bethel AME Donaldsonville Baton Rouge Alexandria Rectangle Central entr. Corner entr, FroJ. chanoel FroJ. chanoel

___r f

—|o] — d. Methodist South e. Pharr Methodist f. Episcopal Crowley Berwick Amite Central entr. T form, chanoel, T form, chan., Corner entr. Central entr.

g. St. Feter ME h. Methodist i. Evergreen Bapt. Lake Providence Minden Lake Charles ProJ. ohancel M iscell. Corner entr. (cupola)

Figure 16. Common Church Floor Plans; Prelim inary Study of Sanborn Maps. 1 inch equals 50 feet. assigned a distinctively colored 3x5 card for easy identification. After the data collection was completed, 1 realized that the initial floor plan categories were not adequate to record all the information gathered from the Sanborn Maps. Ihe classification of the basic floor plans was changed to a simpler soheme that only considered the basic shape of the structure and did not inolude any other fea­ tures. Thus, churohes represented by diagrams a, b, c, d, g, and i were all classified as rectangular. The other basic shapes used were T form, L form, cruciform, and miscellaneous. Central and corner entranoeways were noted as porches or towers, depending on the heights given on the maps. Four projecting chancel types were used: (1) square, (2) semi-hexagon, (3) semi-octagon, (4) semi-circle. Addi­ tional rooms were Indicated as side rooms, rear vestries (any rooms near the chancel too small for educational use), or rear educational rooms. Second buildings were indicated as educational or other (usually halls). Other special items included: vestibule, 3pire, projecting bays, belfry, and separate bell tower or outhouse. This new classification scheme allowed for the identification of features that had previously been grouped in the miscellaneous category, such as L forms and two corner towers. It also gave me the opportunity to ask specific questions about Individual features regardless of their association with particular floor plans. The data from the Sanborn Maps were entered into a computer to facilitate inquiry. For each observation, the following items were recorded in the first line: an identification number2, city name,

O &The IDNO included a congregation #, a church building #, and an observation #. So that inquiries could be made at various levels (buildings or observations). 120 denomination, church name, building material, roof material, ceiling height, dimensions, number of flo o rs, years mapped, race, lo t location

(corner or non-corner), and city size category (Appendix A). A second line, containing ones and zeroes, identified the presence or absence of the basic shapes and specific features listed above (Appendix B).

CLASSES OF CHPRCH STRUCTURES Basic Building Shapes Of the five basic building shapes used in the analysis of the church data gathered, by far, the most common type was the rectangle. The rectangle is a very basic shape used in the construction of all sorts of buildings. There were 146 observations (189) that were plain rectangles with no additions or projections. If projections such as extending chancels and entranceways are included, there were 653 observations (80.39) that were rectangular in shape. The desire to orient structures in the cosmos lead man to the early use of the rectangle as a basic building shape. The four car­ dinal points of the universe were represented by the four corners or the four sides of the building; the roof represented the sky and the floor the earth. In this manner then, the ordinary has been made to be representative of the supernatural. "By manifesting the sacred, any object becomes something else, yet it continues to remain itself, for it continues to be a part of Its surrounding cosmic milieu11

(Eliade 1959, 20). Although much of this traditional symbolism has been lost in our modern buildings, the basic rectangular pattern is s till most common because of convention and convenience. The second most common building shape found was the T form (9.19), which includes a variety of different T shaped structures. 121

Both the T shaped churches and the more stylish cruciform churches (3.29) represent the symbolism of the cross on which Christ was cruci­ fied. Some of these structures appear to be fairly simplistic repre­ sentations, while otherB are elaborate buildings constructed on the model of European medieval cathedrals. A subtype of this group Includes a number of churches, built around the turn of the century, whose T shape approaches a square (Fig. I6e). Many of these structures were probably Richardson Romanes­ que style churches. Romanesque was preferred over Gothic by many "low churches” because it was not associated with Catholicism. Also, congregations preferred Romanesque because of the adaptability of its interior spaces. "Eschewing the altar bound rituals of the Catholics and Episcopalians, they aimed only to seat each member of the audience in full view of the pulpit" (Borchardt 1976, 29). Consequently, most Romanesque churches do not have side aisles, extending chancels, or apses. Of the 13 examples of this subtype in the sample, ten were Methodist churches, and all but one were located on a corner lot. One of these buildings that is still standing is the Methodist Church in New Iberia (Fig. 17). It is interesting to contrast this church with the nearby antebellum Gothic Episcopal Church of the Epiphany (Fig. 18), which represents an earlier style preferred by high churches.

Miscellaneous forms (3.99) constitute another category of basic building shapes. These churches are composed mainly of two types of structures: (1) buildings that have had one or more additions, cre­ ating odd shapes, or (2) architecturally designed structures. L shaped structures (3.49) are similar and appear to provide space for both worship and education. Baton Rouge's First Presbyterian Church, Figure 17. New Ib eria Methodist Church

Figure 18 New Iberia Episcopal Church of the Epiphany erected in 1926, is one such L form building. The church history

contains the following statements about the design: The house of worship extends from North Boulevard north­ ward u n til i t jo in s the Sunday School building in such a way as to semi-enolose a beautiful corner lawn. Across this lawn from either street may be seen the tower at the inner angle formed by the two buildings. I t jo in s them architecturally so as to represent the unity of their purposes (History o f the F irs t Presbyterian Church 1927)*

Specific Building Features The type of feature most commonly found among churches of all the basic shapes was the projecting entranceway (Table 9). There were

Table 9 Frequencies of all Building Features

Feature Frequency Percentage Rectangle 652 80.30% T form 73 8.97% Miscellaneous 32 3.94% L form 28 3.44% Cruciform 27 3.32% Corner Tower 210 25.83% Central Tower 119 14.64% TWo Towers 54 6.64% Spire 132 16.24% Central Porch 159 19.56% Corner Porch 48 5.90% Vestibule 43 5.29% Square Chancel 151 18.57% Semi-hexagon Chancel 96 11.81% Semi-octagon Chancel 63 7.75% Semi-circular Chancel 26 3.20% Projecting Bays 81 9.96% Rear Vestries 75 9.23% Rear Education Rooms 45 5.54% Side Rooms 35 4.31% Second Bldg. Educational 17 2.09% Second Bldg. Other 12 1.48% Belfry 38 4.67% Separate Bell Tower or 9 1.11% outhouse 590 observations with entranceways (72.6%). A few churches had more than one type of entranoeway (suoh as a corner tower and a central porch). Corner towers (26%) were the most popular, with central

porches (19.4)) and towers (14.6)) next most popular. The classifica­ tion as a tower or a poroh was based on the heights given on the Sanborn Maps and not necessarily a particular style of entranceway. In most churches the entranoeway Is an important feature because it provides a place of transition between the sacred and the profane and because as a tower or steeple, it reaches heavenward. In his discussion of the difference between sacred and profane space, Mircea Eliade (1959» 25) describes the threshold of a modern city church. For the believer, the church shares in a different space from the street in which it stands. The door that opens on the interior of the church actually signifies a solu­ tion of continuity. The threshold that separates the two spaces also indicates the distance between the two modes of being, the profane and the religious. The threshold is the limit, the boundary, the frontier that distinguishes and opposes two worlds—and at the same time the paradox­ ical place where those worlds communicate, where passage from the profane to the sacred world becomes possible. It is in the entranceway or the vestibule where the worshipper begins to forget the hustle and bustle of the street and concentrates on the upcoming worship servioe. It is here where he exchanges greetings with his fellow worshippers, so that his moments in the sanctuary before the service can be spent in meditation. The importance of this space is also reflected in its addition to many standing structures (Table 11). The second most frequently found feature among the churches was the projecting chancel. Nearly all churches of course have chancels, but many are constructed narrower than the width of the nave or their walls form non-rectangular shapes. These special distinctions are 125

made because the chancel Is more sacred than the nave of the church where the worshippers sit. Most of the rituals of the worship service take plaoe in the chancel. The leaders of the service stay In the chancel during most of the service, and the most saored plaoe, the altar, is located there. Because of the symbolic difference between the chancel and the rest of the building, a separation of space is usually desired. The degree of separation varies with denomination and architectural style, but is usually present in some form. The most common distinction is created by raising the chanoel by one or more steps. Chanoel rails, or even partitions, are also used to separate the two areas. The projecting chancels, found in 41 percent of the observations, provide an additional means of distinction. The most common shape of these chancels was a square (1630, followed by semi-hexagon (11.830, semi-octagon (7-731), and sem i-circular (3-2$). The set of features that constitute the educational additions (side rooms, educational second building, other second building, and rear eduoation rooms) were present in 13.4 percent of the observations (Table 9). They mainly represent the modern types of facilities built by churches to provide space for their expanding social and educational organizations. The remaining features identified include: projecting bays (103O, rear vestry or sa cristy rooms (9.230, and belfries or separate bell towers (5.8%).

Most Common Building Combinations Considering that 24 building features were identified in the sample churches, a large number of combinations of these features was possible. Thirty-one different combinations, however, acoount for 126

approximately 60 percent (489 of 812) of the observations (Table 10). These 31 types of churches each occurred five or more times in the sample. The most oommon type was the simple rectangle (17.86#). All

but three of the rest of the combinations were rectangular churches. Seven combinations were rectangular churches with some type of

entranoeway or tower (18.23#). Rectangular churches with both entranceways and projecting chancels formed the next largest category of combinations (13.08#). Those rectangular buildings having only projecting chanoels were next (4.31#), followed by three types of

T form structures (2.59#). Rear vestries or education rooms were found on rectangular churches with entranceways and projecting

chancels or those only with entranceways (2.72#). Lastly, five

churches had an L form plan with a corner tower and projecting bays (0.62#).

Looation of these various combinations of building features differs somewhat. Communities that had no plain rectangular churches were mainly those that, in 1920, also had populations of fewer than

1500 persons. Only five communities larger than 1500 people did not have any plain rectangular churches (Abbeville, Arcadia, Bastrop, Breaux Bridge, and Lake Arthur). Most of the other combinations had more examples in the larger sized communities (over 1500), although there were examples in communities of all sizes. The time and succession of occurrence of rectangular churches with central porches differed greatly. They were first mapped in 1896 and were la s t mapped in 1948. Thus, th is "type" of church spans nearly the entire study period. Nine churches were remodelled from other types of churches to the central porch plan. These changes occurred T able 10 Combinations of Building Features with Five or More Cases

Combination of features # of } of Cumul. observations total }

Rectangle 145 17.86} 17.86} Rectangle with a central porch 44 5.42} 23.28}

Rectangle with a corner tower 30 3.69} 26.97}

Rectangle with a central tower 23 2.83} 29.80} Reotangle with a corner tower and 21 2.58} 32.38} a square chancel Rectangle with a square chancel 21 2.58} 34.96} Rectangle with a corner tower and 18 2.21} 37.17} a hexagon chancel Reotangle with a central tower and 17 2.09} 39.26} a spire Rectangle with a hexagon chancel 14 1.72} 40.98} Rectangle with a corner tower and 12 1.48} 42.46} a spire Rectangle with a cupola or spire 12 1.48} 43.94}

Rectangle with a central porch and 11 1.35} 45.29} a square chancel Rectangle with a corner porch 10 1.23} 46.52} Reotangle with a central porch and 10 1.23} 47.75} a hexagon chanoel T form with a corner tower 9 1.11} 48.86} Rectangle with a central tower and 8 0.98} 49.84} a hexagon chancel T form 7 0.86} 50.70} Rectangle with a corner porch and 7 0.86} 51.56} a square chancel Reotangle with a corner tower, spire, 7 0.86} 52.42} and a hexagon chancel Reotangle with a central tower and 6 0.74} 53.16} an octagon chancel Reotangle with a central porch and 6 0.74} 53.90} re a r education rooms Rectangle with a central porch, a 6 0.74} 54.64} square chanoel, and rear vestries 128

Table 10 (continued) Combination of features # of * of Cumul. observations total $ L form with a corner tower and .5 0.62* 55.2651 projecting bays T form with a corner tower and 5 0.62$ 55.88% a sp ire Rectangle with a corner porch and 5 0.62$ 56.50% an octagon chancel Reotangle with a central porch and 5 0.62$ 57.1251 and rear vestries Rectangle with a central porch and 5 0.62$ 57.74% an octagon chanoel Reotangle with a corner tower and 5 0.62$ 58.36* an octagon chancel Reotangle with a corner tower, rear 5 0.62$ 58.9851 vestries, and a square chanoel Reotangle with a central tower, a 5 0.62$ 59.60% spire, and a hexagon chancel Reotangle with a central tower and 5 0.62$ 60.22* a square chanoel All other combinations 323 39.7851 100.00* Total number of observations 812 100.00* 100.00* from about 1890 to 1927. Nine churches were changed In the opposite manner, from a rectangular building with a central porch to some other type. These alterations Involved addition of chancels (2 churches), removal of the cen tral porches (2 churches), addition of one or more corner towers (4 churches), and addition of other features (1 church). These changes occurred from about 1906 to 1927. Two congregations retained the central porch, rectangular plan for a long time: the Crowley Episcopal Church for at least 29 years and the Hammond Presby­ terian Church for at least 22 years. Sixteen central porch churches appeared in only one mapped year; the majority of these buildings belonged to congregations of the newer denominations such as the Nazarenes, Penteoostals, or Assemblies of God. Additionally, there were five churches that were mapped for a period of five to seven years and retained the central porch form. Ho simple period of accep­ tance, followed by decline of the central porch plan existed. Because only two out of the forty-four central porch churches existed for a long period, we know that the combination of only these two simple features was not very popular. The acceptance of most specific combinations of church features seems to have been oomplex. Regional patterns of acceptance pose problems for the analyst of historic townscapes. There are differ­ ences in the location and peak period of occurrence. For example,

Alexandria had no rectangular churches with corner towers, whereas all five examples of rectangular churches with corner porches and semi- octagon chancels were found in Alexandria. The median year of the first occurrence of rectangular churches with semi-hexagon chancels was 1915, whereas the median year for reotangular churches with cen­ tral porches and rear education rooms was 1925. The incidence of several churches with the same features in one town can be attributed to the use of the same contractor or the duplication of well liked styles. The different median dates of the first occurrence of a church type can in some instances be related to a period of popular­ ity, while other features have been popular for years and their median year would be similar to the median year of the Sanborn Maps. Of course, the trend since the study period has been to increase the number of features and add facilities for social activities.

CHANGES IN CHDRCH BUILDINGS If there is an ideal model of a church building (what Glassie (1968) refers to as a deep structure), then one would expect congrega­ tions to add to their buildings to create that ideal. In addition, as cultural and religious needs ohange, one might expect changes in the ideal image of the church. The inclusion of educational and social facilities, as a part of a modern church, reflects a change in the deep structure. Consequently, projecting chancels and entrance­ way s are no longer as apparent because educational space often adjoins the sanctuary in today's churches. The traditional steeple and bell tower have also been changed or replaced; stylized spires or bell towers are found on or beside many of today's churches. The study period is significant because both the addition of features to churches to create the ideal image and the alteration of that image took plaoe (Table 11). The addition of features to churches was the most common change during the study period (275 cases). Additions included expansion in old structures, as well as new buildings that had one or more features not found in the old buildings. The most practical reason for addi­ tions is the need for more spaoe to accommodate a growing congrega­ tion. Lengthening of churches peaked between 1916 and 1920, when 15 percent of the total observed churches were lengthened. Another reason for church additions is the desire to incorporate features not originally present. The inclusion of new features, such as projecting chancels and entranceways, may for some congregations be a part of the completion of the deep structure of the church. A new feature might also be included because it is a component of the architectural style of a new building. The economic success of Louisiana lumber and railway businesses, during the first half of the study period, enabled congregations to finance the desired additions. 131

T able 11

Changes in Louisiana Town Churches 1885-1948

Observation Period Beginning and Ending:

1885 1900 1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1931 Group Feature 1899 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1948 Total

Chanoel addn 4 8 12 9 11 7 6 1 58 to ta l with 43 36 68 85 83 145 79 34 336 % new 9 22 18 11 13 5 8 3 17 % Gd Tot Obs 4 9 8 5 6 2 3 1 7 Entrance add 6 5 13 6 '■ 8 12 5 1 56 to ta l with 69 64 124 143 133 12T 147 55 590 % new 9 8 10 4 6 9 3 2 10 % Gd Tot Obs 6 6 9 4 4 4 2 1 7 Sane lengthd 4 4 10 15 27 23 10 3 96 % Gd Tot Obs 4 5 7 9 15 7 5 3 12 Eduo addn 2 2 7 11 10 17 13 3 65 to ta l with 5 5 13 21 20 41 48 17 109 % new 40 40 54 52 50 41 27 18 60 % Gd Tot Obs 2 2 5 6 6 5 6 3 8

Gross Additn 16 19 42 41 56 59 34 8 275 Gross Observ 105 86 146 170 179 311 219 86 812 Gross % 15 22 29 24 31 19 16 9 34

Heet-T form 2 1 2 3 • 2 2 4 0 16 Total T form 10 10 17 22 21 32 14 5 74 % new 20 10 12 14 10 6 29 0 22 % Gd Tot Obs 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 0 2 R eot-C rudf 3 2 0 5 0 2 1 0 13 Total Cruc 7 5 6 9 9 8 13 1 26 % new 43 40 0 56 0 25 8 0 50 % Gd Tot Obs 3 2 0 3 0 1 0 0 2 Reot-Miso 0 2 2 1 3 3 2 0 13 Total Miso 0 10 8 8 9 13 13 1 32 % new 0 20 25 13 33 23 15 0 41 % Gd Tot Obs 0 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 2 Table 11 (oontlnued)

Observation Period Beginning and Ending:

1885 1 900 1 906 1 911 1916 1 921 1926 1 931 Group Feature 1899 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1948 Total

T form-Rect 1 0 0 1 3 5 1 O 11 Total Rect 86 65 108 122 131 246 171 71 653 % new 1 0 0 1 2 2 1 0 2 % Gd Tot Obs 1 0 0 1 2 2 0 0 1 Rect-L form 1 1 0 0 1 1 2 1 7 Total L form 2 4 7 9 9 8 13 8 28 % new 50 25 0 0 11 13 15 13 25 % Gd Tot Obs 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 Other forms 0 0 0 0 1 4 2 1 8 % Gd Tot Obs 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1

Gross Change 7 6 4 10 10 17 12 2 68 Gross Observ 105 86 146 170 179 311 219 86 812

Chanoel Ranv 1 2 0 2 8 8 6 0 27 Tot without 62 50 78 85 96 130 140 52 477 % removed 2 4 0 2 8 6 4 0 6 % Gd Tot Obs 1 2 0 1 4 3 3 0 3 Entran Remv 1 0 0 - 1 4 2 1 0 9 Tot without 36 22 22 27 46 96 72 31 223 % removed 3 0 0 4 9 2 1 0 4 % Gd Tot Obs 1 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 1 Educ Removed 0 1 1 5 8 7 1 1 24 Tot without 100 81 132 149 159 259 171 69 704 % removed 0 1 1 3 5 3 1 1 3 % Gd Tot Obs 0 1 1 3 4 2 0 1 3

Gross Removd 2 3 1 8 20 17 8 1 60 Gross Observ 105 86 146 170 179 311 219* 86 812 Gross % 2 3 1 5 11 5 4 1 7 * The total number of observations begins declining after 1925 because of the economic slow down; little new construction was occurring, and consequently there was no need to make new maps. 133

Educational additions represent a new component of the ideal image of the chureh. The increasing percentage of educational facili­ ties observed over time reflects their growing popularity. During the study period, especially from 1906 through 1930, educational wings gradually became a part of the deep structure of a modern church, whereas extended chancels and entranceways, having already become part of the basic ohurch model by 1910, were more likely to be part of the original plan of a churoh. The highest percentage of new extended chanoels was 22 percent between 1900 and 1905, and the highest percen­

tage of new entranceways was 10 percent between 1906 and 1910. Whereas between 1885 and 1921, the percentage of new educational facilities ranged from 40 to 54 percent. Lower percentages of new additions of chancels and entranceways can also be the result of interior design being used to distinguish ohanoels or entranceways. Features such as chancel rails, vestries, and vestibules might be used to set off chancels and entranceways, but they are not always shown on the Sanborn Maps. The ohurch at the corner of Opelousas Street and Railroad Avenue in Donaldsonville illustrates both types of addition. In the early 1890s, the church was a plain rectangular structure used by a Baptist congregation. By 1896, the ohurch was occupied by a Methodist congre­ gation and a central porch had been added (Fig. 19). Today educa­ tional facilities are attached to the rear of the building and a stylized bell tower stands out front (Fig. 20). The Methodists added the central porch because they saw it as part of the image of a church. In more recent decades, the brick addition in the rear was constructed to incorporate features of the modern church image. 134

Figure 19. Entranoeway of Donaldsonville Methodist Church

Figure 20. Donaldsonville Methodist Church with Modern Additions The second most important type of change was the construction of a different basic ground plan (Table 11). Although there were fewer of these changes, they generally required a greater capital outlay. Of the 68 changes in building form, four-fifths involved new con­ struction and one-fifth involved modification of old structures. Of the 106 congregations that erected new structures, half of them had ground plans different from their predecessors. The most common

alteration in form was to change from a rectangular plan to a T form ground plan (16 cases). Changes from rectangular structures to cruci­ form or miscellaneous forms involved 13 cases each. The remaining changes in basic shape were T form to rectangular, reotangular to L form, and all other changes. Although form alterations never

acoounted fo r more than 3 percent of the to ta l number of cases fo r any period, there were occasions when the number of new forms acoounted for a fair percentage of the total number of buildings of that shape.

Each of the form changes from a reotangular plan, had at least one period when the newly created structures accounted for over 25 percent of those present. The construction of cruciform churches was particu­ larly on the rise during the study period, especially from 1885 to

1905 and again between 1911 and 1915. Churches were also altered by the removal of features. The disappearance of an extended chancel (27 oases) or entranceway

(9 cases) was often the result of a lengthening of the building. Additionally, interior walls, stairs, or partitions could have been substituted for the projecting features. The removal of education additions was generally the result of the replacement or razing of older facilities, such as the removal of the old ohurch which might have been used for awhile as a church hall. The removal rate was never very high, and the number removed was always a small percentage of the total number of those features present during a period.

FACTORS INFLUENCING CHURCHES Besides the four community characteristics mentioned in the last chapter, there are a number of other factors that influence the con­ struction of church buidlings. Six of these factors are discussed in this chapter, while denomination and race are discussed in the follow­ ing chapter. The use of the Sanborn Maps as a data source lim its the extent that some of these factors can be examined. Church histories and field work, however, provide some insight into the effect of these factors. For example, the nature of certain features represented on the Sanborn Maps becomes apparent once these features are observed on the landscape. Church histories that mention building costs or lot sizes furnish conorete examples and indicate the influence of these fac to rs.

Economic Factors For today's congregations, construction costs are often the greatest determinant of the type of building that is put up. This factor has increased in importance from the frontier days when only the labor to out down the trees and construct the building was impor­ tant. Later, as skilled artisans and contractors were hired to erect churches, cost became more significant (Table 12). Rising costs were due to inoreased oosts of labor and materials, as well as the tendency to ereot larger and more stylish structures as congregations became more established. The use of brick instead of Table 12 Sample of Church Building Coats

Town Church Tear Coat Tvne of Structure Source

Alexandria Union Baptist pre-1897 42,500 Frame 75x36 Dailv Town Talk 1897 Alexandira Emmanuel B.C. 1885 42,500 Frame 58x50 Dailv Town Talk 1895 Alexandria St.FranclsH.C. 1896 441,800 Brick 172x58 The Dailv Town Talk 1402b Alexandria St. Janes Epls. 1871 47,000 unknown Armstrong 1897 1874 45,000 Frame 75x38 Armstrong 1897 1925 4102,350 Brick 120x50 Al. Daily Town Talk 1957 Alexandria Newman Heth. 1902 43,500 Brick 42x32 The Dally Town Talk 1902c Pinevllle Methodist 1900 41,200 Frame 45x30 The Daily Town Talk 1902c Eaton Rouge St. Joseph R.C. 1821 sold at 4600 unknown COuvilllon 1943 Bortgaged 1853-56 45,550 Brick 102x62 Couvilllon 1943 sold 1873 46,850 sane Couvillion 1943 sold 1884 412,000 sane Couvilllon 1943 rebuilt 1921 4207,000 Brick 123x62 Couvilllon 1943 Baton Rouge First Methodist 1926 4300,000 Brick 125x80 State Times 1964b Baton Rouge First Presby. 1827-29 43,000 unknown History 1st Presbv. 1927 1853 49,700 Brick unknown History 1st Presby. 1927 remodeled 1891 44,100 Brick 68x50 History 1st Presbv. 1927 remodeled 1904-05 48,000 sane History 1st Presbv. 1927 Bogalusa Annunciation R.C. 1927 435,000 Brick 70x35 Quick 1942 Bogalusa Sullivan Moth. 1907 440,000 Frame 58x30 Quick 1942 Eunkle Calvary Epls. 1900 41,500 Frame 60x25 The Dally Town Talk 1902d Cheneyvllle Baptist 1899 42,500 Frame 60x40 Daily Town Talk 1899 Crowley Presbyterian 1929 485,000 Brick 100x80 Hair 1944 Crowley First Methodist 1912 428,000 Brlok 90x52 Fontenot 1976, 118 Crowley St. Hlchaels R.C. 1912 440,000 Brick 108x58 Daily Signal 1912 Crowley First Christian 1902 43,100 Frame 60x40 Fontenot 1976, 120 Donaldsonv. Ascension R.C. 1783 41,200 remodel frame Harchand 1931 1819 412,500 Brick unknown Harchand 1936 1840 419,000 Brick 125x65 Harchand 1936 1876-96 468,000 Brick 145x58 Harchand 1936 Donaldsonv. Epls.(partial cost)18T3 41,600 Frame 52x26 Harchand 1931 Franklin Ascension R.C. 1910-13 480,000 Brick 135x52 Ancona 1968 Baynesvllle Baptist 1914 45,000 Brick 62x38 Havnesville News 1925 1925 468,000 Brick 102x38 Havnesville News 1925 Lake Charles First Baptist 1880 43,000 Frame 65x35 L.C. American Press 1965 Mansfield B .C.(paritial cost)1851 41,051 unknown Anderson 1976 138

frame in many of the later churches reflects this tendency. The seouring of sufficient funds to erect a structure, often proved to be q u ite a challenge for some congregations. Church lad ies' groups were frequently the leading force behind fund raising projects. They sponsored various types of fairs and sales to acquire the neces­ sary money. Marchand (1936) notes several fairs to raise funds for the current Ascension Catholic Churoh in Donaldsonville. The ladies of Alexandria's St. James Episcopal Church raised through subscription nearly the entire amount needed to erect what would become Mt. Olivet Chapel of Pineville (Alexandria Daily Town Talk 1957)* Funds to erect a churoh sometimes come from denominational organ­ izations. First Methodist Episcopal Church, South, of Crowley was b u ilt a fte r Mr. Duson obtained a sm all loan from the Board of Church Extension (Crowley Daily Signal 1937). Clergymen sometimes used their own funds to help erect a sanctuary. Father O'Bre of the Franklin Catholic Church spent over $2000 of h is own money on ohurch improve­ ments (Ancona 1968, 39). The clerk of Union B aptist Churoh of Alexan­ dria notes that Rev. George Washington built the congregation's second ohurch at a cost of $2500. In May 1897, the church owed him only 95 cents (Daily Town Talk 1897). Subscriptions, or pledges, appear to have been the most common means of obtaining funds. The following statement appeared in The Daily Town Talk (1901): "[Tjhose who have kindly subscribed money to aid in building a Baptist Churoh in Colfax will please be prepared to settle next week. I have hired a carpenter and hope to put the build­ ing up at once." Hard times, however, occasionally prevented members from fulfilling their pledges. Construction began on St. Anthony's 139

Catholic Church In Franklin when I t waa thought th at there would be sufficient funds to complete the structure. Several unpredictable events delayed all progress on the building: a year of drought occur­ red in 1910, a big freeze in 1911, and heavy rains resulted in wide­ spread flooding in 1912. The building, whloh was sta rte d in 1910, was not fully completed until 1958. When the congregation began using the edifice in 1913, it had unpainted walls, plain furnishings, and scaf­ folding that was left up for future construction. The debt of the ohurch weighed so heavy upon Father Trainor th at he beoame i l l and re tire d to receive medical care (Ancona 1968). As the stories of the construction of the Donaldsonville, Baton Rouge, and Franklin Catholic Churches show, Catholic parishes tend to build beyond their means. This relates to the tendency of Catholics to erect larger and more stylish structures. In most cases, however, the amount spent on erecting a building provides an indication of the economic class of the congregation. Another indicator is the economic class of the neighborhood. Except for mission churches, congregations are usually of the same economic class as the neighborhood in which their building is located. When neighborhoods change, congregations often move to another part of the city. These movements are also related to the upward mobility of the congregation. Although the Sanborn Maps provide indicators of economic class (building material, size, complexity of structure, type of heating and lighting), the building sketches by themselves could not be used to classify the churches economically because of the unknown factors such as congregation size, architectural style, and cost of the structure. Any discussion of ohurch buildings, however, cannot ignore the impor- 140 tanoe of the eoonomio factor.

Current Theological or Denominational Trends Current theological trends are more subtle in their influenoe on church buildings. Changes in theology occur gradually, and a delay occurs in the dissemination of the new ideas from the seminaries to the local level. Additionally, since alterations in structures are costly, years may lapse between the acceptance of new ideas and the integration of them into churoh structures. Probably the easiest trends to recognize in church buildings are architectural, which may or may not be related to denominational trends. The Gothic Revival in the Episcopal Church during the mid 1800s illu s tr a te s th is relatio n sh ip . Jordan (1976) and Milspaw (1980) each note the association between plain structures and plain theology.

Although certain styles of architecture are associated with certain denominations (Greek Revival with Baptist Churches, for example), a rc h ite ctu ra l sty le i s more often determined by current national trends. Many books on church architecture call for the use of styles that reflect the function of the churoh in today's urban culture rather than continuing to use styles of the past. nA church building which is effectively designed in terms of the function of the Church (and the particular congregation for which the building is erected) will have an appropriate form and thus the building may take on the nature of a symbol, saying to the world something of what the Church believes" (Halverson 1956, 3). Thus, the recent trends in churoh architecture have been moving away from the selection of a traditional sty le , such as Gothic or Romanesque, towards the use of simple basic 141

things like light, space, color, and texture. The traditional styles do not f u l f i l l the funotion of today's congregations and new modern structures must be erected to reflect the church's raison d'etre. Interior layout of churches also reflects current theological trends. Denominations that place great importance on baptism will have the baptismal font in a prominent spot. While other denomina­ tions will have the altar or the pulpit as the main focus. These focuses change through time, and congregations sometimes remodel their chancels to reflect these changes. Baton Rouge's historic St. Joseph's Cathedral received extensive renovations in 1966-67 that resulted in "a sharp departure from the old, traditional interior." The ideas for the Cathedral renovation were developed by Bishop Robert Tracy while at the Vatican Council in Rome. Architect John Desmond said that "he wanted to make, in this Gothic revival structure, a

20th century statement which was in accordance with the directives and spirit of the Vatican Council." The Bishop wanted everything in the sanctuary to be functional and a part of today's liturgy (State Times 1967)* The renovation of St. Joseph's Cathedral followed the adoption of theological changes muoh sooner than in most churches. It illus­ trates, however, the influence that theological changes can have on looal churches. As with economic class, the Sanborn Maps provide no more than suggestions of the theological and denominational influences

on church buildings.

Available Materials and Technology The type of church building erected also depends on available materials and technology. Since lumber has been both acceptable and 142

accessible in Louisiana, most of the ohurohes were frame. As congre­ gations became more established, they began constructing brick edifices. Towards the end of the study period, conorete blook began appearing as a third alternative. Although local materials are most commonly used, some ohurohes place importance on obtaining imported materials. St. Francis Xavier Roman Catholic Cathedral in Alexandria ■has bricks made from Red River sand and floors made of local pine, but the main a lta r came from Germany, and the sta tu e s of oarrara marble and the rose windows were made in Italy (Historic Preservation 1980). The only stone churoh in the sample was the Lake Charles Episcopal Churoh. Most often though, materials and teohnical knowledge came from the local area. When the 1819 Ascension Churoh in Donaldsonville was erected, the contractor was permitted to take and use the necessary wood and sand from church land (Marohand 1936, 48). The lumber fo r the Emmanuel Baptist Church of Alexandria was donated by the Roberts brothers of the Rapides Lumber Company. The superintendent of con­ struction told the Daily Town Talk (1896a) that 80,000 feet of lumber had already been used, and that it would take another 20,000 fe e t to finish the churoh. Building materials and technology reflect the accomplishments of the community. The National Register of Historic Places nomination form for St. Francis Xavier Cathedral notes that the edifice spurred a local building boom. "All these structures [including the 1907 First Methodist Churoh] departed from previous buildings in materials used and construction techniques; they were meant to be permanent struc­ tures and still stand today" (Historic Preservation 1980). 143

The persons providing the technical knowledge to erect churches varied through the study period. Churoh members sometimes got toget­ her to construct the early churches, while other congregations hired skilled craftsmen. As early as 1781* the Ascension Catholic congrega­ tion hired a contractor to make the changes in their structure

(Marchand 1931* 27). The priest from Opelousas built the 1852 ohapel at Washington. He was aided by Mrs. Offut, who lent Father Ravignol some of her slaves who were carpenters (Daily World 1955, 134). Clergymen often assisted in at least the designing of the ohurohes. Rev. J.H. Cunningham, who was the m in ister of the Athens Presbyterian Churoh from 1904 to 1907, drew the plans fo r the church. T.J. Mullenix was the carpenter; the pastor and all of the men of the congregation assisted in the construction. An article in The Havnes- ville News (1924) reported, "With the coming of its new pastor, Rev. W.R. Brown, the local Baptist congregation is busying itself again with its plans for a new modern church building." While in Texas, Dr. Brown "took the time to look over a number of modern build­ ings in order to refresh himself on architecture that the new struc­ ture here shall want for no convenience or accommodation." Gradually then, new materials and techniques began appearing on the religious landscape as ideas spread from one place to another. Architects today usually draw the church plans, and contract firms hire subcontractors to do the various construction jobs.

Cultural and Physical Environments One of the basic elements of the geography of religions is the relationship between religion and its surrounding environment. The physical setting is more important for the rural church. Many rural 144

structures seem to have a special relationship to their surroundings. A country ohurch, and perhaps its cemetery, often occupy a hilltop, thus conveying an image of God's dominance over nature. Its white color serves as a symbol of Christ and heaven set among the green and brown tones of earth. These pastoral images of the ohurch have chan­ ged as more and more congregations are located in towns.3 The setting of an urban church is more a relationship to the cultural environment. Churches are built facing streets rather than with a preferred directional orientation that they might otherwise have had. Besides orientation to the central focus of the town or the railroad, congregations have been increasingly aware of access routes to their buildings. A book about Catholic ohurch construction advises studying a town's topography before deciding where to place the tower. "When possible to locate the tower on the axis of a street, so that it may be seen from a distance, it is well to take advantage of the opportunity" (C ollins 1940, 7-8).

As the Church becomes le s s im portant in the d aily l if e of the oommunity, it has to be visible and accessible to the people. Congre­ gations have also acquired some of the techniques of business to attract members and interest in their mission. Catchy sayings on signs draw the eye of the passerby, and the churches hope that the social activities of their congregations will encourage participation in the religious activities. As the churches began moving from the

3One notable exception of an urban church with an appropriate physical setting is Grace Episcopal Church in St. Franclsvllle. Huge liveoaks with draping Spanish moss fill the churchyard and help provide a suitable setting for this antebellum, Gothic Revival stru c tu re . 145 downtown, they often chose main arteries of transportation In the growing sections of the city as sites for their new church plants. Today, the buildings dot the roadways, a reminder of the active role that the churoh would like to play in the lives of the townspeople. In the oities, where congregations frequently move their loca­ tions, the specific site Is not so Important, and there is little reverence for the spot where the church building is located. By co n trast, the F irs t B aptist Church of Cedar Grove (Negro) moved in to a newer building that had formerly been occupied by a white congrega­ tion. Even though the old structure had been razed and a fried chicken outlet built there, 15 to 25 members of the churoh gathered on the site each Friday evening for an outdoor worship service (Shreve­ port Times 1976).

Lot Size and Looation Lot size naturally lim its the size of a church building, but many congregations own more land than is initially required. A few church histories include the size of the church property (Table 13). The early Catholic ohurohes tended to have larger plots than Protestant churches. These tracts appear to have been somewhat reminiscent of the large properties owned in Europe. St. Charles Borromeo Parish property included valuable sugar, rice, and timber lands (Baudier

1939, 573). The i n i t i a l land grant of St. Landry Church a t Church Landing (Washington) oomprised the western portion of the current town

(8 arpents). When it was suggested that the church be moved to the post at Opelousas, Michael Prudhomme promised to donate the land for the churoh (3 arpents by 40 arpents). He also promised to supply the cypress lumber to build the church, the priest's house, the Jail, and Table 13 Sample of Churoh Lot Sizes

Churoh Name and City Date Lot Size Souroe

S t. Charles Borromeo O.1740 10 arpents* on (Baudier 1939, R.C., Destrehan the riv e r and 573) 80 arpents deep

Ascension R.C., 0.1772 4 arpents, (Marehand 1931 Donaldsonville 1 tod.se, & 120) 4 fe e t

St. Landry B.C., 1774 8 arpents along (Daily World Washington bayou 1955, 139) St. Landry B.C., 1796 3 arpents by (Fontenot 1955 Opelousas 40 arpents, 30) plus 1 arpent

St. Peter's B.C., 1837 1 arpent by (Conrad 1979» New Ib eria 2 1/2 arpents 49)

Saored Heart of Mary 1854 5 arpents added (Fontenot and B.C., Churoh Point to original tract Freeland 1976, 144) Our Lady of Sacred 1375 162.25 acres (Ib id , 118) Heart, Poupeville (Bayne) St. Joseph's B.C., 1893 40.35 acres (Ibid, 160) Iota Church of the Epiphany 1857 100' on Main by (Conrad 1979> Episoopal, New Iberia 198* on Jefferson 24) Calvary Episoopal, 1857 100' wide and over (The Dally Bunkie 240' from the Town Talk s tre e t to mid bayou 1902b)

First Lutheran, 1924 with parsonage: ( S tate Times Baton Rouge 66 * on Fla. by 1941) 90' on 16th Churoh Point Methodist 1891 1 arpent plus (Fontenot 1976 1902 10' by 192' s tr ip 188)

B'Nai Israel, Baton 1859 120' by 60' (Pearson 1982) Rouge 147

Thble 13 (continued) Modern examples Name Date Lot Size Source

Amite Methodist 1964 337' by 600' (Tanffi Talk 1964)

First Baptist, 1975 6 acres (Anderson 1976) Mansfield

•In Louisiana, the arpent was used as both a unit of land and a linear measurement. In urban Louisiana, the linear arpent was equi­ valent to 191.835 English fe e t (58.4713 m eters), while in ru ra l Loui­ siana it was equivalent to 191.994 English feet (58.5198 meters). The to ise was equivalent to 6.394 English fe e t (1.949 meters) (Chardon 1980, 146, 134). The generally accepted area of the arpent in Loui­ siana is 36,864 square feet (180 x 180 French feet or 192 x 192 Eng­ lis h feet) (H all 1970, 24). the fences (Daily World 1955, 139, 30). Both Protestant and Catholic churches received donations of land from either members or town developers, while other congregations purchased property. Churches tried to obtain property that they could afford, that would accommodate the size of the building that they desired, and th a t was located in the appropriate section of the town.

Some of the congregations obtained more than one lot to allow for expansion or to construct a parsonage or a school. Most city lots within a particular section of the town are fairly uniform in size. The size of the lots depends on the date of subdivision and the intended use of the property. For example, some seotions of Baton Rouge were dominated by rental property for blacks; the lots were fairly narrow and long. Most of these lots had shotgun houses on them, and the churches in these neighborhoods were undoubtedly tem­ pered somewhat by the shape of the lots. 148

The Sanborn Haps usually Indicate the lots within a block. To obtain an idea about the relationship between city lot size and church area, the lot dimensions for 1923 Baton Rouge churches were measured (Table 14). The lot areas range from 30,636 square feet for St. Joseph's Catholic Church to 2,600 square feet for the Baptist Churoh on Centre Street. The mean is 8,465.8 square feet. The largest two lots belonged to Catholic ohurohes, but several black Baptist churches also owned large lots. A regression was performed to obtain the co rrelatio n of the two areas. Churoh area i s correlated with lot area at 0.633* If a church's area is known, it can be used to predict lot area with

Lot area s 3242.7 + (2.53)*(church area)

This formula is based on Baton Rouge ohurch and lot areas, and its appllcablity to other communities is untested. The correlation, however, should be similar in other communities ciroa 1923. There are several reasons why the correlation is not higher. Twelve of the churches also had a dwelling(s) on their property, presumably the parsonage. Three congregations owned empty lots, and several owned more than one narrow lot. Additionally, other factors such as cost, denomination, and congregation size play roles in determining the area of a church. For example, six congregations owned lots of 4000 square feet, but the church areas of those congregations ranged from 660 to 1650 square feet. Similar factors operate in all communities. Whether or not a church is located on a corner lot, influences the placement of entranceways or towers on a church. Five different entranoeways were identified in the sample: central tower, corner T ab le 14

Relation of Ground Plan Area to Lot Areas fo r Baton Rouge 1923

Churoh Areas in Square Feet Churoh Lot Plan

•St. Joseph's Catholio 7,626 30,636 •S t. Agnes Catholio 3,360 26,928 •First Baptist 6,500 25,740 +Little Rook Baptist 1,000 22,100 +Mt. Zion B aptist 3,600 16,900 St. Francis Catholio 2,090 15,625 #Istrouma Baptist 3,250 14,400 #St. Anthony Catholio 3,280 14,400 St. John's Baptist 2,170 11,000 •B aptist (Reddy S t.) 1,120 10,800 •Westminster Presbyterian 1,280 10,692 #St. Anthony Cath. (old) 1,350 9,600 First Methodist 4,056 9,100 •Second Presbyterian 2,040 8,976 •Wesley Methodist 2,850 8,840 First Presbyterian 4,250 8,775 St. James Episcopal 6,960 8,775 •Shiloh Baptist 1,976 8,500 Bethel AME 2,880 8,450 B'Nal Isra e l Synagogue 3,680 8,450 •Churoh (Fla. St.) 2,600 8,004 New Guide Baptist 1,925 7,956 Baptist (East Blvd.) 1,125 7,930 New Sunlight Baptist 1,000 7,800 ••■Neely Methodist 1,260 7,800 Mt. Pleasant Baptist 1,400 7,776 New Salem Baptist 2,176 7,680 Holy B aptist 1,120 7,440 Bethlehem Free Baptist 1,120 7,320 Progressive Baptist 2,940 7,200 •Kenner Methodist 2,160 7,080 •St. Marks Methodist 2,280 6,936 L ittle Rising Sun 600 6,600 •First Evang. Lutheran 1,400 5,940 •Macedonia Baptist 1,500 5,400 New Ark B ap tist 636 5,400 New Bethel Baptist 924 5,000 Weller Ave. Baptist 1,500 4,800 New Jerusalem Baptist 1,000 4,620 MoKowen B aptist 1,350 4,500 Donaldson Chapel 1,120 4,400 Presby. (Powhaton St.) 1,120 4,200 150

Table 14 (continued)

Church Area in Square Feet Church Lot Plan Istrouma Methodist 1,140 4,200 First Baptist (Negro) 960 4,000 Halls Chapel Baptist 1,176 4,000 Grt. St. John's Baptist 1,650 4,000 Herb Chapel 650 4,000 Israelite Baptist 1,000 4,000 Calvary Baptist 1,000 4,000 Christian Science 1,064 3,570 Churoh foundation 2,275 2,800 Star of Bethlehem Bapt. 2,080 2,730 Nazarene Baptist 2,080 2,720 Baptist (Centre St.) 950 2,600

Correlation Coefficient = 0.633 "Dwellings (or other structures) also on ohurch property (First Baptist, St. Joseph's, Westminster Presbyterian, and St. Agnes have more than one extra structure). +includes an empty lo t #building extends over more than one lot tower, two corner towers, central porch, and corner porch. The corner entranceways were grouped together, as were the central entranceways.

The frequencies of these two types of entranceways on corner and non­ corner lots were oomputed, and a Chi Square Test was performed (Table 15). This test reveals that there is a statistical difference in the placement of entranceways in respect to lot location. Although a majority of churches that had corner entranceways did occupy corner lots and vise versa, not all entranceways corresponded to lot loca­ tion. Further, the corner entranceways of 18 of the churches on corner lots, were not on the street corner side of the gable (Appendix

B). The choice of entranceway location is thus not solely dependent 151

T able 15

Entranoeway Location by Lot Location Frequency Expected Row % Corner Central Total Column % Entranoeway Entranceway

Corner 136 87 223 Lot (124.36) (98.64)

Non-Corner 101 101 202 Lot (112.64) (89.36)

Total 237 188 425

Chi Square 5.182 Level of Significance 0.05

on lot position. Additionally, lot position only accounts for 55.76 percent of entranoeway positions.

Period of Construction The time when a churoh was built naturally affects the other factors Influencing churoh type. Buildings reflect the current econo­ mic status of the congregation and the community, as well as the prevailing religious ideals of the period. Each generation has its own characteristic construction techniques that can be recognized by experts in later generations. Architectural styles ohange, and the architects of each period interpret the traditional elements in their own way. Lot sizes vary also based on the age and growth rate of the community. Churches, then, are influenced by a variety of general social and physical factors which change through time. 152

Besides these general factors, individual congregational charac­ teristics may play roles in the type of church building erected. An influential member may dominate the choices by providing a lot of the capital. The donor may specify a specific architectural style that he prefers, or may in s is t on c e rta in other conditions. Grace Church in Hammond was able to be built after a lady from New York contributed between $500 and $1000, with the proviso that the churoh be Protestant Episoopal (Times-Picavunne 1938)* Unusual patterns are often the result of individual factors. Various factors have influenced the type of churoh building that a congregation erects. The one room churches refleot the status of religion during the eighteenth and nineteenth oenturles, while the expanding educational and social facilities of twentieth century churches reflect the influence of the organization ohurch. Each era and cultural group interprets religion in its own manner; these inter­ pretations are portrayed in the structures men and women build on the landscape. Although generalizations can be made about the factors influenc­ ing churches and the basic types of buildings that result, there is great individual variation in the way structures develop and why they develop. Churoh buildings are so diverse because they express charac­ teristics of particular congregations. Denomination and race are probably the two moat important cultural components that create differences in ohurch design. At the same time, all church edifices have much in common with each other because they reflect the beliefs and experiences of the time and place where they exist. CHAPTER 5 THE SOCIAL COMPONENT OF LOUISIANA CHURCH BUILDINGS

Many social characteristics of a congregation influence the type of church building that they erect, but denomination and race are gen­

erally the most important. Denominational and racial classifications also Include generalizations about other social characteristics such as economic olass. Certain sooial and economic groups tend to asso­

ciate with particular denominations; some people even change deno­ m inations as th e ir eoonomlc sta tu s improves. Thus, denominational and racial distinctions serve as indicators of other social characteris­ tic s . When one sees a church for the first time, the initial question

i s lik e ly to be, 'What denomination i s i t ?1 The answer to that ques­

tion provides a certain image of that church organization, based on one's knowledge and experience of the denomination. In many instances

that image would satisfactorily describe the church; in other instan­ ces, however, one is surprised because the structure does not fit into the established image of what a ohurch of that denomination should look like. For example, if one grew up in an area where the Catholio

church was strong, one would expect a Catholic ohurch to be a large brick building with several auxiliary structures to house the school, the convent, and the rectory. The sight of a small, unimposing frame structure would not f it into the preconceived image of a Roman Catho­ lic ohurch. People also have stereotypes about what a black church should look like, such as smaller in size, less stylish, and particu­ lar building features.

153 154

DENOMINATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN CHORCHES

High Churches versus Low Churches The public image of a Catholic churoh building, or other high ohurohes, did not develop by accident. Homan Catholio canons, and offioial attitudes of these denominations, persoribe that a church building look like a ohurch. "The churoh is the physical embodiment of the spiritual edifice, the Church of Christ. [It] is a plaoe of awe and m ajesty, the tabernacle of God among men" (O'Connell 1955, 8). No specific style of architecture is recommended; the building, however, should proclaim the Word practiced by the people who erected it. The structure itself is an act of worship as well as being a place for the faithful to worship. With the attitude that the church building is an important symbol, it is not surprising that the major­ ity (12) of the cruciform churches in the sample were Catholic (five were Episoopal and three were black Baptist churches in Alexandria). The cruciform plan, as its name suggests, is reminiscent of the death of Jesus. The basic floor plan of. the Protestant churches, on the other hand, is like an auditorium with a stage. This design derives from the view that preaching is the center of the service and that the congregation i s a community, The differences between high and low church buildings are created by the attitudes of each kind of congregation towards their struc­ tures. Some might say that the high churches place too much emphasis on the erection of stylish and expensive edifices, rather than on min­ istering to the world. The low churches emphasize the emotional and spiritual side of religion, and they view the building as the house of God's people more so than the House of God. The structures are not Intrinsically sacred; the building does not provide a feeling of awe and majesty, rather it is the sacred activities within the meeting­ house that provide the awe. A Catholic churoh, in contrast, is made a sacred place "by consecration or solemn blessing, by its symbolism, and by what takes place within its walls, the celebration of the

Sacred Mysteries and the worship of the faithful" (O'Connell 1955, 8). All Catholio churches and public chapels are either oonseorated or blessed. Consecration is the more formal ceremony, performed by a bishop. Before a churoh can be consecrated, certain conditions,

Including that the building material be brick or stone, must be met. Thus, one might expect that a majority of the Catholic churches in the sample would have been brick; this, however, was not the case. Only twenty of the 76 Catholic churches were briok. Over half of the brlok churches were oonstruoted, between 1896 and 1930, to replace frame structures. The majority were looated in communities with over 3000 people. Although the desire to have a church consecrated did not sig­ nificantly increase the number of brick churches prior to 1930, the

Catholics did have the second highest percentage of brick churches (Table 16). As another Catholio canon influencing the erection of structures, the law declares that it is proper for all churches to have bells by which the members may be summoned to worship (C ollins 1940, 15). On the Sanborn Maps, belfries were only noted on a few churches; they were, however, undoubtedly present in many churches with towers. Catholic churches had the highest percentage of central towers (37.7%), as well as the highest percentage of spires (36.4%) (Table 16). The church canons, more members per congregation, and the formal 156

T able 16

Brick Churches and Towers by Denomination

Denomin. Frea. St Brlok SfCenTw StCorTw J2Towr £Spire

AME 35 5.7 5.7 48.6 5.7 22.9 BAPT 222 11.7 11.7 26.1 6.3 13.1 White 96 21.9 10.4 19.8 10.4 15.6 Black 126 4.0 12.7 31.0 3.2 11.1 CATH 77 26.3 37.7 7.8 9.1 36.4 CHRS 18 10.0 0.0 27.8 16.7 5.6

CHOR 34 0.0 0.0 5.9 0.0 2.9

EPIS 26 23.1 7.7 50.0 3.8 19.2

JEW 9 55.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

LU3H 10 10.0 20.0 10.0 0.0 10.0

METH 127 19.8 10.2 36.2 11.0 21.3 White 90 24.4 11.1 31.1 12.2 18.9 Black 37 8.1 8.1 48.6 8.1 27.0 OTHER 49 8.2 10.2 8.2 0.0 8.2 PRES 38 21.1 15.8 26.3 10.5 18.4

WHITE 395 21.3 15.2 21.3 8.3 19.0 BLACK 250 6.0 10.0 31.2 4.8 14.4 TOTAL 645 15.3 13.2 25.1 7.0 17.2

Thble 17 Tower-Spire Heights in Feet Denomin. Mean Ht. Median Ht. Mode Ht. Range of Hts.

AME 40.4 40.0 40 65-25 BAPT-Wh 43.4 40.0 40 80-20 BAPT-B1 38.3 40.0 50 60-14 CATH 75.7 67.5 60 175-35 EPIS 50.8 52.0 60, 30 80-30 METH-Wh 53.0 50.0 50 100-20 METH-B1 41.9 40.0 40 80-25 PRES 47.5 47 . 5 50 72-30 157 architectural tradition of the Catholio church were all factors in the erection of taller towers and spires. Tower-spire heights were averaged for eight denominational groups (Table 17). In all categor­ ies of measurement, the Catholic churches ranked first. The rank­ ings of the other groups are based mainly on race, with some distinc­ tion based on denomination. Thus, although churches of other denom­ inations had spires and tall towers, Catholic churches had a greater percentage, and the average heights were greater. . The canon prohibiting church doors and windows from opening towards the houses of lay people resulted in the clustering of Cath­ olic facilities around the sanctuary. In some towns, the churchyard encompassed a larger portion of the block than it did for Protestant churches, while in other places the Catholic cemetery was looated next to the church. A bbeville's St. Anne's Churoh i s s e t w ell baok from Port and Washington streets, and the Catholic oemetery is looated to the rear of the edifice (Fig. 7). The Catholic Churoh in Independence was located at the corner of Pine and Third streets. To the rear of the sanctuary was the sisters' dwelling, and next door was the rec­ tory. Many Catholic ohurohes had at least one other facility imme­ diately next door or behind the house of worship. Six churches even had passageways connecting the rectory to the sanctuary. Although many denominations had parsonages next door to the church, the Catho­ lic window and door law ensured that other religious buildings or open space surrounded all Catholic edifices.

No canons specifically decreed that chancels be projecting, but one might suspect that the degree of ritual in the denominations influenced their construction. The Episcopal and Catholic ohurohes did have the highest percentages of projecting chancels (Table 18). There were several black groups, however, that also had high percen­ tages of projecting chancels. This suggests that other factors, besides the amount of ritual to be carried out in the chancel, influ­ enced their inclusion in a church plan. Over half of the black churches had projecting chancels, while only about one-third of the white churches had them. Zn many black churches, the choir and the deacons sit in the chancel behind the lecturn, and the provision of adequate space to seat these members might be a reason for the larger percentage of projecting ohancels. The most common type of chancel was the rectangle, except for three denominations in which the semi­ hexagon dominated.

Rectangular ground plans were most common in churches of all denominations, but their percentage in each denomination varied (Table 19). There is a correlation between low churches and a higher percentage of rectangular plan churches, although there were two exceptions. All the Lutheran churches were rectangular, because the denomination was just gaining a foothold in Louisiana and did not have many members. Additionally, no Jewish synagogues were b u ilt using T form or cruciform plans. The T form was the second most popular church plan and was built by all the established Christian denomina­ tions. The percentage of 3uch churches erected by any one denomina­ tion was not very large. In contrast, over sixty percent of the L form churches were built by Methodist groups, and over fifty percent of the miscellaneous plan churches were built by Baptist groups. Although there is a distinction between high and low churches in the selection of church plans and other features, the difference is Table 18 Chancel Types by Denomination

Percentages of all churches In each denomination Semi- Semi- Semi­ Denomin. Sauare hexagon octagon c irc u la r Total AME 14.3 25.7 5.7 2.9 48.6 BAPT 18.9 11.7 9.5 2.7 42.6 White 9.4 6.3 0.0 1.0 16.7 Black 26.2 15.9 16.7 4.0 62.8 CATH 24.7 14.3 14.3 10.4 63.6

CHRS 5.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 5.6

CHUR 2.9 11.8 0.0 2.9 17.6 EPIS 53.8 3.8 23.1 0.0 80.8

JEW 33.3 0.0 0.0 11.1 44.4

LUTH 20.0 10.0 0.0 0.0 30.0

METH 22.0 12.6 6.3 1.6 42.5 White 20.0 10.0 5.6 0.0 35.6 Black 27.0 18.9 8.1 5.4 59.4 OTHER 10.2 10.2 0.0 0.0 20.4

PRES 7.9 15.8 10.5 2.6 36.8 WHITE 17.5 8.9 6.6 2.8 35.8 BLACK 21.6 17.6 10.4 3.6 53.2

TOTAL 19.1 12.3 8.1 3.1 42.6 T able 19 Floor Plans by Denomination

HECTANGULAR T FORM Denomin- Freo. i of Den. Denomin. Freo. % of Den. AME 31 88.6 AME 4 11.4 BAPT 183 82.4 BAPT 24 10.8 White 74 77.1 White 12 12.5 Blaok 109 86.5 Blaok 12 9.5 CATH 62 80.5 CATH 3 3.9 CHRS 13 72.2 CHRS 3 16.7 CHUR 34 100.0 EPIS 5 19.2 EPIS 17 65.4 METH 18 14.2 JEW 8 88.9 White 14 15.6 LUTE 10 100.0 Blaok 4 10.8 METH 91 71.6 PRES 3 7.9 White 62 68.9 Blaok 29 78.4 WHITE 40 10.1 OTHER 48 98.0 BLACK 20 8.0 PRES 31 81.6 TOTAL 60 9.3 WHITE 307 77.7 BLACK 221 88.4 L FORM TOTAL 528 81.9 Denomin. Frea. < of Den.

BAPT-Wh 3 5.6 MISCELLANEOUS CHRS 2 5.6 EPIS 1 3-8 Denomin. Freq. t of Den. METH 16 12.6 White 12 13-3 BAPT 14 6.3 Black 4 10.8 White 11 11.4 OTHER 1 2.0 Blaok 3 2.4 PRES 2 5.3 CATH 1 1.3 CHRS 2 11.1 TOTAL 25 3.9 EPIS 1 3.8 JEW 1 11.1 METH 5 3.9 White 4 4.4 CRUCIFORM Black 1 2.7 PRES 2 5.3 Denomin. Freq. %of Den. TOTAL 26 4.0 BAPT-B1. 3 1.4 CATH 12 15.6 EPIS 5 19.2 TOTAL 20 3.1 often not great. Instead there is a continuum on which the denomina­ tions fall, and each individual congregation can also be plaoed along a continuum. Thus, a number of factors, including denomination, race, city size, economic class, and outlook of the minister, can play a role in determining where along the high church-low ohurch continuum a

congregation may fall. Time is also a factor in the ranking. Some denominations and congregations began as low churches and have through the years become more institutionalized and formalized. Accordingly, in the 1920s a number of white Baptist congregations in various towns were erecting more elaborate structures rather than the traditional, simple, rectan­ gular buildings. The difference in attitude between high and low churches then resulted in a variety of distinctions, some of which changed as time passed.

Locational Differences As might be expected, there was a greater variety of denomina­ tions in the larger communities. In the towns with populations under 500, only white Methodist (11) and Baptist (9) ohurohes dominated.

These two groups (ME-10 and BC- 8), plus Homan Catholic churches (8) were found in towns with 500 to 1000 people. All other groups acoounted for fewer than four congregations apiece in these smallest community categories. In towns with over 1000 people, blaok congre­ gations first began appearing in significant numbers. There were six to nineteen black Baptist churches in each community size group between 1000 and 5000 people, while Catholic and white Baptist and

Methodist groups had between seven and thirteen congregations 162

each. 1 As a further indicator of the increasing diversity with Increase in oommunity size, the denominational category "Other" had seven to twelve congregations in all the community categories over 1500 people. The Episcopalians and Presbyterians had five to six congregations in all town size categories over 2500 people. Black Methodist groups also accounted for a greater number of congregations once the popula­ tion threshold was 2500. Churches without any denominational label appeared in significant numbers in cities with over 5000 citizens.

In the cities with over 5000 people, a great dichotomy existed between the number of white Baptist and Methodist, Catholic, blaok Methodist churches and the blaok Baptist churches. The number of blaok Baptist churches in each individual oommunity rose sharply, while there were only one to four churches of the other groups in each city. Alexandria, Baton Rouge, and Lake Charles had 59 black Baptist ohurohes among them, but only eleven to eight congregations of the other groups. Rectangular plan churches were found in towns of all sizes, while the other plans appeared more frequently, with denominational varia­ tions, in the larger towns. Generally, the denomination with the most occurrences of a floor plan had the greatest range of community sizes. For example, Methodist T and L form churches were located in towns of all sizes, but the remaining T and L form churches were predominantly

located in towns with over 1500 people. There were two exceptions to

1 Community category 1001-1500 bad 6 black BC, 11 white BC, 8 RC, and 8 white ME; oommunity category 1501-2500 had 8 black BC, 13 white BC, 7 RC, and 9 white ME; community category 2501-5000 had 19 black BC, 12 white BC, 13 RC, and 13 white ME. 163

this generalization. Catholic T form churohes were found in places with a smaller population, probably because congregations in larger towns were creating cruciform churohes. Second, miscellaneous plan

churches occurred in a greater range of oommunity sizes.

RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN CHURCHES Social Structure Differences Muoh is often made of the differences in the social structure of black and white religious organizations in America, but the similar­ ities are more important. Overall more blacks attend church than whites, but not when comparing them with certain groups, such as the Catholics. "Among Negroes, as among whites, females attend more than males, the middle-aged and old attend more than youth, the uneducated

attend more than the educated, the lower and the middle classes more than the upper classes" (Myrdal 1944, 863). Like most Southerners, Southern blacks are predominantly Protestant, although Louisiana has some black Catholics. The differences between black and white churches are mainly folk differences rather than traditional cultural differences. The dia­ le c t, musical rhythms, body gestures, and movements are d iffe re n t, but the most basic difference is the meaning of the imagery. Such terms as salvation, freedom, and the Kingdom of God carry different conno­

tations for blacks as a result of slavery, segregation, and social

conditions. In the South, the Baptist and Methodist churches are the most prominent for both blacks and whites. The Baptist churches grew so rapidly because of the great freedom the denomination allowed. New congregations were easy to establish and did not require much more 164

than a person willing to lead. The upper class blacks tended to 2 belong to the Episcopal, Congregational, and Presbyterian churches. American Protestantism has had relatively more emotionalism than is present In other Protestant countries. Southern Protestants, and especially blaoks, are even more emotional. Except for emotionalism, the black church is not much different from other Protestant churches. High emotionalism was common i s some relig io u s services of both races during the frontier days, and some scholars regard emotion­

alism as a hangover from the frontier period or even from African

tribal religions (Herskovits 1958).

Additionally, untrained preachers relied heavily upon emotional­ ism because of their lack of wider knowledge. Critics pointed out

"the excess of emotion, the homely Imagery, the faulty grammar, the limited theology, the crude anthropomorphisms, [and] the heavenly reveries" (Richardson 1947, 92). As more blaoks became eduoated, the issue of emotionalism in the churoh service began to divide black congregations. The American phenomenon of denominational division has been carried to the extreme in black churches. One frequent cause for churoh schism was a preacher's desire to obtain a congregation. Competition between preachers was intense because the ministry was one of the very few leadership opportunities availab le fo r young black men. The various attempts to provide churches for all those desiring to preach, resulted in overchurching in many communities. In Alexan­ dria, for example, there were at least five black churches that were

p &In the Louisiana sample, there were three black Congregational churches, two Lutheran, one Presbyterian, and one Christian. 165

mapped onoe or twice, but were absent In la te r years (Fig. 11). Another cause for sohlsm was the conservative-progressive split. The educated youth soon found themselves far removed from the uneduca­ ted members of their race. Eventually, it was not Just a struggle between the old and the young, but instead a difference of ideas. These groups were widely differing in their interpreta­ tion of religion, in their ideas as to the importance of the churoh in the l i f e of the community, in th e ir attitudes as to the relation of the church to the indi­ vidual, and in their standards of public conduct (Woodson 1945 , 226). Beligion became, for the progressives, a Christian experience, instead of being an emotional catharsis. Nor did the educated blacks think of religion as the panacea for all the ills of the race. Life styles ohanged too; as some of the white churches began lifting the taboos on certain activities, so did the progressives. They saw little harm in dancing and card playing. Progressive members disapproved of the church leaders of that time. The ministers and deacons frequently displayed more zeal than tact in the administration of ohurch matters. Oftentimes, church buildings and salaries were more extravagant than the poor members of the congregation could afford. The conservatives were accused of as being grafters, but generally it was poor management rather than corruption. Funds were collected with great pretense as the roll was called, rather than in the pews as the progressives favored. Inexperienced bookkeepers failed to spend and keep track of funds in an efficient manner, and fund raising took up a larger portion of the service than in white churches. An appreciation of intelligent sermons and formal music came from the higher white denominations. "The old-time plaintive plantation hymns . . . should give plaoe to music of refined order, supported by the piano, organ, or other instruments; the tiresome minister, cover­ ing all things in oreation in his discourse, should yield to a man

prepared to preaoh to the point at issue ..." (Woodson 1945, 231- 32). The conservatives, however, would not consider replacing old ways with practices of their former masters. They refused to use the Instruments of the theaters and dance halls in their churches and did not even want to consider the inadequacies of their preachers. The overall result of the progressive-conservative division was that in many communities educated people left the church or did not actively participate. Those who left the conservative churches often joined the Congregational, the Presbyterian, the Episoopal, or the Catholio churoh. Hot all of those dissenting, however, joined other denominations. In the larger communities, exclusive and aristocra­ tic congregations were formed to meet the religious desires of the progressives. Thus, social class also was a factor in black church schism. By the end of the study period, it was not just the eduoated and upper classes of blacks who were critical of the shouting and noisy religious hysteria in old-time churches. Even in the rural South, the revival meetings were less successful, and the regular sermons

attempted to be more thought provoking. Myrdal (1944, 878) sees this as a part of the general process of acculturation. As the worship service in the black church became more like the white church, the relative importance of the churoh in the black community was reduced. Black social organizations not connected to the church grew in impor­ tance, and the church found itself competing for people's time and 167 money. Like the white urban church, the black church began including "many functions of a social nature in order to 'sell* itself to the public" (Myrdal 1944, 867). The ideas of the social gospel, however, were not readily accepted because the conservatives saw church asso­ ciation with social welfare work as compromising with the devil. Black Catholics were also undergoing social changes during the study period. Until 1895, the Catholic Church in South Louisiana had had integrated parishes; in that year the first black parish was created in New Orleans. "It was a voluntary parish and no Negroes were oompelled to attend it. . . . By 1918 .. . the segregated parishes were considered both normal and permanent and Negro Catholics were expected to attend them" (Labbe 1971, 3-4). As Catholics became more involved with the social aspects of parish life, raoial tensions in the churches increased. Another factor in the establishment of segregated parishes was the fear that large numbers of black Catholics were leaving the church because they did not have the opportunity to participate in parochial activities. Additionally, several national philanthropic organizations would provide aid only for exclusively black parishes. The belief that blaoks were leaving the Catholic Church was based on poor current population estimates and false assumptions about the numbers of blaok Catholics at the end of the Civil War. From 1724 to

1803, Louisiana laws stated that all slaves were to be baptized Catho­ lic; even though most of the planters coming into the state after 1803 were Protestants, churchmen assumed that they had been Catholic and th a t th e ir slaves were also Catholic. Church o ffic ia ls generally believed that there were at least 100,000 blaok Catholics in the state 168

at the end of the Civil War. A more recent estimate puts the figure at 50,000; thus, the 1889 population count of 75,000 did not represent as great a loss of members as was believed at the time. The 75,000 figure itself was probably also an over estimate of the actual number of Louisiana's black Catholios (Labbe 1971, 8, 32). The Archdiocese of New Orleans was short on funds as well as priests, and so the establishment of national orders and endowments exclusively for blaoks encouraged formation of separate parishes. The Josephite Fathers were organized to work solely with blacks, and the wealthy heiress, Katherine Drexel, founded an order of nuns to work with Indians and blaoks. These orders did not advocate segregation, but ironically, the only way an archdiocese could obtain their assis­ tance was through the establishment of separate facilities (Labbe

1971, 23-25). The Arohbishop of New Orleans was also concerned because blacks were not able to participate in all of the parish activities. Many congregations had schools for black children, but rarely were blaoks allowed to assist in church ceremonies, sing in the choir, Join parish societies, or sit where they wanted to in the church. Arohbishop Janssens felt that blacks were leaving the Catholic Church and Joining Protestant congregations because they could not take part in these parochial activities. Racial tensions were increasing at the time that Janssens began considering separate black parishes, and this accentuated the problem. During the era of Jim Crow laws, whites also became more belligerent and hostile towards blacks in the churoh. The archbishop sought to solve the problem by setting up separate black churches on the national churoh model. Ethnic groups had separate churches in cities throughout the country. Membership in these national churches was voluntary, and Janssens Insisted on the same attitude for separate

black parishes (Labbe 1971, 33, 38). The first black national church was established in New Orleans and named St. Katherine's in honor of Katherine Drexel. Some priests protested the formation of suoh churches because they feared the loss of members, of authority, and of funds given by blacks. Protests from black Catholios came mainly from descendants of Free People of Color, who referred to St. Katherine's as the Jim Crow Church. Church records show that most blaoks remained members of the territorial parishes, but enough blaoks attended to justify its existence. Several other blaok parishes were begun in the rural areas with the assistance of outside p rie sts (Labbe 1971, 40-56). Archbishop Janssens died in 1897; his successor spent most of his time serving as the Pope's representative in international disputes. Consequently, no new black parishes were established until 1909 when Archbishop Blenk continued the work started by Janssens. Beginning slowly, he only founded three separate ohurches before 1915; by then, however, he felt that more such churches were required. The city of New Orleans was divided into sections for the establishment of new black parishes, and others were founded throughout South Louisiana. Attitudes towards blacks had further deteriorated, and now these new parishes became v irtu a lly mandatory3 (Labbe 1971, 63- 68).

^Blaok parishes in the sample were located in Alexandria, Sacred Heart (o. 1914) and St. James (o. 1921); Baton Rouge, St. Francis Xavier (1919); Breaux Bridge, St. Francis of Assisi (1923); Crowley, St. Teresas (o. 1925); Donaldsonville, St. Catherine (1926); Lake 170

Although at times racial distinctions were very important in Louisiana, other social characteristics have also played a role in the soolal differences between churches. Economio status is also impor­ tant in distinguishing congregations. Black church buildings that do not conform to the general image of a black church often belong to a wealthier congregation. Denominational differences also have some relationship to economic distinctions. Even though social distinc­ tions are unchristian, they do exist, and they play a role in the type of church buildings erected and the locational differences within the community.

Physical Structure Differences Although blaok churches can often be distinguished from white on the basis of appearance, the image does not always correspond with actual cases. Blaok churches are assumed to be: smaller in size, of frame construction, poorly maintained, less stylish, and rectangular in plan. These assumptions about blaok churches did not result from less faith or dedication within black congregations, but from economic and political constraints, smaller congregations, and low church ori­ gins. There are, in any case, blaok churches that are large, stylish, brick structures. The majority (71-2%) of the buildings with an area under 1000 square feet were black churches (Table 5). These small churoh build­ ings were predominantly located in cities with over 5,000 people. The size of these structures ranged from 216 to 990 square feet, while the average size was 731.5 square fe e t as compared to 847.8 square fe e t

Charles, Sacred Heart (o. 1925); New Iberia, St. Edwards (1918); and Opelousas, Holy Ghost (o. 1921) (Sanborn Map Company; cornerstones). 171 for the white churches under 1000 square feet. Most black churches, however, were not this small; those under 1000 square feet only repre­ sented 16.8 percent of the total number of blaok churches. There were also eight black churches with over 4000 square feet of space, loaated predominantly in the larger cities. Thus, blaok churches tended to be smaller, but they covered the full range of building sizes. The generalization that blaok churches were frame is even more true than the smaller size generalization. Hood was the most popular building material for all Louisiana churches; 78.7 percent of the white churches and 94 percent of the black churches were frame struc­ tures. Richardson (1947, 37) noted the following about Southern, black rural churches, but it is applicable as well to urban churches. Some of the wooden structures were well and solidly built, erected apparently with an eye to permanence, comfort and utility. Many more, however, were poorly, cheaply, and even roughly built, constructed apparently in response to a hasty and poorly considered desire to have a meeting hall or occasional religious gatherings, rather than to have a permanent, inspiring community shrine. The small size and poor condition of some black church buildings was undoubtedly the result of frequent congregational schisms. Most new congregations begin with a small membership and a small building. The division of a congregation would mean an even smaller membership and fewer available resources to erect adequate facilities. This situation is accentuated when the division occurs among a group of people with meager finanoial resources. Richardson (1947) also found in his study that many black congregations lacked adequate leadership.

The independent nature of many Baptist congregations would also mean that they could not rely on funds from the denomination. Black church buildings also tend to be less stylish than white 172

church buildings. Smaller congregations and few economic resources play a role in the erection of simpler structures, but another factor is the low churoh nature of most black congregations. As Jordan (1976) points out, this simplicity and lack of ornamentation of Southern rural chapels is deliberate and not an index of poverty. Although the nature of low churoh architecture in urban areas began resembling high church architecture during the study period, black congregations were generally last to change. In addition to the black churches being less stylish, they tended to be rectangular in plan. Eighty-eight percent of the black churches had a rectangular form. Only one-quarter were plain rectangles; the re s t had e ith e r an entranceway (20.89), a projecting chancel (13*7$), or both (40.29). Corner entranceways were slightly more popular; a Chi Square Test distinguishing black and white churches with corner towers was significant at the 0.05 level of significance. The presence of projecting ohanoels in blaok churches was even more signi­

ficant.^ Two corner towers or turrets are often cited as being common among Southern black churches. During the study period, however, they were more common among white churches (8.39) than blaok (4.89). Thus, black churches tended to be simple, but they were not totally lacking in special features.

Locational Differences At the beginning of this century, blaok churches were located predominantly in rural areas. The migrations of blacks to Northern

h The Chi Square fo r corner towers was 5.52 and fo r projecting chancels was 19.19* 173

and Southern cities have altered this situation. The Census of Reli­ gious Bodies: 1926 reported 32,427 rural black churches and 10,158 urban. Thus, there were slightly less than one quarter of the black churches in urban areas, while the 1920 census reported approximately one third of all blacks lived in urban places. Certain denominations, such as Episcopal and Catholic, were found mainly in the cities. Louisiana's black churches corresponded to the regional pattern; the majority were located in the rural areas. By the 1936 Census of Religious Bodies, many of these rural churches had dissolved because the number of members in black churches had increased, while the number of churches had dropped. When blaoks moved to the cities, they took their church organizations with them. Those who moved individu­ ally often had to associate with a different denomination. The years of the migrations then were a time of great flux in the black church, as rural members left to move to the cities and as city churches grew or were newly organized to meet the needs of the migrants. The rural nature of Louisiana's black churches is reflected in the sample of urban places (Table 20). The vast majority of the smallest sized places did not have any, or had very few, black congre­ gations. Only five communities with fewer than 1500 people had a greater percentage of black churches than black people in the parish. All but four communities with over 2500 people had more black churches than blaok people in the city. The fairly large difference between the two percentages in the majority of the cities can be attributed to the frequent schism of urban black congregations. Thus, black churches were mainly located either in the open countryside or in the large towns and cities. T able 20

Percentages of Blacks and Black Churches, 1920

Community % Pop i Chur Community JUP.9P 4 Chur •Abbeville 34.0 63.6 Golden Meadow 19.4 0.0 Abita Springs 37.0 0.0 Grand Cane 61.0 0.0 •Alexandria 44.9 67.3 •Hammond 33.2 18.8 Alto 57.5 50.0 Harrisonburg 46.3 0.0 Amite 28.3 33-3 Haynesville 53.1 30.0 Arcadia 41.1 33-3 Hosston 45.4 0.0 Athens 53.1 0.0 Independence 28.3 0.0 Baker 51.9 0.0 Kaplan 17.2 33.3 Bastrop 68.0 22.2 Kinder 34.6 0.0 •Baton Rouge 39.3 69.8 Lake Arthur 25.5 25.0 Bayou Goula 57.3 50.0 •Lake Charles 34.2 45.2 Belcher 45.4 0.0 Lake Providence 86.4 33.3 Berwick 49.3 25.0 •L eesvllle 21.9 9.1 •Bogalusa 31.6 56.7 Loranger 28.3 0.0 Breaux Bridge 35.9 66.7 Lutcher 54.7 60.0 Bunkie 29.3 30.0 Mangham 57.5 0.0 Cedar Grove 45.4 37.5 •Mansfield 28.8 26.7 Cheneyville 42.0 0.0 Mansura 29.3 0.0 Churoh Point 21.6 0.0 Maringouin 57.3 0.0 Clinton 68.6 0.0 •Minden 41.2 30.0 Colfax 28.1 42.9 Montogomery 28.1 0.0 Collinstown 68.0 0.0 Mooringsport 45.4 0.0 •Covington 25.8 36.4 •Morgan City 35.5 36.4 •Crowley 35.9 33.3 •New Iberia 40.6 62.5 •Donaldsonville 40.2 53.3 •Opelousas 46.3 30.0 Dubach 37.2 0.0 Ponohatoula 28.3 33.3 Elton 25.5 0.0 Provencal 53.6 0.0 Evergreen 29.3 100.0 Saline 41.1 0.0 Ferriday 78.8 0.0 Sulphur 26.6 18.2 Fordoohe 60.7 0.0 Sulphur Mines 26.6 0.0 •Franklin 39.7 62.5 Washington 51.3 25.0 Franklinton 49.3 0.0 Welsh 25.5 0.0 G ilbert 44.5 0.0 •Winnfield 29.5 44.4 Glenmora 42.0 20.0 Youngsville 35.1 0.0

•Percentage for the community listed in census, all others are the parish percentage. Sooial factors, suoh as race and denomination, have considerable influence on churoh location, construction, and social structure. The degree of influence, however, varies for each individual congregation. Some churoh buildings do not conform to the generalized Images because other faotors are more Important. Catholic ohurches are generally large, multi-structure facilities, but there are small missionary parishes where other factors suoh as dominant religion, or age of the congregation, are more important than denomination. Black churches tend to be sm all, plain buildings, but some are not because of deno­ minational support or because they are upper class congregations. In these cases the denominational or racial factor is outweighed by other social factors. The social oomponent influences churches in many ways; these influences, however, are just generalizations because a multitude of other faotors can explain differences in churoh build- CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION

The period between 1885 and 1930 was Important for religion in the United States. There were challenges in the cities as the nation became an urban society. There were intellectual challenges posed by Darwinism, textual criticism of the Bible, comparative religion, and the social gospel. There were challenges to Protestant dominance as a flood of immigrants from non-Protestant countries came to America. These challenges altered America's religious institutions and reli­ gious landscapes. As the cities grew, so did the membership in urban churches, and eventually more churches were located in urban rather than in rural areas. The new Intellectual questions increased the diversity of the religious landscape by dividing some groups and by leading to the formation of others. The new Americans, coming from Eastern and Southern Europe, meant a significant increase in the number of Catholic and Jewish congregations.

The function of the Church changed as i t was faced with new possibilities in the cities. The organization church grew in popu­ larity, and congregations began adding faoilitles to accommodate the many activities. The Great Depression and World War II delayed the construction of educational and social facilities by many congrega­ tions. Following the War, more and more church groups decided to improve their old buildings or to erect a totally new structure, often in a new location. For example, almost all of the Baton Rouge ohurohe3 mapped in 1923 have been rebuilt. The average date of recon­ stru c tio n was 1980. Isaac (1960, 17) feels that the decline in the Influence of

176 i 177

religion in the landscape is the result of man's changing spatial

conceptions, which are themselves partly the consequence of man's changing religious beliefs. Today's ohurch edifices sometimes do not stand out as being religious structures. The secularization of reli­ gion has meant that apace is conoelved in abstract-geometrical terms rather than cosmic-magical terms. The transformation in world outlook began many centuries ago, but the modern urban-scientific age has made these changes more apparent. To understand the religious landscape of today, it is important to understand the period when this latest stage in spatial conception began appearing on the landscape. By the 1880s, the community had more impact on the physical devel­ opment of the church than the church had on the physical development of the community. Various attributes of a community influenced church

development and location. In most regions of the United States, no denomination dominated, but in places like South Louisiana, or the

Mormon region of the Great Basin, dominant confession played a role in

the size and location of churches. For example, in a number of South Louisiana towns, the white Catholic church has had the most prominent site. Community size has been another factor influencing churches. Larger communities generally meant larger church buildings, earlier use of brick, and earlier erection of facilities for the organization con­ gregation. The Louisiana sample only showed a trend towards the inclu­ sion of educational facilities in the larger communities. Although churches in communities of all sizes were adding educational facilities, it was the larger congregations, which tended to be located in the larger communities, that ereoted the most elaborate facilities. The Hate of Change Index, Introduced in this work, is an attempt to measure the elusive characteristic of community vitality. Because

each individual church building represents the efforts of a group of people, churohes can be a valuable index of the eoonomic and social prosperity of a oommunity. V ita l communities have more new churoh buildings being built and more additions being made to old buildings, reflecting active, interested congregations. Several generalizations can be made about the location of churches within a oommunity: (1) churches cluster around the central focus of the town, (2) the first churches are located closest to the

central focus, (3) churches cluster near each other, and (4) black

congregations build neighborhood churches before white congregations. Variations of these generalizations occur between the different types

of towns. For example, in railroad towns the traoks influence the looation of churches. When communities beoome large enough to support neighborhood churches, the central focus is not as important and other facto rs such as race become relevant.

As predicted by the model of urbanization's affects on the church, there was evidence of the changing relative location of church buildings. In the years just preceding, and in the first decades of the study period, there was a movement of congregations, and occasion­ ally even church buildings, to urban places. These congregations moved to the centers of population and activity just as their members were moving to these urban centers. In the larg er communities (popu­ lation over 5,000), neighborhood congregations were formed in the growing sections of the cities. Not only do these congregations provide additional worship space, but they often serve social distinc­ tions as well. Neighborhood congregations tend to serve the people of the neighborhood as opposed to the first churches which serve the entire community. Neighborhood churches thus tend to be smaller, more modest, structures. Besides community influences, a variety of other factors affect the type of church building that a congregation erects. The economic means of a congregation influence the amount of money they spend on a building, but there are occasions when the congregation erects a structure beyond their means. Current theological or denominational trends also can influenoe the style or floor plan chosen. Interior layouts are especially reflective of the theology of the day. Avail­ able materials and technology are another determinant of the type of structure erected. Locally available materials, such as lumber in Louisiana, were most popular during the study period. In the distant past, the physical environment may have been important in the location of a religious structure. In modern cities, the street patterns are more relevant than cardinal direction or sanctity of site. Lot size imposes lim its on the size, or alter the orientation of, church build­ ings. The location of a lot on a street corner frequently results in the erection of a corner tower. Lastly, the period of construction affects all the other factors by influencing church type. During the study period, the most popular type of church building was the rectangle, followed by T forms, miscellaneous forms, L forms, and cruciform structures. Entranceways (72.69) and projecting chan­ cels (419) were the most common features found on churches of all shapes. The popularity of these two features was evidenced by their addition to many structures during the early years of the study period. Congregations added these features to their buildings in 180 order to create the ideal church. Towards the end of the study period, the ideal image of a church began to change because the func­ tions of the churoh were changing. Educational facilities become popular additions to churoh structures, and only the depression and World War I I slowed th e ir construction. Building types are oommonly used by settlement geographers to classify landscape features. Although I began with a set of church building types (Fig. 16), these were found to be inadequate to classify all the building features found on the Sanborn maps. I abandoned my preconceived notions about building types and instead identified each indiyidual feature separately. Elementwise identification of features permits the development of new typologies that are independent of the researcher's preconceptions. In this study, no attempt at typologies was made because most of the structures no longer exist, or have been significantly modified, and no large scale field observations could be made.

Denomination and race are generally the most important social characteristics of a congregation that Influence the type of church building erected, but other factors often have as much or more relevance. Denominational differences are mainly related to the dis­ tinction between high and low churches. Congregations at each end of the continuum have contrasting attitudes about whether a churoh build­ ing Is a symbol or simply a meetinghouse. Because of these attitudes, high church buildings tend to have more towers, spires, projecting chancels, brick exteriors, and more complex floor plans. On the other hand, low church buildings tend to have fewer, or at least shorter, towers and spires, more frame exteriors, and more rectangular floor plans. For eaob Individual congregation, suoh factors as economic

status or community size may have a greater Impact on what type of building a congregation erects. Common assumptions about black church buildings do not always correspond with actual cases. Black churches are assumed to be: smaller in size, of frame construction, rectangular in plan, and located In the rural areas. The majority of the smallest structures in the sample were black churohes, but they only represented about 17 percent of all black churches. Kost of the black churches were frame, but wood was very commonly used for both black and white

churches. Although the rectangular plan was present in the majority of the blaok churches, only one-quarter were plain rectangles; the majority had special features. Between 1885 and 1930, black churches in Louisiana were mainly located in the countryside or in the largest towns and cities.

There have been many alterations in Louisiana's urban landscape

in the past one hundred years, and a reconstruction of the historic landscape only using local histories would have been difficult for several reasons. Descriptions and locations of buildings are often not included in local histories, and more importantly, there are many Louisiana parishes for which no histories have been written. The Sanborn Maps, supplemented by local histories, however, provide a

fairly complete reconstruction of the historic townscape. The maps are a valuable source of information about location, size, building material, and date of construction of structures that have been des­

troyed or altered. They are an important souroe of information about the urban landscape that needs to be exploited more by settlement geographers. The topics examined in this work provide a variety of avenues for future research. One of the drawbacks of the use of the Sanborn Maps as a data source was the inability to make any deductions about the architectural style of the churches. Certain denominations do tend to select particular architectural styles, but I suspect that other factors, suoh as time of construction, are as important. More research needs to be done on this subject. Another topic presented that deserves more attention is the affect of current theological and denominational trends on the form of church buildings. Church form and layout are the tangible expressions of the beliefs of the group. As another approach to the topic of the changing church in the urban age, the experiences of one denomination could be examined.

Suoh a study would mean that some factors would remain fairly constant in different communities and the importance of other factors could be studied in greater detail. More communities of similar type should be compared to further assess the impact of community type on church distribution. How did oourthouse and railroad towns influence ohurch

location in other parts of the United States? Introduced in this work was a measurement of community v ita lity which uses ra te of church construction as its base. This Rate of Change Index would be enhan­

ced, if the rate of store construction as well as church construction could be oombined. Together these two d iffe re n t types of community structures would be an even more effeotive measure of community vital­ ity. A comparison of the first use of brick in commercial and reli­ gious buildings would be another way in which to answer the question about oommunity v ita lity . This work just begins to examine the time when America entered the urban age. The ohuroh is just one of many sooial institutions that experienced change as the nation urbanized. Hew social concerns led to new church programs designed to fu lfill more than society's religious needs. Congregations also expanded their programs because people desired the personal oontaot that they once had in the village. The end of American isolationism led to the formation of women's missionary societies in the churches, as well as an increased interest in foreign missionary service. The churches followed the led of the public schools by dividing th e ir Sunday school classes in to graded sections. This action alone would have resulted in the addition of more educational space. Thus, these various changes in the social organization of the church resulted in the changes in the physical layout of the church. Urbanization also influenced the relative location of the churoh buildings in their communities. In the large metropolitan areas, where changing neighborhoods had the greatest impaot, churches followed their members to the suburbs, or they ohanged the mission of their congregation. Even in smaller cities, churches moved out of the central business district because of expanding commercial activities. The modern type of church building being erected also led to suburban movement because i t required more space. Neighborhood and new subur­ ban congregations were established to meet the religious needs of the growing sections of the communities. These congregations tend to be more socially stratified than the first churches because they draw th e ir members from the neighborhood Instead of the whole community. Urbanization altered American culture, and in turn, the cultural 184 landscape. These changes affected many of the factors that Influence the building of a churoh from economics to community vigor. Cities experiencing urban growth had healthier economies and their congrega­ tions were able to expand their programs and buildings. The denomina­ tional and local acceptance of the social gospel, and other urban innovations in church programming, affected the construction of new facilities. Likewise, the local use of new technologies and of new materials to build the secular structures in the growing cities also affected the construction of new religious facilities. There are many other topics yet to be explored to better understand the interrela­ tionships between the church and its surrounding culture. REFERENCES CITED

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AP - Avoyelles Parish Luth - Lutheran Addn - addition(s) MC - Majority Catholic Par. AME(Z) - African Meth. Episcopal (Zion) ME - Methodist Episcopal B(l) - blaok Mem - Memorial Bapt - B a p tist Meth- Methodist (Episcopal) BC - B aptist Church Meth Prot - Methodist Beth. - Bethlehem Protestant BF - brick and frame Missn - Missionary BR - brick MP - Majority Protestant Par. C - community; corner lo t N - North Louisiana; CA - Catholic Parishes non-corner lot Cath - Catholic Naza - Nazarene CB - concrete blook NC - Northoentral Louisiana CenTw - central tower NE - Northeast Louisiana Ch; Chur - church Non; Nondenom - Chan - chancel Nondenominational Chrs - Christian NW - Northwest Louisiana CHS - courthouse square Obs - observation CIC - LSU Cartographic Information Orth - Orthodox Center Geology Building Ot - Other CME - Christian Methodist Episcopal Penteo - Pentecostal CN - Central Louisiana Pop - population CO - composite Pr; Pres(by) - Presbyterian Coll - College PR - Protestant Parishes Concep - Conception Proj - projecting Cong - congregation; Congregational RC - Reman Catholic CorTW - corner tower Rm - room EC - Eastcentral Louisiana Salv. Army - Salvation Army Entr - entrance Sane - sanctuary Epis - Episcopal SC - Southcentral Louisiana Evang - Evangelical Sole - Science; Scientist FB - brick veneered SE - Southeast Louisiana Fem - Female SevDayAdv - 7 th Day Adventist FI - frame and iron SH - shingles FP - Florida Parishes SS - Sunday sohool FR - frame ST - stone; slate foundtn - foundation SH - Southwest Louisiana Gd - Grand TR - Transitional Parishes Grt - Greater W(h) - white LARM - LSU Louisiana Room WC - Westcentral Louisiana Middleton Library X - Xavier

Appendix B churoh feature codes: 1-rectangle, 2-t form, 3-L form, 4- oruciform, 5 -m isell., 6-CenTw, 7-CorTw, 8-2Tws, 9-vestibule, 10-cen- poroh, 11-corporoh, 12-spire, 13-rectohan, 14-hexagonchan, 15-octagon- chan, 16-ciroularchan, 17-projbays, 18-siderms, 19-rearvestry, 20-2d bldg eduo, 21-2d bldg ot, 22-reareduc, 23-separate belltw, 24-belfry. IDNO--1st 2 digits: oong #, 2d 2 digits: bldg #, last digit: obs #.

196 197

SANBORN INSURANCE MAPS OF LOUISIANA CITIES AND TOWNS Published in New York City, 1884-1951

TOWN DATE SHEETS LOCAT. •SAMPLE ABBEY ILLE AUG. 1895 2 CIC 5 MC SC AUG. 1899 3 CIC JAN. 1907 6 CIC NOT. 1912 8 LARM FEB. 1929 14 LARM

ABITA SPRINGS JUL. 1922 3 CIC 1 CA LA ALEXANDRIA & JUL. 1889 2 CIC 7 PR LA PINEV ILLE JUN. 1892 3 CIC JUN. 1896 5 CIC OCT. 1900 6 CIC SEP. 1904 18 CIC APR. 1909 23 CIC 1914 37 LARM APR. 1921 41 CIC 1928 LARM ALTO DEC. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NE AMITE JUN. 1886 2 CIC 4 MP FP MAY 1892 2 CIC JUN. 1898 3 CIC FEB. 1904 3 CIC OCT. 1908 6 CIC OCT. 1916 9 CIC MAY 1928 9 LARM ARCADIA JAN. 1898 2 CIC 3 MP N JUL. 1903 2 CIC APR. 1909 3 CIC MAR. 1914 3 CIC OCT. 1924 7 CIC ATHENS MAR. 1922 1 CIC 1 PR NC Avery Island (See NEW IBERIA 1925)

BAKER FEB. 1922 1 CIC 1 PR FP BASTROP MAR. 1886 1 CIC 3 PR NE JUN. 1892 1 CIC •SAMPLE — Sample categories assigned fo r each community: Community Size (Table 3); Dominant creed of the parish (Table 1); region of the state (as the number of mapped communities decreased, larger regional groupings were used such as North or Louisiana). 198

BASTROP AUG. 1896 2 CIC MAY 1907 3 CIC DEC. 1912 4 CIC MAY 1925 8 LARM NOT. 1927 10 LARM

BATON ROUGE MAY 1885 6 CIC 7 PR JUN. 1891 17 CIC MAY 1898 21 CIC JUN. 1903 30 CIC APR. 1908 31 CIC-LARM AUG. 1911 41 CIC AUG. 1916 32 CIC 1923 93 CIC '23 updated to '46 LARM BAYOU GOULA OCT. 1922 1 CIC 2 MC Bayou Sara & MAY 1885 1 CIC 2 PR St. Francisville JUL. 1891 8 CIC MAY 1898 8 CIC NOT. 1904 8 CIC MAY 1909 8 CIC Bayou Sara JAN. 1922 2 CIC

BELCHER AUG. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR

BERWICK SEP. 1899 1 CIC 4 MC OCT. 1906 3 CIC OCT. 1912 3 CIC MAR. 1924 ‘ 3 CIC BOGALUSA MAR. 1908 12 CIC 6 MP MAR. 1910 14 CIC APR. 1915 15 CIC SEP. 1919 18 CIC OCT. 1925 28 LARM MAY 1930 31 LARM Bonita JUL. 1922 1 CIC 1 PR

Bourg JUN. 1922 1 CIC 1 MC Boyce MAR. 1907 2 CIC 3 PR NOV. 1912 3 CIC APR. 1929 3 LARM BREAUX BRIDGE JUL. 1899 1 CIC 3 CA JAN. 1907 3 CIC AUG. 1912 4 CIC AUG. 1923 4 CIC JAN. 1929 8 LARM 199

BUNKIE APR. 1909 3 CIC 2 TR LA DEC. 1923 5 CIC JAN. 1931 8 LARM Campti APR. 1921 1 CIC 2 TR LA CEDAR GROVE FEB. 1924 12 CIC 4 PR NW Chatalgnier JUN. 1922 1 CIC 1 CA CN CHENEYV ILLE APR. 1909 1 CIC 2 PR CN APR. 1930 3 LARM CHDRCH POINT JUN. 1935 3 LARM 2 CA SC CLINTON MAY 1885 1 CIC 2 PR FP JUL. 1891 1 CIC JUN. 1898 2 CIC MAR. 1903 2 CIC AUG. 1908 3 CIC JAN. 1926 3 LARM MAY 1940 3 LARM COLFAX MAY 1924 5 CIC 3 PR CN JUN. 1936 5 LARM COLLINSTOHN AUG. 1921 1 CIC 2 PR NE Columbia AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NC Cottonport AUG. 1921 2 CIC 2 CA AP SEP. 1944 2 LARM

Coushatta JUL. 1922 3 CIC 2 PR NW MAY 1928 4 LARM COVINGTON FEB. 1904 2 CIC 5 CA FP MAY 1909 6 CIC MAR. 1915 8 CIC NOV. 1921 9 CIC JAN. 1927 14 LARM CROWLEY AUG. 1895 2 CIC 6 CA LA OCT. 1898 4 CIC MAR. 1902 7 CIC MAR. 1909 11 CIC JAN. 1915 12 CIC FEB. 1925 16 CIC JAN. 1931 19 LARM De Quincy SEP. 1921 3 CIC 4 MP SW FEB. 1928 9 LARM 200

De Ridder AUG. 1912 7 CIC 5 PR WC JUN. 1921 11 CIC FEB. 1928 10 LARM DONALDSON? ILLE JUN. 1885 2 CIC 5 TR S AUG. 1891 4 CIC SEP. 1896 7 CIC OCT. 1900 7 CIC MAR. 1906 8 CIC JUL. 1906 8 CIC SEP. 1912 8 CIC FEB. 1923 12 CIC MAY 1928 12 LARM DUBACH SEP. 1922 1 CIC 2 PR NC

Duson OCT. 1922 1 CIC 1 CA LA ELTON MAR. 1920 2 CIC 2 TR LA MAY 1926 2 LARM Epps JUL. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR NE

Erath MAY 1921 2 CIC 2 MC LA MAY 1927 1 LARM

Eunice JAN. 1915 6 CIC 5 CA SC OCT. 1926 8 LARM AUG. 1946 11 LARM

EVERGREEN AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 CA CN Farm ervllle JUL. 1922 2 CIC 2 PR NC JUN. 1928 2 LARM FERHIDAY AUG. 1923 2 CIC 3 PR EC SEP. 1926 5 LARM FORDOCHE AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 MP SC Forest JUL. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR NE

FRANKLIN JUN. 1885 1 CIC 5 MC SC MAY 1892 1 CIC JUL. 1895 2 CIC SEP. 1899 5 CIC DEC. 1906 7 CIC OCT. 1912 7 CIC JAN. 1927 10 LARM DEC. 1928 13 LARM FRANKLINTON MAY 1922 2 CIC 2 MP FP JUN. 1930 3 LARM 201

Gibsland APR. 1921 1 CIC 2 MP LA JUN. 1928 LARM GILBERT MAR. 1922 1 CIC 1 PR NE Gilliam SEP. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NW MAR. 1930 1 LARM GLEN MORA AUG. 1922 1 CIC 4 PR CN APR. 1930 LARM GOLDEN MEADOW JUN. 1922 1 CIC 1 MC SE

GRAND CANE JUL. 1921 1 CIC 1 TR N

Grayson AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NC Gretna MAR. 1884 2 CIC 6 TR LA SEP. 1887 3 CIC OCT. 1893 6 CIC Gueydan FEB. 1904 2 CIC 3 MC LA MAR. 1909 2 CIC JUL. 1916 5 CIC APR. 1927 7 LARM HAMMOND MAY 1896 1- CIC 5 MP LA FEB. 1904 3 CIC OCT. 1908 7 CIC DEC. 1914 10 CIC MAY 1930 14 LARM HARRISONBURG AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 TR CN HAYNES/ILLE SEP. 1919 2 CIC 2 PR NC APR. 1922 5 CIC JUL. 1927 8 LARM Homer JUL. 1892 1 CIC 5 PR NC JAN. 1898 2 CIC JUL. 1903 3 CIC MAR. 1909 4 CIC MAR. 1914 8 CIC MAY 1921 8 CIC JUN. 1928 11 LARM HOSSTON AUG. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR NW

Hot H ells SEP. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR CN Houma JUN. 1885 1 CIC 6 MC LA MAY 1892 1 CIC APR. 1898 2 CIC JUL. 1907 6 CIC 202

Houma SEP. 1912 6 CIC DEC. 1924 9 CIC FEB. 1931 11 LARM Ida NOV. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR NV

INDEPENDENCE JAN. 1929 3 LARM 3 MP EC Indian V illage (See Plaquemine 1925) Iowa AUG. 1920 1 CIC 1 MP SC

Jackson AUG. 1896 3 CIC 4 PR CN NW. 1900 3 CIC AUG. 1908 3 CIC JAN. 1926 3 LARM Jean erette JUN. 1885 2 CIC 5 TR S JUN. 1892 2 CIC JUL. 1895 3 CIC AUG. 1898 3 CIC DEC. 1906 4 CIC OCT. 1912 5 CIC SEP. 1928 7 LARM Jena AUG. 1919 2 CIC 2 PR CN APR. 1929 3 LARM Jennings AUG. 1895 2 CIC 5 TR S MAY 1900 3 CIC JAN. 1903 5 CIC MAR. 1909 7 CIC FEB. 1915 7 CIC JAN. 1926 8 LARM

Jonesboro OCT. 1924 3 CIC 2 PR NC Jo n esv ille APR. 1929 1 LARM 3 TR LA KAPLAN NOV. 1921 4 CIC 2 MC LA MAR. 1929 7 LARM Keatcbie AUG. 1921 1 CIC 1 TR N NOV. 1939 5 LARM Kenner JUN. 1926 4 LARM 4 TR SH

Kentwood FEB. 1904 4 CIC 5 MP LA APR. 1909 9 CIC JUN. 1915 9 CIC APR. 1930 5 LARM KINDER MAR. 1921 4 CIC 3 MP SH 203

Lafayette JUL. 1892 2 CIC 6 MC SEP. 1898 3 CIC JUL. 1903 5 CIC DEC. 1906 6 CIC AUG. 1912 10 CIC NOT. 1921 14 CIC APR. 1928 31 LARM 1940 36 LARM LAKE ARTHUR NW. 1907 1 CIC 4 TR NOT. 1912 3 CIC JUL. 1923 3 CIC APR. 1926 4 LARM JUN. 1935 5 LARM LAKE CHARLES JUL. 1885 1 CIC 7 MP APR. 1889 12 CIC MAY 1894 19 CIC SEP. 1898 22 CIC LOCKFORT & JUN. 1903 28 CIC WEST LAKE FEB. 1909 35 CIC JUL. 1914 38 CIC APR. 1919 29 CIC APR. 1925 32 CIC LAKE PRWIDENCE AUG. 1892 1 CIC 4 TR AUG. 1899 2 CIC AUG. 1903 2 CIC APR. 1909 4 CIC JAN. 1928 9 LARM LEEStfILLE SEP. 1904 4 CIC 5 PR MAY 1909 4 CIC MAR. 1915 4 CIC APR. 1922 5 CIC FEB. 1928 7 LARM JUL. 1948 8 LARM Lockport SEP. 1922 4 CIC (See also LAKE CHARLES 1903 & 1909) LORANGER AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 MP

LUTCHER JUL. 1909 6 CIC 4 MP NOT. 1926 9 LARM

Mamou OCT. 1919 3 CIC 2 CA JUN. 1927 5 LARM MAY 1946 5 LARM Mandevllle FEB. 1904 1 CIC 3 CA APR. 1909 1 CIC JUN. 1915 3 CIC JAN. 1926 4 LARM 204

MANGHAM DEC. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NE JAN. 1927 1 LARM MAR. 1929 4 LARM MANSFIELD & JUL. 1885 1 CIC 5 TR LA SOUTH MANSFIELD JUL. 1892 1 CIC AUG. 1899 2 CIC OCT. 1904 3 CIC MAY 1909 4 CIC FEB. 1914 10 CIC MAY 1921 12 CIC MAY 1928 15 LARM MANSURA AUG. 1919 3 CIC 2 CA AP Many JAN. 1929 5 LARM 2 PR CN MARINGOUIN AUG. 1919 1 CIC 1 MC SE Markeville SEP. 1920 4 CIC 2 CA AP MAR. 1931 5 LARM M arthaville SEP. 1921 1 CIC 1 TR CN

Maurice MAY 1921 1 CIC 1 MC SH M elville SEP. 1921 3 CIC 2 CA SC MAY 1927 3 LARM Mer Rouge DEC. 1919 1 CIC 2 PR NE

Midway SEP. 1919 1 CIC 1 PR NW MINDER AUG. 1885 1 CIC 6 PR LA JUL. 1892 1 CIC JAN. 1898 2 CIC JUL. 1903 4 CIC MAR. 1909 6 CIC FEB. 1914 7 CIC NOT. 1923 6 CIC JUL. 1927 12 LARM Monroe & MAR. 1886 4 CIC 7 PR LA West Monroe MAR. 1890 8 CIC JUN. 1893 10 CIC AUG. 1898 16 CIC JUL. 1903 20 CIC JUN. 1909 27 CIC JAN. 1913 37 CIC 1926 39 LARM 1932 2 Vol. LARM MONTGOMERY OCT. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR CN 205

MOORINGSPORT FEB. 1917 2 LARM 2 PR NW MAY 1929 2 LARM MORGAN CITY JUN. 1885 1 CIC 6 MC LA JUL. 1895 2 CIC SEP. 1899 3 CIC OCT. 1906 5 CIC OCT. 1912 7 CIC DEC. 1919 9 CIC MAR. 1927 17 ' LARM Morgaoza OCT. 1921 1 CIC 1 MP SC Napoleonville JUN. 1885 1 CIC 3 CA LA SEP. 1896 1 CIC SEP. 1899 2 CIC JAN. 1907 3 CIC SEP. 1912 4 LARM JAN. 1927 5 LARM Natchitoches OCT. 1892 1 CIC 5 TR LA SEP. 1899 3 CIC SEP. 1904 4 CIC MAY 1909 4 CIC APR. 1914 11 CIC APR. 1923 13 CIC MAR. 1930 14 LARM Newellton JAN. 1930 2 LARM 2 MC LA

NEW IBERIA JUL. 1885 3 CIC 6 TR S JUN. 1892 5 CIC JUL. 1895 9 CIC AUG. 1899 14 CIC OCT. 1903 18 CIC SEP. 1904 19 CIC FEB. 1909 21 CIC & Avery Island FEB. 1925 14 CIC MAR. 1931 21 LARM New Orleans 1885 Vol. 1 CIC 7 TR LA 1885 Vol. 2 CIC 1887 Vol. 3 CIC 1893 Vol. 4 CIC 1896 Vol. 1 CIC 1895 Vol. 2 CIC 1896 Vol. 3 CIC 1896 Vol. 4 CIC (CBD only) 1904 CIC 1908 Vol. 1 CIC 1908 Vol. 2 LARM 1908 Vol. 3 LARM 1909 Vol. 4 LARM 1909 Vol. 5 LARM 206

New Orleans 1909 Vol. 6 LARM (Incomplete) 1909 Vol. 7 CIC (Supplimentary) 1917-1922 CIC Vols. 1, 2, 4, 4 7 1929 Vol. 8 LARM 1937 Vols, . 1, 7, 4 9 LARM 1940 Vols. . 1A-3, 6A LARM

New Roads MAY 1909 5 CIC 3 MP EC OCT. 1923 3 CIC JUN. 1930 3 LARM Oakdale MAY 1921 7 CIC 5 MP LA JUN. 1925 8 LARM JUL. 1931 7 LARM Oak Grove NOV. 1921 2 CIC 2 PR NE JUN. 1930 2 LARM Oberlln APR. 1920 2 CIC 2

011a SEP. 1919 1 CIC 1 OPELOUSAS JUL. 1885 1 CIC 5 JUN. 1892 1 CIC AUG. 1896 3 CIC JUN. 1899 5 CIC JAN. 1907 8 CIC AUG. 1912 8 CIC MAR. 1921 9 CIC JAN. 1927 19 LARM Patterson (Missing) 1891 CIC 5 MC SC JUL. 1895 3 CIC (Missing) 1896 CIC SEP. 1899 3 CIC (Missing) 1900 CIC OCT. 1906 4 CIC MAY 1912 12 CIC (Missing) 1916 CIC MAR. 1927 10 LARM PINEVILLE (See ALEXANDRIA 1885-1928)

Plain Dealing AUG. 1921 1 CIC 2 PR NW JUN. 1929 3 LARM Plaquemlne JUN. 1885 2 CIC 5 MC SC . AUG. 1891 11 CIC JUL. 1896 14 CIC NOV. 1900 14 CIC SEP. 1906 15 CIC Turnervllle MAR. 1916 15 CIC & Indian Village MAY 1925 15 CIC Plaquemlne JUN. 1930 15 LARM PONCHATOULA OCT. 1908 2 CIC 2 MP FP JUL. 1923 4 CIC AUG. 1925 7 LARM MAY 1930 7 LARM Port Allen (Missing) 1919 CIC 2 MP FP FEB. 1926 5 LARM APR. 1932 3 LARM PORTBARROW FEB. 1922 2 CIC(See DONALDSON?ILLE) PRWENCAL AUG. 1922 1 CIC 1 TR CN Rayne SEP. 1898 1 CIC 5 CA SC JUL. 1903 2 CIC MAR. 1909 3 CIC MAR. 1926 6 LARM JAN. 1933 9 LARM Rayvllle NOT. 1919 4 CIC 3 PR NE JAN. 1927 5 LARM Robeline JUL. 1892 1 CIC 1 TR CN AUG. 1899 2 CIC OCT. 1904 4 CIC MAY 1909 4 CIC APR. 1914 4 CIC

Ruston AUG. 1885 1 CIC 5 PR NC JUL. 1892 1 CIC JAN. 1898 2 CIC JUN. 1902 5 CIC JUN. 1908 8 CIC JAN. 1914 14 CIC JUN. 1922 14 CIC MAR. 1930 17 LARM St. Frandsvllle JAN. 1922 4 CIC OCT. 1928 7 LARM (See also Bayou Sara 1885-1909) St. Martinville JUN. 1892 2 CIC 4 CA LA AUG. 1898 3 CIC OCT. 1903 3 CIC MAR. 1909 3 CIC APR. 1927 9 LARM S t. Rose MAY 1921 1 CIC 1 MC SE S t. Tammany Par. NOT. 1924 4 CIC 1 CA LA (Including Folsom, Tallsheek, Hygeia, Alton, Pearl River, Oaklawn, & Lacombe) 208

SALINE MAR. 1922 1 CIC 1 MP NC

Sootlandville JUL. 1920 2 CIC 1 PR FP Shreveport AUG. 1885 9 CIC 7 PR LA FEB. 1890 15 CIC MAY 1896 19 CIC AUG. 1899 31 CIC SEP. 1903 36 CIC OCT. 1904 37 CIC SEP. 1909 70 CIC OCT. 1921 67-89 CIC 1935-1936 updated to *60 LARM Slices OCT. 1921 1 CIC 1 PR NC

S lid e ll AUG. 1906 6 CIC 5 CA FP DEC. 1911 10 CIC MAR. 1926 7 LARM JUN. 193 0 7 LARM JUL. 1951 6 LARM Springhill NOV. 1938 3 LARM 2 PR NW

SULPHUR OCT. 1919 2 CIC 4 MP SH MAR. 1929 7 LARM JUL. 1946 10 LARM o m SULPHUR MINES JUL. % CIC 2 MR LA

Tallulah FEB. 1921 6 CIC 3 MC LA JAN. 1928 8 LARM

Thibodaux JUN. 1885 1 CIC 5 MC SC MAY 1892 1 CIC APR. 1898 2 CIC AUG. 1907 3 CIC SEP. 1912 4 CIC APR. 1916 6 CIC JAN. 1927 1 2 LARM MAR. 1932 7 LARM

Turnervllle (See Plaquemlne 1916 & 1925)

V Idalia MAY 1886 1 CIC 3 PR EC APR. 1892 1 CIC AUG. 1899 2 CIC MAR. 1907 2 CIC JUN. 1912 3 CIC FEB. 1931 4 LARM OCT. 1942 3 LARM Ville Platte MAR. 1925 5 CIC 3 CA LA 209

V inton FEB. 1920 3 CIC 3 MP SW MAR. 1929 7 LARM Vivian JUL. 1923 4 CIC 4

WASHINGTON JUL. 1885 1 CIC 3 JUN. 1892 1 CIC SEP. 1898 2 CIC JUL. 1907 3 CIC AUG. 1912 4 CIC JUN. 1927 1 LARM Waterproof OCT. 1921 2 CIC 1

WELSH JAN. 1903 2 CIC 3 MAR. 1909 3 CIC FEB. 1915 4 CIC AUG. 1923 4 CIC AUG. 1926 1 LARM

WESTLAKE AUG. 1914 3 CIC (See also LAKE CHARLES 1903-1909)

West Monroe APR. 1920 9 CIC MAR. 1926 11 LARM (See also Monroe 1886-1913)

White Castle SEP. 1906 3 CIC 4 MC LA SEP. 1912 4 CIC JUN. 1921 5 CIC OCT. 1928 6 LARM

WINNF1ELD MAY 1907 3 CIC 5 PR NC JUN. 1911 5 CIC OCT. 1924 9 CIC Winnsboro MAY 1924 4 CIC 3 PR NE FEB. 1930 4 LARM Wisner JAN. 1931 2 LARM 1 YOUNG 3/ILLE AUG. 1921 1 CIC 1 APPENDIX B LOUISIANA CHURCH DATA DERIVED FROM SANBORN MAPS 1885-1948

City Churoh Name Bldg. Roof C eil. Dimens. FIs. Years ID# Denomin. Mat. Mat. Ht. Mapped Raoe Lot Features

ABBEVILLE St. Anne's FR ST 25 110X45 1 1895-1899 *•01-011 Catholic V N 1, 12 01-012 St. Anne's FR ST 25 115X45 1=2 1907-1912 Catholic tf N 1 * 6 1 12, 13, 14 **01-021 St. Anne's BR ST 37 136X60 1=2+ 1912 Catholic W C 4, 6, 9, 12, 16, 19,, 21 01-022 St. Anne's BR ST 37 136X60 1=2+ 1929 Catholic W C 4, 6, 9, 12, 16, 19

02-031 FR SH 16 57X22 1 1895-1899 B aptist B N 1. 6 (1899 not used) 03-041 FR SH 20 55X30 1 1895-1899 Methodist V C 1, 6 03-042 FR SH 16 45X30 1 1907-1929 Methodist V C It 6, 14 04-051 Pleasant Green FR SH 18 60X38 1 1899-1907 B aptist B N It 7, 12 04-052 Pleasant Green FR SH 20 60X35 1=2 1912-1929 B aptist B. N 1. 7, 12, 15 05-061 St. Mary's FR SH 12 40X25 1 1899 Cong. B N 1. 6 05-071 St. Mary's FR SH 20 60X30 1 1912 Cong. B N 1t 7, 12, 14, 21 05-072 St. Mary's FR SH 20 60X30 1 1929 Cong. B N 1t 7, 12, 14 06-081 FR SH 60X25 1 1907 AME B N 1, 7 07-091 King Memorial FR SH 16 42X42 1 1912 Methodist B N 3, 7, 12, 17 08-101 F irs t FR SH 18 58X32 1 1912 B aptist W C 1, 7, 12

210 ABBOT ILLE F irs t FR SB 16 55X45 1 1929 08-111 B aptist W C 3, 10 09-121 F irs t FR SB 20 50X32 1 1912 Presby. VN 1, 6, 12, 14 09-122 First FR SB 17 68X32 1 1929 Presby. V N 1. 6 +10-131 Ht. Triumph FR SB 15 50X30 1 1929 B aptist BC 1, 7, 15 *11-141 FR SB 12 30X20 1 1929 B aptist BN 1. 6, 16 ABITA SPRINGS FR SB 55X25 1 1922 01-011 Catholic W N 1. 7, 14 02-021 T rinity Evang. FR SB 60X40 1=2 1922 Lutheran HC 1. 10,, 14 ALEXANDRIA FR SB 14 80X40 1 1896-1904 01-111 Methodist V C 1

**01-021 F irs t BR ST 21 105X75 1=2 1909-1921 Methodist W C 1. 8, 9, 13, 18, 19 01-022 F irs t BR ST 21 190X75 1=2 1928 Methodist WC 1. 8 , 9, 13, 18, 19, 20, 22 (SS section 80X90) 02-031 FR SB 80X32 1 1896-1900 Methodist B C 1. 12 (Churoh & School) 02-041 Newman Mem. BR ST 14 42X32 1 1904-1914 Methodist B C 2, 7 02-042 Newman Mem. BF ST 14 60X50 1 1921 Methodist BC 5, 7, 18 (Shed addition) 02-043 Newman Mem. BR ST 14 42X32 1 1928 Methodist B C 2, 7 03-051 F irs t Union FR SB 18 75X36 1 1896-1904 B aptist B C 1, 10 03-052 F irs t Union FR SB 18 80X36 1 1909-1914 B aptist BC 2, 10, 13, 19 03-053 F irs t Union FR SB 18 80X36 1 1921-1928 B aptist BC 2, 10, 12, 13, 19 04-061 First/Emmanuel FR SB 20 58X50 1 1896-1914 B aptist tf C 2, 8, 17 ALEXANDRIA. Rnmanuel BR CO 45 90X75 2=4 1921-1928 •*04-071 B aptist W N 5, 10, 17 *•05-081 St. James FR SH 19 75X38 1 1900-1928 + Episoopal W N 1, 7, 10, 13 05-091 St. James BR ST 36 120X50 1=2 1928 Episcopal WC 2, 7, 18, 19 06-101 FR SH 24 65X32 1 1885-1892 Jew W C 1 06-102 FR SH 24 65X32 1 1896-1909 Jew U C 1, 13 (VI PQ ••06-111 Gemilutb BR ST 28 80X60 II 1909 Chassodim Jew tf C 5, 9, 10, 13, 21 06-112 Gemiluth BR ST 28 80X60 1=2B 1914-1928 Chassodim Jew tf C 5, 9, 10, 13 07-121 F irs t FR SH 14 43X32 1 1904-1909 Presby. U C 2, 7 07-131 F irs t FR SH 20 80X48 1 1914-1928 Presby. tf C 2, 7, 19 (SS a fte r 1921) ••07-141 F ir s t BR ST 28 82X50 1=2 1921-1928 Presby. H N 1. 8. 9, 17 •08-151 St. Peter's FR SH 45X22 1 1904 B aptist B N 1 09-161 Stall ob FR SH 15 62X28 1 1904-1909 B aptist BN 1, 6 •*09-171 Stall oh BR ST 18 82X60 1 1914-1928 B aptist B C 2, 7, 11 10-181 FR SH 16 46X40 1 1904-1909 Methodist tf C 2, 7, 14 11-191 St. Francis FR SH 91X39 1 1896 Xavier Cath. tf N 1 (temporary) ••11-201 St. Francis BR ST 30 172X58 1 1896-1928 Xavier Cath. tf N 4, 6, 9, 12, 13 , 15, 17, 19 •12-211 Mt. Zion FR SH 14 45X21 1 1909-1914 B aptist B C 1, 10 12-221 Mt. Zion FR SH 14 40X3 0 1 1921-1928 B aptist B N 1, 7, 14 213

ALEXANDRIA F irs t FR SH 16 82X70 1 1909-1928 •*13-231 C hristian WC 2, 11 14-241 Bethel FR SH 16 40X32 1 1896-1900 AME B N 1 (Old Church) 14-251 Bethel FR SH 16 60X35 1 1896-1904 AME BC 1. T, 21 14-261 Bethel BR ST 20 65X35 1=2 1909-1928 AME B N 1» 7, 16 15-271 Rose of Sharon FR SH 14 49X25 1 1909 B aptist B C 1, 23 ■*15-281 Rose of Sharon FR SH 16 85X50 1 1914-1928 B aptist B C 4, 7, 15, 18, 19 16-291 C hrist BR ST 15 60X30 1 1909 Episcopal W C 1, 19 17-292 Redeemer BR ST 15 60X30 1 1914-1928 Lutheran B C 1, 19 18-301 , 2nd Bethlehem FR SH 14 50X30 1 1909 B aptist BN 1 18-302 2nd Bethlehem FR SH 14 50X30 1 1914 B aptist BN 1» 15 18-303 2nd Bethlehem FR SH 14 60X30 1 1921-1928 B aptist B N 1, 11. 14, 18 *19-311 FR SH 12 30X20 1 1914 B aptist B N 1 20-321 St. Paul's FR SH 14 . 52X28 1 1914 Methodist B C 1. 6, 14 20-322 St. Paul's FR SH 14 60X28 1 1921-1928 Methodist B C 1, 7, 14 21-331 Sacred Heart FR SH 15 92X35 1 1914 Catholic B N 1, 19 22-341 St. Mark's FR SH 15 55X30 1 1914 B aptist B C 1, 10, 15 22-3^2 S t. Mark's FR SH 15 55X30 1 1921 B aptist B . C 1, 11. 15 23-351 Evergreen FR SH 14 40X25 1 1914 B aptist BC 1 ALEXANDRIA Evergreen FR SH 14 40X25 1I 1921 23-352 Baptist B C 1. 10,. 13 23-361 Evergreen FR SH 18 65X40 1 1928 B aptist B C 1. 11,, 13 24-371 V ilton Chapel FR SH 14 40X30 1 1914-1921 Methodist BC 1. 14 25-381 Progressive FR SH 16 48X48 1 1914-1928 B aptist B C 2, 7, 12 26-391 True Vine FR SH 15 60X30 1 1921 B aptist B N 1, 7, 13 26-392 True Vine FR SH 14 70X28 1 1928 B aptist B N 4, 7, 13 27-401 Mt. Triumph FR SH 50X28 1 1914 B aptist B N 1, 6, 15 27-402 Mt. Triumph FR CO 50X28 1 1921 B aptist B N 1» 6, 15 (New lo t) 27-411 Mt. Triumph FR CO 14 80X35 1 1928 B aptist B N 4, 10 PINEVILLE Mt. Olivet FR SH 17 62X22 1 1914-1921 28-421 Episcopal W N 1, 10

28-422 Mt. Olivet FR SH 17 62X28 1 1928 Episcopal WN 1, 10, 13 ALEXANDRIA B 'nai Isra e l FR SH 20 75X35 1 1921-1928 29-431 Jew (Orth.) W N 1, 19 30-441 S t. James BR CO 30 72X42 1s2 1921-1928 Catholic B C 1, 8, 9, 17 *31-451 FR CO 38X20 1 1921 Nondenom. B N 1» 9 *32-461 New Hope FR SH 14 40X20 1 1921 B aptist B C 1, 11. 15 32-471 New Hope FR SH 14 55X25 1 1928 B aptist BC 1, 8, 15, 17, 19 33-481 Sanctified FR CO 14 50X32 1 1921-1928 Holinass B N 1, 11, 13 34-491 FR CO 10 50X30 1 1921 B aptist B N 1 V

ALEXANDRIA Live Oak FR SH 14 58X30 1 1928 34-492 B aptist B N 1. 10, 19 PINEVILLE FR SH 17 38X50 1 1921 +35-501 Methodist W C 2, 7, 13, 24 •*35-511 BR CO 35 112X50 1 =2B 1928 Methodist W N 1. 10, 22 •*36-521 BR CO 30 72X72 1 =2B 1921-1928 B aptist H N 1» 10, 17 ALEXANDRIA 1st Church of FR ST 12 55X34 1 1928 37-531 Christ Scie. W N 1. 10, 19 ••38-541 Calvary BR CO 40 118X68 1=3B 1928 B aptist W N 5, 8, 9, 22 *39-551 2nd Evergreen FR SH 12 42X20 1 1928 B aptist B N 1 •40-561 Sanctified FR SH 10 35X18 1 1928 Holiness BN 1. 10 41-571 Antioch FR SH 14 42X30 1 1928 B aptist B N 1. 11, 15 42-581 Mt. Carmel FR SH 14 42X24 1 1928 B aptist BC 1, 11, 13 43-591 Nazarena FR SH 58X30 1 1928 B aptist B N 2, 7 44-601 Church of FR CO 14 45X30 1 1928 the Nazarene W C It 10 45-611 Olive Branch FR CO 22 62X40 2 1928 B aptist B C 5, 10, 17 •46-621 St. Paul FR SH 16 38X25 1 1928 Methodist B N 1. 11, 15 47-631 Augustan FR CO ? X22 1 1928 Lutheran B C 1 •48-641 S t. P aul's FR SH 12 40X20 1 1928 B aptist BC 1. 11, 15 *49-651 Mt. Buiah FR CO 24 38X18 2 1928 B aptist BN 5, 18, 19 50-661 S t. Mary's FR SH 16 65X32 1 1928 B aptist BC 2, 7, 13, 15 PINEVILLE Chapel FH ST 64X25 1 1928 51-671 Catholic WN 1, 13 (St. Joseph's Home) 52-681 Wesley FR SH 14 45X26 1 1928 Methodist B N 2, 11 , 13 ALIO Providence FR SH 18 55X34 1 1919 01-011 B aptist WN 1 02-021 FR SH 60X35 1 1919 AME B N 1 AMITE FR SH 14 50X30 1 1886-1892 01-011 Episcopal WN 1. 10, 13 01-012 FR SH 16 65X25 1 1898-1904 Episcopal W N 4, 10,, 12, 15 01-013 Incarnation FR 1908 Episcopal W N 5 (ruins) 01-021 Incarnation FR SH 14 72X20 1 1916-1928 Episcopal W N 4, 6, 24 02-031 FR SH 20 68X42 1 1886-1904 Presby. W N 1, 12 02-041 FR SH 18 45X32 1 1908-1928 Presby. W N 1, 7, 12 03-051 FR SH 18 52X32 1 1886-1904 B aptist W N 1t 12 03-061 F irs t BR ST 18 68X40 1 1908-1916 B aptist WC 2, 7, 12, 13, 14 03-062 Olive St. BR ST 18 90X40 1=2 1928 B aptist W C 2, 7, 12, 13, 14, 22 04-071 S t. Helena's FR SH 20 50X25 1 1898-1908 Catholic WN 1 04-081 St. Helena FR ST 18 68X32 1 1916 Catholic W N 1. 7, 13, 24 04-082 St. Helena FR ST 18 68X32 1 1928 Catholic W N 1, 7, 10, 13, 24 05-091 FR SH 16 62X38 1 1898-1904 Methodist W N 1, 23 05-101 FR SH 16 78X45 1 1908-1928 Methodist WN 5, 6, 9, 17, 24 AMITE Church of Christ CB CO 15 48X30 1 1928 06-111 C hristian W N 1, 10 07-121 G rant's Chapel FR SH 12 64X34 1 1928 AME B N 1, 13 08-131 L ittle B FR SH 12 62X25 1 1928 B aptist B C 1, 3, 13 09-141 B utler Chapel FR SH 14 55X35 1 1928 AMEZ B N 1. 7, 12, 14 ARCADIA FR SH 14 50X30 1 1903-1909 01-011 Meth. Prot. W N 1, 6 02-012 FR SH 14 50X30 1 1914 Holiness H N 1. 6 03-021 FR SH 15 62X38 1 1903 Methodist tf N 1. 7 03-022 FR SH 15 62X38 1 1909 Methodist W N 1. 7, 20 (Reading Rm. 31X22) 03-031 FR SH 14 62X38 1 1914 Methodist W C 1, 8, 9, 17, 19 ""03-041 BR CO 28 100X42 2 1924 Methodist tf C 1, 10, 19 04-051 FR SH 12 62X35 1 1903-1914 B aptist tf C 1, 6 *"04-061 F irs t BR CO 28 72X68 2 1924 B aptist tf C 1. 5, 17 05-071 FR SH 10 40X28 1 1924 Methodist B N 1. 7, 14 06-081 FR SH 16 60X48 1 1924 B aptist B N 1, 8, 24 ATHENS FR ST 28 55X35 1 1922 01-011 Methodist W N 2, 8, 13 02-021 FR SH 22 48X35 1 1922 B aptist tf N 1. 11, 14 03-031 Salem FR SH 55X30 1 1922 Presby. tf N 1, 14, 17 BAKER FR SH 18 51X31 1 1922 01-011 Presby. tf N 1, 7, 14 BAKER FR SH 45X30 1 1922 02-021 Methodist W C 1, 14

BASTROP F irs t BR ST 16 72X35 1 1886-1912 01-011 Methodist WC 1. 7, 12, 13, 17, 24 01-021 BR CO 18 90X38 1B 1925-1927 Methodist W C 1, 10, 13, 17 , 19 02-031 F irs t FR SH 18 55X32 1 1886-1907 B aptist W C 1, 23 02-032 F irs t FR SH 18 55X32 1 1912 B aptist H C 1. 10,. 23 02-033 F irs t FR SH 18 55X32 1 1925 B aptist W C 1, 10

02-041 BR ST 25 72X38 1=2B 1927 B aptist W C 2, 9 03-034 FR SH 15 55X40 1 1927 Presby. W C 1, 10 (Old Bapt. Church) 04-051 Christ Church FR SH 16 62X20 1 1899-1927 Episcopal W C 2, 8, 12 05-061 BR ST 25 50X30 1 1899-1912 Jew W C 1. 10,, 13 05-062 BR ST 50X38 1 1925-1927 Jew W C 1, 10 (1927 Old Church) 06-071 Magnolia FR CO 16 40X34 1 1927 B aptist W N 1. 10, 13 07-081 Second FR CO 52X30 1 1927 B aptist W N 2 08-091 Mt. Olive FR SH 45X40 1 1927 Methodist BC 3, 7, 13 09-101 S t. Mary's FR SH 15 60X25 1 1927 Methodist B N 2, 7, 13 BATON ROUGE F irs t BR ST 20 62X32 1 1885-1916 01-011 B aptist W N 1. 7 ■•01-021 F irs t BR CO 12 100X65 1=2B 1916-1923 B aptist WC 1. 8 01-022 F irs t BR CO 12 100X65 1B3 1947 B aptist W C 1. 8, 20 (Educ. Bldg. 115X75) BATON ROUGE S t. Joseph's BR ST 38 102X62 1=2 1885-1891 *#02-031 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 16, 19, 23 02-032 St. Joseph's BR ST 38 102X62 1=2 1898 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 16, 19 02-033 St. Joseph's BR ST 38 102X62 1=2 1903-1911 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 12, 16, 19 02-034 St. Joseph's BR ST 38 102X62 1=2 1916 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 12, 16, 19, 24 02-035 St. Joseph's BR ST 38 123X62 1=2+ 1923 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 12, 13, 19, 22, 24 03-041 Bethel FR SH 18 58X30 1 1885 AME B N 1. 14 03-042 Bethel FR SH 19 58X30 1 1891 AME B N 1. 10,, 14, 23 03-043 Bethel FR SH 19 58X30 1 1898-1911 AME B N 1* 10, , 14 03-044 Bethel FR ST 18 58X30 1 1916 AME B N 1. 7, 14, 24 03-045 Bethel FR ST 18 90X30 1 1923 AME BC 2, 6, 9 04-051 B'nai Israel BR ST 22 62X40 1 1885-1916 Jew tf C 1, 10, 23 04-052 B'nai Israel BR ST 22 92X40 1=2 1923 Jew V C 1. 10, 17, 22 **05-061 BR ST 35 78X52 2 1885-1923 Methodist tf C 1. 6, 12, 19 **05-071 F irs t BR ST 50 125X80 1B3 1947 Methodist tf C 3, 8, 10, 22 06-081 F irs t BR ST 28 68X50 1 1891 Presby. tf C 1 06-082 F irs t BR ST 28 68X50 1 1898 Presby. tf C 1, 6 06-083 F irs t BR ST 28 68X50 1 1903 Presby. tf C 1, 6, 16 06-084 F irs t BR ST 28 68X50 1 1908 Presby. tf C 1, 6, 15 BATON ROUGE F ir s t BR ST 28 85X50 1 =2B 1911-1923 ■•06-085 Presby. W C 1, 6, 13, 17, 19 ■■06-091 F irs t BR ST 24 118X64 2B 1947 Presby. W C 3. 7, 22 07-101 St. James FR SH 18 62X40 1 1891 Episcopal W C 1, 10, 13, 19 ■•07-111 S t. James BR ST 22 120X58 1 1898-1923 Episcopal WC 4, 7, 9, 15, 19 08-121 FR SH 26 60X35 2 1891 Methodist B N 1, 6, 13 08-131 Wesley Chapel BR ST 20 75X38 1 1898-1923 Methodist B N 1, 7, 12, 13, 17 09-141 Mt. Zion FR SH 21 70X40 1 1891-1908 B aptist B N 1, 10,r 13 09-142 Mt. Zion FR CO 27 75X40 1=2 1911 B aptist B N 1. 7, 13 09-143 Mt. Zion FR CO 27 90X40 1=2 1916-1923 B aptist B N 1, 7, 14, 24 10-151 New Jerusalem FR SH 13 40X25 1 1898-1911 B aptist B N 1, 14 10-152 New Jersalem FR SH 14 40X25 1 1916-1923 B aptist B N 1, 7, 14, 24 11-161 Shilo FR SH 16 50X30 1 1898-1911 B aptist BC 1, 14 11-161 Shilo FR SH 16 50X30 1 1916 B aptist B C 1, 14, 20 (SS Rm. 38X15) 11-171 Shilo Missn. BR CO 15 52X38 1 1923 B aptist B N 1. 6, 14 12-181 Macedonia FR SH 16 45X32 1 1898-1908 B aptist B C 1, 10, 14 12-182 Macedonia FR SH 16 45X32 1 1911 B aptist B C 1, 6, 14 12-183 Macedonia FR SH 16 45X32 1 1916 B aptist B C 1, 6, 14, 24 12-191 Macedonia Missn. FR CO 60X25 1 1923 B aptist B C 1. 7, 15, 24 BATON ROUGE FR SH 15 42X28 1 1898-1911 13-201 Methodist tf C It 10 13-202 Kenner FR CO 18 48X45 1 1916 Methodist tf C 1i 7, 24 13-203 Kenner FR CO 18 48X45 1 1923 Methodist tf C It 7, 19, 24 *14-211 FR SH 16 40X22 1 1898 Nondenom. BN 1 (Church & School)

15-221 Bethlehem Free FR SH 17 40X28 1 1908-1923 B aptist BN 1, 7, 13, 24 16-231 S t. Mark FR SH 16 40X28 1 1903-1908 Methodist B C 1, 7, 13 +16-241 S t. Mark FR ST 16 60X38 1 1908-1923 Methodist B C 1, 11, 15, 17 17-251 New Salem FR ST 22 68X32 1 1903-1911 B aptist B N 1, 7 17-252 New Salem FR ST 22 68X32 1 1916-1923 B aptist B N 1t 7, 24 18-261 F irs t BR ST 78X48 1B 1908-1911 C hristian tf C If 10 18-271 FB ST 12 62X40 1 1916 C hristian tf C It 7, 13, 17, 24 +19-281 Mt. Mariah FR SH 45X35 1 1908 B aptist B C 1, 11, 14 *20-291 FR SH 28X18 1 1908 B aptist B N 1 (Old & Vacant) 20-292 FR SH 28X18 1 1911 B aptist B N 1. 11 21-301 Star of Beth. FR SH 12 50X30 1 1911-1916 B aptist BN 1. 11 21-311 Star of Beth. FB CO 13 65X32 1 1923 B aptist BC 1. 7, 24 22-321 FR SH 12 45X25 1 1911 Methodist BC 1 23-322 FR SH 12 45X25 1 1916-1923 B aptist B C 1 222

BATON ROUGE Mt. Pleasant FR SH 14 50X28 1911-1916 24-331 B aptist B N 1» 6, 15 24-332 Mt. Pleasant FR SH 14 50X28 1923 B aptist B N 1. 6, 13, 18 25-341 Westminster FR SH 12 34X32 1911 Presby. BN 1 25-342 Westminster FR SH 12 40X32 1916-1923 Presby. BN 1 •26-351 FR SH 35X15 .1911 Nondenom. BN 1, 10 •27-361 FR SH 25X15 1911 B aptist BN 1, 13 *27-371 New Ark FR SH 14 38X22 1916-1923 B aptist B N 1, 13

28-381 Nazarene FR SH 14 40X30 1916 B aptist B C 1, 13 28-382 Nazarene FR CO 16 65X32 1923 B aptist B C 1

29-391 FR CO 14 45X30 1916 Presby. W C 1, 10

29-392 Second FR CO 20 68X30 1923 Presby. W C 1, 10

30-401 New Guide FR SH 13 40X25 1916 B aptist BC 1

30-411 New Guide FR CO 14 '55X35 1923 B aptist B c 1, 10, 14 31-421 FR SH 14 40X25 1916 B aptist B N 1, 14 31-422 Little Rock FR SH 14 40X25 1923 B aptist B N 1, 6, 14 32-432 FR SH 14 40X25 1916 B aptist B N 1 32-432 New Sunlight FR SH 14 40X25 1923 B aptist B N 1, 10, 16 33-441 S t. Agnes FR ST. 20 68X45 1916 Catholic WN 1, 12, 24 BATON ROUGE S t. Agnes FR CO 20 80X42 1 1923 33-442 Catholic UN 1. 12, 15, 19, 24 *34-451 FR SH 13 18X12 1 1916 Church of God B N 1 ■35-461 Holy Church FR SH 12 38X20 1 1916 Holiness BN 1 36-471 Progressive FR SH 16 70X42 1 1916. B aptist BC 1, 7, 17, 24 *37-481 FR SH 12 35X25 1 1916 B aptist BC 1. 16 37-482 McKowern FR SH 12 45X30 1 1923 B aptist B C 1, 10, 16 38-491 H ills Mem. FR SH 14 40X28 1 1916 AME B C 1, 11. 13 39-492 FR SH 14 40X28 1 1923 B aptist BC 1. 11, 13 40-501 FR SH 13 40X28 1 1916 B aptist B C 1

40-502 The Holy FR SH 13 40X28 1 1923 B aptist B C 1t 10, 14 41-511 FR CO 15 65X40 1 1923 Nondenom. H C 1. 20 (SS 30X22) 42-521 First Evang. FR CO 14 50X28 1 1923 Lutheran WC 1. 7, 13 *43-531 New Bethel FR CO 14 42X22 1 1923 B aptist BN 1. 10, 13 44-541 St. Francis BR CO 16 55X38 1 1923 Xavier R. C. B c 1, 6, 14, 19 *45-551 FR CO 14 38X25 1 1923 B aptist B N 1 46-561 65X35 1923 Nondenom. B N 1 (Foundation only)

+47-571 Donaldson FR SH 17 40X28 1 1923 Nondenom. B C 1. 11, 16 *48-581 F irs t FR SH 13 48X20 1 1923 B aptist B C 1, 10, 14 BATON ROUGE H alls Chapel FR CO 14 42X28 1 1923 49-591 B aptist W N 1. 14 50-601 St. John's CB CO 14 62X35 1 1923 B aptist B c 1, It 24 51-611 C hristian FR CO 11 38X28 1 1923 Science W c 'i 51-621 1st Christian BR cc 24 70X55 1=2 1947 Science W c 1, 13 52-631 Grt St John's FR CO 16 55X30 1 1923 B aptist B N 1. 6 53-641 Neely FR SH 16 42X30 1 1923 Methodist B C 1. 7, 13 •54-651 Little Rising FR CO 30X20 1 1923 Sun B aptist B N 1 •55-661 Herb Chapel FR CO 12 22X30 1 1923 Methodist B N 1. 16 56-671 Is re a lite FR SH 15 40X25 1 1923 B aptist B N 1, 10, 13 57-681 Calvary Third FR SH 12 40X25 1 1923 B aptist B N 1, 10, 15 ■58-691 FR SH 40X20 1 1923 B ap tist B N 1, 13 59-701 FR CO 13 40X28 1 1923 Fresby. W C 1. 10 60-711 Weller Ave. FR CO 13 50X30 1 1923 B aptist W N 1

61-721 St. Anthony FR CO 13 50X38 1 1923 Catholic W C 1 (Not Used)

61-731 S t. Anthony FR ST 30 82X40 1 1923 Catholic W N 1, 13, 19 ■*61-741 S t. Anthony FR ST 14 124X42 1 1947 Catholic W C 1, 13 (Hall 82X28) 62-751 Iatrouma FR CO 14 38X30 1 1923 Methodist W C 1» 10 62-752 Istrouma FR CO 14 60X30 1 1930 Methodist W N 1, 10, 22 BATON ROUGE l3trouma BC CO 14 110X60 1 1947 •*62-761 Methodist W N 3, 22

63-771 FR CO 23 65X50 1=2 1923 B aptist W C 1, 9, 17 **63-781 Istrouma FR ST 32 95X72 2=3 1947 B aptist W C 1, 10, 18, 22 BAYOU GOULA S t. P au l's FR SH 20 105X40 1 1922 •*01-011 Catholic W N 1 r 6 02-021 FR SH 16 40X25 1 1922 Methodist B C 1, 7, 14 BERWICK St. Peter's FR SH 16 55X30 1 1899-1924 01-011 Catholic W N 1, 12 02-021 Pharr FR SH 16 50X48 1 1899-1924 Methodist W C ■ 2, 7, 12, 14

•03-031 FR SH 45X30 1 1924 AME B C 1 04-041 FR SH 65X20 1 1924 B aptist W C 1. 11 BOGALUSA FR CO 16 58X30 1 1908-1910 01-011 Methodist W N 2, 10 01-012 FR CO 16 80X30 1 1915-1919 Methodist W N 2, 10 (Used as SS 1925-1930) •*01-021 E. Sullivan FR CO 18 75X40 1 1925-1930 Methodist W N i» 10, 11, 13, 20 02-031 Annunciation FR CO 16 68X30 1 1908-1930 Catholic W N 1, 10, 19 02-041 Annunciation BR ST 25 70X35 1=2 1930 Catholic W N 7, 16 03-051 FR CO 16 65X30 1 1908-1910 B aptist B c 1, 7 03-052 Bethlehem FR CO 15 65X30 1 1915 B aptist B c 1, 7, 15 **03-053 Bethlehem FR CO 15 65X74 1 1919-1930 B aptist B c 1, 7, 12, 18 04-061 Chapel FR SH . 13 55X48 1 1910-1930 Presby. W N 5, 17 BOGALUSA Second FR SH 16 50X30 1 1915-1925 05-071 B aptist W C 1, 6 05-072 Second FR SH 19 108X30 1=2 1930 B aptist W C 1, 6, 12, 17, 22 •*06-081 F irs t FR SH 22 68X60 1=2 1915-1919 B aptist WC 2, 8 06-062 F irs t FR SH 26 135X62 1=2 1925 B aptist W C 1. 8, 9, 20, 22 (Annex 75X52) 06-083 F irs t FR SH 26 135X62 1=2 1930 B aptist W C 1. 8, 9, 22 07-091 FR CO 16 58X30 1 1915-1919 AME BC 1, 7, 12 08-101 Second FR SH 14 40X25 1 1915 - B aptist BC 1, 10, 13 08-102 Second FR SH 14 40X50 1 1919-1930 B aptist B C 1, 10, 13, 17, 18 09-111 St. Johns/ FR SH 17 60X30 1 1919-1930 Mt. Zion Bapt. B N 1. 7 *10-121 Whitehall FR SH 10 32X30 1 1919-1930 B aptist B N 1

11-131 Sanctified FR SH 58X50 1 1919 Holiness BN 1 12-141 Metro. Missn. FR SH 40X30 1 1919 B aptist W N 1, 11 12-151 Metro. Missn. FR CO 14 58X48 1 1925-1930 B aptist W N 1, 13 13-161 FR SH 38X32 1 1919 B aptist BN 1, 7, 13 +14-171 FR SH 18 44X30 1 1919 AME B N 1, 7, 13 (Church & School) 14-172 St. Paul's FR CO 15 44X30 1 1925-1930 AME B c 1. 7, 13 15-181 T hirkfield FR CO 16 50X48 1 1919-1925 Methodist B c 3, 7, 16, 17 15-191 Thirkfield FR CO 20 70X35 1=2 1930 Methodist B c 1, 10 227

BOGALUSA St. Matthew's BR CO 14 54X30 1925-1930 16-201 Episcopal W C 4, 7, 9, 12, 17-211 Seoond FR CO 15 40X26 1925 B aptist W N 1. 10 17-212 Second FR CO 15 56X37 1930 B ap tist H N 5, 10, 18 18-221 FR CO 16 66X36 1925 Holiness B N 1 18-222 FR CO 16 66X36 1930 Holiness B N 1. 13 19-231 Mt. Bethel FR SH 11 38X27 1925 B aptist B C 1, 18 20-241 Holy FR CO 13 63X39 1925-1930 B aptist BC 1. 8, 9, 13 *21-251 FR SH 31X15 1925-1930 Nondenom. B N 1, 10, 22 22-261 FI ST 18 50X30 1925-1930 Holiness B N 1 23-271 S a lte r CB CO 15 58X32 1925-1930 AME B C 1. 13 •*24-281 Superior Ave. FR CO 24 60X52 1925 B aptist W C 5, 11, 17 24-282 Superior Ave. FR CO 24 60X52 1930 B ap tist W c 5, 10, 17, 22 25-291 Z ion's FR CO 15 50X30 1925-1930 Lutheran tf N 1. 10 26-301 Union Mission. FR CO 13 52X28 1925 B aptist tf N 2, 13 26-302 Union Mission. FR CO 13 52X28 1930 B aptist tf N 2, 10, 13 *27-211 Sweet Beulah FR CO 14 38X25 1925-1930 B aptist B N 1. 14 28-321 Mt. Moriah FR CO 14 45X30 1925 B aptist B N 1. 7, 13 28-331 Mt. Moriah CB CO 14 75X38 1930 B aptist B N 1. 11 228

BOGALUSA FR CO 14 40X32 1 1930 29-341 Holiness W C 1 30-351 Ebenezer FR CO 12 68X32 1 1930 B aptist H C 1 BREAUX BR S t. Bernard FR SB 24 157X50 1 1899-1912 ■*01-011 Catholic WN 4, 6, 12, 13, 14 01-012 St. Bernard FR SH 24 157X50 1 1923-1929 Catholic WN 4, 6, 12, 13, 14, 19 02-021 St. Francis FR ST 20 82X48 1 1929 Assissi R.C. B C 1. 6, 14 03-031 FR SH 15 58X28 1 1929 B aptist BN 1. 7, 14 BUNKIE FR SH 15 70X30 -1 1909 01-011 Catholic W N 1, 10 01-021 FR SH 80X30 1 1923 Catholic W C -1

■*01-031 St. Anthony's BR ST 22 92X55 1=2 1931 Catholic H C 2, 6, 15, 17, 19, 24 02-041 Calvary FR SH 16 60X25 1 1909-1923 Episcopal WN 1. 7, 13 02-042 Calvary FR ST 16 60X25 1 1931 Episcopal W N 1. 7, 13, 24 03-051 FR SH 14 65X42 1 1909-1923 B ap tist W C 1, 8, 13 03-061 F irs t BR CO 26 80X55 1=2B 1931 B aptist U C 5, 9, 10, 22 04-071 FR SH 16 42X42 1 1909-1931 Methodist W u 3, 7, 15 05-081 FR SH 14 55X22 1 1923-1931 AME B C 1 06-091 Christian FR SH 15 60X50 1 1923 B aptist W N 1 07-101 FR SH 12 52X28 1 1923-1931 Presby. W C 1. 8, 14, 24 08-111 Salem FR SH 50X45 1 1923-1931 B aptist V C 1 BUNKIE FR CO 12 50X18 1 1931 *09-121 Nondenom. B N 1 10-131 Amazon FR CO 12 40X28 1 1931 B aptist BN 1. 11 , 13 CEDAR GROVE FR SH 50X35 1 1924 01-011 Methodist tf N 1, 20 (SS across s t. 35X28) -*02-021 FR CO 88X55 1 1924 B aptist tf N 1, 21 (2nd bldg . 60X45) *03-031 FR CO 30X25 1 1924 Presby. H N 1 04-041 FR CO 58X30 1 1924 Nondenom. tf N 1 *05-051 FR CO 35X18 1 1924 Church of God B N 1 *06-051 Hurd Chapel FR SH 30X18 1 1924 Methodist B N 1 *07-071 Bright Star FR CO 30X20 1 1924 B aptist B N 1 06-081 Calvary FR CO 40X30 1 1924 B aptist tf c 1 CHENEYVILLE FR SH 16 60X40 1 1909 01-011 B aptist tf N 1, 6, 10, 17 01-012 FR SH 16 92X40 1 1930 B aptist tf N 5, 6, 10, 17, 22 02-021 FR SH 24 40X32 2 1909-1930 Methodist tf c 1, 6. 15 (Masonic Hall 2nd fl) 03-031 FR SH 16 60X42 1 1909-1930 C hristian VC 5, 8, 12 04-041 FR SH 18 47X28 1 1930 Catholic U C 1, 6, 12 CHURCH PT Sacred Heart FR ST 18 105X75 1 1935 **01-011 of Mary Cath. tf N 1, 10, 15, 19 02-021 F irs t FR ST 18 42X30 1 1935 Methodist tf C 1, 7, 13 CLINTON F irs t BR SH 17 62X30 1 1885-1940 01-011 B aptist HC 1, 7, 12 230

CLINTON FB SH 22 50X35 1 1898 02-021 Methodist W C 1 02-031 BB SH 16 62X40 1 1908-1940 Methodist UC 3, 7, 12, 17 03-041 FB SH 18 60X40 1 1926-1940 Presby. W N 1, 6 04-051 FB SH 14 42X28 1 1940 Lutheran H N 1. io, 13 05-061 FB CO 20 40X28 1 1940 Catholic H N 1, 13 COLFAX FB SH 18 60X30 1 1924-1936 01-011 Catholic H C 1, 6, 12, 13 02-021 FB ST 18 46X30 1 1924-1936 Presby. H C 1. 6, 12 03-031 FB SH 18 50X35 1 1924-1936 B aptist H C 1, 7, 12, 13 04-041 FB SH 48X30 1 1924 Methodist W C 1 04-051 FB ST 18 58X42 1 1936 Methodist WC 1, 11. 19 05-061 Pilgrim Best FB ST 16 54X30 1 1936 B aptist BN 1, 6, 12, 14 *06-071 Btoveours FB SH 15 40X24 1 1936 B aptist B N 1, 10, 15 07-081 St. Mary's FB ST 16 60X30 1 1936 AME B N 1. 7, 12, 14 COVINGTON Doughtys FB SH 18 64X28 1 1909 01-011 AME B N 1. 7 01-012 Doughtys FR SH 18 75X28 1 1915 AME B N 1, 7 01-013 Doughtys FR SH 16 58X38 1 1921-1927 AME B N 1, 7 02-021 FR SH 20 50X35 1=1+ 1909-1915 Methodist W N 1, 7 02-031 FR ST 82X32 1 1921-1927 Methodist W C 2, 10, 15 COVINGTON FH ST 20 92X35 1 =1+ 1909-1927 03-041 Catholic W C 1, 6, 14, 19 04-051 F irs t FR SH 14 48X32 1 1909-1921 B aptist W C 1 04-061 F irs t FR CO 14 58X40 1 1927 B aptist W C 1, 10 05-071 FR ST 18 58X40 1 =1+ 1909-1915 Presby. W C 1, 7, 10 05-072 FR ST 18 58X40 1=1+ 1921-1927 Presby. W C 1. 7, 10, 22 (SS Annex 45X25) 06-081 F irs t FR SH 15 70X30 1 1915-1921 B aptist B N 1, 14 06-082 First FR SH 16 50X28 1 1927 B aptist B N 1 +07-091 M artin/St.James FR SH 14 40X25 1 1915-1927 Methodist B C 1, 7, 12, 14 08-101 C hrist Church FR SH 20 40X28 1 1915 Episcopal H N 1» 7, 10, 15, 19 08-102 C hrist Church FR SH 20 40X28 1 1927 Episcopal W N 1. 7, 15, 19 09-111 Chapel St. Pauls FR CO 70X40 1 1921-1927 College R.C. W N 1 10-121 Chapel St. Ger- FR SH 72X28 1 1921 trades R. C. W N 1. 10 11-131 Mt. Zion FR SH 16 50X32 1 1927 B aptist B N 1. 11, 17 CROWLEY Central . FR SH 20 45X38 1 1895-1898 01-011 Meth. North W C 3, 7, 17 01-012 Central FR SH 16 45X48 1 1902-1915 Meth. North W C 3, 7, 17 02-021 FR SH 22 45X30 1 1895 B aptist W N 1. 6 02-022 FR SH 20 45X55 1 1898-1902 B aptist W N 2, 6 02-023 First FR SH 16 45X45 1 1909 B aptist W C 2, 6 232

CROWLEY F irs t FR SH 16 45X45 1 1915-1931 02-024 B aptist WC 2, 6, 19 03-031 FR SH 18 60X38 1 1898-1909 Methodist W C 1. 6, 12 *•03-041 F irs t BR ST 40 90X52 1 =2B 1915-1931 Methodist W C 1, 10, 22 04-051 FR SH 16 52X50 1 1902-1925 North. Pres. WC 5, 7, 12, 17 -•04-061 F irs t BR ST 26 100X80 1 -2 1931 Presby. WC 3, 7, 22, 24 05-071 St. Michael FR SH 35 88X42 2 1902-1909 Catholic H N 1. 7, 10, 14, 18 (Ch & School) ••05-081 St. Michaels BR ST 30 108X58 1' =2 1915-1931 + Catholic tf C 7, 12, 16, 19,, 24 06-091 FR SH 18 60X28 1 1902-1931 Episcopal tf N 1. 10 07-101 F irs t FR SH 16 60X40 1 1902-1931 C hristian H C 3, 7, 17 +08-111 Bethel FR SH 16 55X35 1 1909 CME B C 1. 7, 14 08-112 Bethel FR SH 16 55X35 1 1915-1931 CME B C 1. 7, 12, 14, 24 +09-121 Old/Morning Star FR SH 16 70X40 1 1909-1925 B aptist B C 1, 7 10-131 New/Israelite FR SH 16 60X50 1 1909-1925 B aptist BC 2, 7 10-132 Is ra e lite FR SH 16 75X50 1 1931 B aptist B C 2, 7, 19 09-122 Morning Star FR SH 14 72X42 1 1931 B aptist B C 1. 7, 14, 15 11-141 T rinity FR SH 15 42X28 1 1915 Methodist BC 1. 6, 12 *11-151 T rinity FR SH 45X20 1 1925-1931 Methodist B N 1 *12-161 FR SH 14 40X20 1 1925-1931 Methodist B C 1 CROWLEY S t. Teresas FR CO 102X55 1 1925 *•13-171 Catholic B C 1 •*13-181 St. Teresas FR ST 20 104X51 1 1931 Catholic B C 1» 8, 12, 14, 17, 24 *14-191 FR SH 14 40X20 1 1925-1931 Lutheran W C 1

15-201 Union FR SH 40X30 1 1925-1931 Presby. W C 1 16-211 FR CO 48X28 1 1925-1931 Catholic WC 1 (1931 not used) ■17-221 FR SH 11 30X20 1 1925-1931 Pentecostal WN 1 18-231 FR SH 12 42X28 1 1931 Holiness WC 1, 14 DONALDS Synagogue FR ST 22 70X35 1 1885 01-011 Jew WC 1, 16 01-012 Synagogue FR ST 28 70X35 1=2 1891-1928 Jew W C 1, 10, 16 02-021 FR SH 15 52X26 1 1885-1900 Episcopal W C 1, 10, 13, 19 02-022 FR SH 16 45X25 1 1906-1928 Episcopal W N 1, 10, 13, 19 (New lo t) 03-031 St. Peter FR SH 52X32 2 1891 Kethodist B C 1. 12, 13 03-041 St. Peter FR SH 28 70X35 1 1896-1928 Kethodist B C 2, 8, 12, 22 ■*04-051 FR SH 18 135X58 1 1891 Catholic W N 1, 6 05-061 FR SH 10 40X32 1 1891 B aptist W C 1 06-062 FR SH 18 45X32 1 1896-1928 Kethodist W C 1, 10 07-071 Nazarene FR SH 18 60X32 1 1891-1906 B aptist B N 1, 13 07-072 FR ST 18 60X32 1 1912 B aptist B N 1, 7, 12, 13 DONALDS Old Ascension BR SH 125X65 1 1896-1906 **08-081 Catholic W N 1. 8, 9, 10 •*08-091 Ascension, BR ST 38 145X58 1=2+ 1896-1928 Catholic W C 4, 8, 9, 12, 15, 19 PORT BAR St. Lukes FR SH 48X26 1 1922 09-101 AME B C 1 10-111 Edgar Bowman FR SH 16 42X28 1 1922 B aptist B C 1 11-121 Mt. Triumph FR SH 48X28 1 1922 B aptist B N 1. 21 (Hall 38X20} +12-131 S t. Matthews FR ST 18 48X29 1 1922 B aptist B C 1. 7, 13 DONALDS Mt. Zion FR ST 80X30 1 1923-1928 13-141 B aptist W N 1* 6, 13 14-151 Mt. Kllbano FR ST 40X28 1B 1923-1928 Nondenom. BN 1, 11. 14 **15-161 St. Catherine FR ST 18 102X48 1 1928 Catholic B C 1, 8, 9, 14 DUBACH BR CO 30 70X35 2 1922 01-011 Methodist H N 1, 8, 17 02-021 BR ST 30 70X35 2 1922 B ap tist WC 1. 8, 17 ELTON FR SH 52X40 1 1920-1926 01-011 Methodist WC 2, 7, 14 02-021 FR SH 62X32 1 1920-1926 B aptist HC 1, 8, 9 03-031 St. Pauls FR ST 85X42 1 1920-1926 Catholic V N 1. 6, 12 EVERGREEN Magnolia FR SH 50X38 1 1919 01-011 B aptist BN 1. 7 FERRIDAY FR SH 40X25 1 1923 01-011 Methodist W C 1 01-021 F irs t BR CO 52X48 1 1926 Methodist H C 1, 10, 17 02-031 F irs t FR CO 55X30 1 1926 B aptist W N It 11 235

FERRIDAY FR CO 44X25 1 1926 03-041 B aptist W C 1 •04-051 FR CO 40X24 1 1926 Presby. W C 1* a, 9 05-061 FR CO 48X22 1 1926 Catholic H C 1

F0RJD0CHE FR SH 52X42 1 1919 01-011 Methodist V N 3, 10 FRANKLIN St. Marys FR SH 27 50X45 1=2 1895-1928 01-011 Episcopal W N 1, 10, 13, 19

•• 02-021 St. Marys FR SH 24 105X42 1 1899-1912 Catholic W N 1, 6, 12 ••02-031 Ascension BR ST 46 135X52 1=2+ 1912-1928 Catholic H N 4, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16,, 21 03-041 FR SH 20 42X42 2 1899 AME B N 1, 18 03-042 FR SH 20 42X42 2 1906 AME B N I, 7 03-043 Asbury FR SH 22 50X42 1=1+ 1912-1928 AME B N 1, 7, 12, 14 04-051 FR SH 20 82X30 1 1899 Methodist W N 1 04-061 FR SH 16 50X40 1=2 1906-1928 Methodist WN 5, 7, 9, 12, 13, 18 05-071 St. James FR ST 20 52X28 1 1928 AME B N 1, 7, 14, 24 06-081 Siam FR ST 14 40X30 1 1928 B aptist B N 1, 10, 13 07-091 Mt. Zion FR SH 13 60X32 1 1928 B aptist B N 1, 6, 13 08-101 FR SH 18 45X28 1 1928 Nondenom. B N 1, 10 FRANKLIN Centenary FR SH 16 58X30 1 1922 01-011 Methodist VC 1, 13

01-021 Centenary FR CO 16 83X40 1 1930 Methodist WC 2 236

FRANKLIN F irs t BR ST 22 70X45 1B 1922 **02-031 B aptist W C It 17, 20 iCss 70x32) 02-032 F irs t BR ST 22 70X45 1B 1930 B ap tist WC 1. 17 GILBERT FR SH 52X28 1 1922 01-011 Methodist W N 1 **02-021 FB CO 16 78X72 1=2 1922 B aptist W c 1. 11, 17 GLEN MORA Ninth St. FR SH 78X48 1 1922 01-011 Methodist WN 1. 10, 19 **01-021 Ninth S t. FR CO 20 80X62 1=2 1922-1930 Methodist W N 1, 11 02-031 FR SH 16 45X28 1 1930 Catholic WN 1 03-041 FR CO 24 65X38 1 1930 B aptist tf C 3, 17, 18 ■04-051 FR CO 16 38X24 1 1930 C hristian H c 1. 10 05-061 Independent FR SH 50X29 1 1930 Nondenom. B c 1, 7, 14 GOLDEN M FR SH 20 68X40 1 1922 01-011 Catholic W N 1. 12 GRAND CANE F irs t FR SH 55X35 1 1921 +01-011 Methodist H c 1, 7, 11 02-021 Cumberland FR SH 50X40 1 1921 Presby. V C 1 03-031 FR SH 50X38 1 1921 B ap tist W C 1» 12 HAMMOND Chapel FR SH 13 48X28 1 1896-1904 01-011 Nondenom. W C 1, 10, 14 02-012 FR SH 17 48X28 1 1908-1914 Meth. North tf C 1, 10, 14 03-021 FR CO 15 70X35 1 1904-1914 C hristian V N 1, 17 03-031 FR ST 21 62X30 1 1930 C hristian tf C 3, 7, 18, 24 237

HAMMOND FR SH 68X25 2 1904 04-041 L utheran tf N 1 (Second floor only) 05-051 FR SH 14 50X32 1 1904 Methodist tf C 1. 7 05-052 FR SH 14 50X32 1 1908 Methodist V C 1. 7, 13 05-053 FR SH 16 50X32 1 1914-1930 Methodist tf C 1. 7, 13, 22 (SS rm 32X30) 06-061 Holy Ghost FR SH 22 65X40 1 1908 Catholic tf C 1, 6 06-062 Holy Ghost FR SH 20 65X40 1 1914-1930 Catholic tf C 1, 6, 12, 15 07-071 Grace Mem. FR SH ' 20 48X28 1=1+ 1908 Episcopal U N 1. 7, 12, 18, 19 (& Chapel) 07-072 Grace Mem. FR SH 20 65X30 1=1+ 1914-1930 Episcopal U N 1» 7, 12, 18, 19 (SS to side) 08-061 St. James FR SH 15 48X22 1 1908-1914 AME BN 1. 7, 12, 15 08-091 Grt S t. James BR CO 18 71X41 1 1930 AME B C 1, 6 09-101 F irs t FR SH 20 60X40 1=1+ 1908 B aptist tf C 1, 7 09-102 First FR SH 20 60X40 1=1+ 1914 B aptist tf C 1. 7, 12 ■*09-111 F irs t BR SX 34 85X75 1=2B 1930 B aptist tf C 5, 6, 18, 22 10-121 F irs t FR ST 16 62X40 1=1+ 1908-1914 Cong. VI C 1, 11, 17 11-131 Seventh Day FR SH 16 58X48 1 1908-1930 B aptist tf C 3, 7, 17 12-141 FR SH 14 , 60X25 1 1914 Presby. H C 1, 10 13-122 FR ST 16 86X40 1 1930 Cong/Pres tf C 1, 11, 17 14-151 Greenfield FR SH 18 60X30 1 1914 B aptist B N 1, 6, 12, 15 HAMMOND Greenfield FR SH 18 70X30 1 1930 14-152 B ap tist B N 1. 6, 12 15-161 FR CO 13 70X48 1 1930 Church of God W C 3, 10, 18 16-171 New Macedonia BR CO 18 78X48 1 1930 B ap tist B c 1, 10, 11 HARRISONBURG FR SH 45X22 2 1919 #01-011 Methodist W N 1 (Church & Dwelling) HAYNESVI F irs t FR SH 52X42 1 1922 01-011 Christian W C 1, 7 02-021 F ir s t BR ST 72X50 1=2 1922-1927 Fresby. WC 1. 10, 17 03-031 F irs t BR ST 22 62X38 1B 1922 ■ B ap tist HC 1. 8, 9 03-041 F irs t BR CO 22 102X38 IB 1927 B ap tist V C 1, 8, 9, 22 04-051 FR CO 60X30 1 1927 Pentecostal HN 1 05-061 BR CO 70X55 1 1927 Methodist W c 1 06-071 BR CO 80X45 1 1927 Meth Prot H c 1 07-081 FR SH 50X30 1 1927 Nondenom. W C 1

08-091 FR SH 52X30 1 1927 Nondenom. BN 1 09-101 FR SH 58X45 1 1927 Nondenom. B N 1 10-111 FR SH 40X30 1 1927 Nondenom. BN 1. 10 HOSSTQN FR SH 25 42X35 1 1921 01-011 B ap tist WN 1. 7 02-021 FR SH 54X54 1 1921 Methodist WN 2, 8 INDEPEN CB CO 85X40 1 1929 01-011 Catholic H C 1. 17 INDEPEW Ita lia n FR CO 19 51X36 1 1929 02-021 B aptist H N 1. & 03-031 F ir s t CB SH 40X38 1 1929 B ap tist W C 1

KAPLAN FR SH 16 45X28 1 1921-1929 01-011 Methodist W C 1, 10 *•02-021 FR SH 20 88X46 1 1921 Catholic W N 4, 6, 16, 24 02-022 Holy Rosary FR SH 20 114X62 1 1929 Catholic W N 5, 6, 13, 18, 24 03-031 Shiloh FR SH 13 42X33 1 1929 B ap tist B ■ N 1. 7, 15 KINDER FR SH 50X35 1 1921 01-011 B aptist WC 1, 7, 17 02-021 FR SH 22 68X36 1 1921 Catholic W C 1, 6, 12

+03-031 FR SH 20 50X28 1 1921 Methodist W C 1» 7, 13 03-032 FR SH 20 50X28 1 1921 Methodist W C 1. 7, 13, 18 04-041 FR SH 42X38 1 1921 Meth Prot W N 3, 11,, 14, 17 •05-051 Church Rm FR CO 38X22 2 1921 Nondenom. W N 1 (2nd Floor ■, Vacant)

* 06-061 Church Rm FR SH 30X20 1 1921 Nondenom. V N 1

L ARTHUR FR SH 18 50X36 1 1907-1923 01-011 Catholic H N 1, 6, 12, 13, 19 01-012 OurLadyofLake FR SH 20 80X36 1 1926-1935 Catholic W N 1, 6, 12, 13, 19, 22 02-021 F irs t FR SH 16 50X30 1 1912-1923 B aptist W N 1, 6, 12, 14 02-022 F irs t FR SH 14 50X30 1 1926 B ap tist HC 1, 6

02-023 Lake Arthur FR SH 14 90X30 1 =2 1935 B ap tist W C 1* 6, 22 (SS 38X25) L ARTHUR F irs t FR SH 18 58158 1 1912-1935 03-031 Methodist WN 3, 7, 12, 13 *04-041 New Pilgrim FR SH 15 40X22 1 1935 B aptist B N 1, 14 LCHARLES F irst FR SH 18 65X35 1 1885 01-011 B aptist VC 1. 7 01-012 F irs t FR SH 18 65X35 1 1898-1903 B aptist H C 1, 7, 12 **01-021 F irs t BR ST 20 100X58 1=2 1909-1925 B aptist W ' C 1. 8. 16, 17 02-031 FR SH 24 80X40 1 1885 Catholic V N 1, 6 02-032 Immaculate FR SH 24 80X40 1 1889-1909 Concep R.C. W N 1, 6, 16, 19 **02-041 Immaculate BR ST 40 145X70 1=2 1914-1925 Concep R.C. W C 4, 8, 12, 15 *03-051 FR SH 16 38X25 1 1889-1898 Episcopal WN 1* 7, 13, 19 (1898 Not Used) 03-061 Good Shepherd ST ST 24 92X32 1 1898-1919 Episcopal WC 3 03-062 Good Shepherd ST ST 24 92X32 1 1925

Episcopal WC 5, 7 « 04-071 FR SB 16 46X30 1 1889 Methodist W N 1. 12 (BR foundtn in yard) 04-072 FR SH 18 70X30 1 1894-1898 Methodist W N 1

04-073 FR SH 18 70X30 1 1903 Methodist W C 5, 7, 10, 15 04-074 FR SH 18 70X55 1 1909 Methodist H C 5, 7, 10, 15, 18, 22 **04-075 FR SH 18 80X80 1 1914-1925 O O M J C O • Methodist W C 5, 7, 10, 15, •fc 05-081 FR SH 17 50X32 1 1894-1909 B aptist W C 1. 7 05-082 FR SH 18 74X32 1 1914 B aptist W C 1, 7, 22 LCH ARLES F irs t FR SB 14 60X46 1 1898-1909 06-091 C hristian W C 2, 8 06-101 F ir s t FR SH 15 60X30 1 1914 C hristian WN 1

06-102 F irs t FR SH 13 60X47 1 1919 C hristian W N 5

06-103 F irs t FR ST 13 70X30 1 1925 C hristian W N 2, 10 (baok 70X40)

07-111 S t. Johns Evang FR SH 17 45X25 1 1903-1925 Lutheran WN 1t 6 08-121 FR SH 14 50X25 1 1903-1914 Cong. WC 1. 7, 13 09-131 Simpson FR SH 16 70X30 1 1903-1909 Methodist WC 3, 15 , 17 ••09-132 F irs t FR SH 16 70X30 1=2 1914-1925 * Methodist WC 3, 13, 15, 17i1 20 (SS bldg. 78X40)

10-141 F ir s t FR SH 16 44X26 1 1903-1914 Presby. WC 1, 7 ••10-151 F ir s t BR CO 22 95X75 1=2 1919-1925 Presby. WC 1. 9, 15, 17, 22 +11-161 FR SH 16 46X24 1 1903 Methodist B C 1, 7, 15 11-171 Warren FR SH 16 66X35 1 1909 Methodist B C 1. 7, 17, 21 (old church used as hall)

11-172 Warren FR SH 16 66X35 1 1914-1919 Methodist B C 1. 7, 17 •*11-181 Warren BR CO 35 88X78 1=2 1925 Methodist B C 1. 9, 18 12-191 Cessford FR SH 13 48X26 1 1909-1914 Nondenom. BC 1, 7, 12 13-201 Emanuel FR SH 13 62X34 1 1909-1914 B aptist BC 1. 7, 12, 13, 14 13-211 Emanuel FR CO 8 50X40 1 1919 B aptist B N 2 L CHARLES Emanuel FR CO 16 70X52 1 1925 13-221 B aptist B C 2 14-231 FB SH 14 40X26 1 1909-1919 SevDayAdv W C It 11 15-241 S t. Faul FR SH 13 40X30 1 1909 AME B C 1. 11., 14 15-242 S t. Paul FR SH 13 40X30 1 1914 AME BC 1, 11. 14, 18 15-251 S t. Paul FR SH 13 40X26 1 1919 AME B N 1 15-261 S t. Paul FB CO 14 65X40 1 1925 AME B c It 7, 19 *16-271 Woodbury FR SH 19 40X30 1 1909-1914 Cong. B N 1, 7, 13, 19 16-281 Woodbury FR SH 14 35X25 1 1919-1925 Cong. B N 1 16-291 Woodbury FB CO 20 68X40 2 1925 Cong. B C 1, 6. 17 17-301 New Sunlight FR SH 10 65X25 1 1909 B aptist B N 1. 6, 16 •*17-311 New Sunlight FR SH 17 75X80 1 1914-1925 B aptist BN 2, 7, 12 18-321 Temple Sinai FB ST 20 66X35 1 1909-1925 Jew WN 1, 10, 22 *19-331 FR SH 35X28 1 1909 Salv. Army W C It 14 19-341 Gospel Meeting BR CO 30 85X36 2 1919 Salv. Army W N 1 (Restrm. separate) 19-351 FR CO 60X40 1=1 + 1925 Salv. Army W c 1, 10, 22 20-361 Evergreen FR SH 18 70X38 1 1909 B aptist B N 1, 7, 19 20-371 Evergreen BR CO 16 75X38 1 1925 B aptist BN 1. 7, 19 21-381 First Pentec. FB ST 15 40X30 1 1914-1925 Ch of Naza. W N 1, 12, 14, 17 WEST LAKE F irs t FR SH 18 52X30 1 1914 22-391 Methodist WC 1, 13 LCHARLES FR SH 60X30 1 1914-1919 23-401 Nondenom. BN 1 (Abandoned foundation) 24-411 FR CO 12 42X25 1 1919-1925 C hristian BN 1, 10

*25-421 Mt. Pilgrim FR SH 10 38X15 1 1919 B aptist BN 1 25-431 Mt. Pilgrim FR SH 21 40X38 1 1925 B aptist B N 2 26-441 FR CO 10 40X30 1 1919 AME B N 1

26-451 Reeves Chapel FR SH 15 72X52 1 1925 AME B C 2

27-461 FR SH 13 48X25 1 1919 B aptist B N 1

27-462 Starlight FR SH 13 48X25 1 1925 B aptist B N 1t 16 28-471 FR SH 14 42X30 1 1925 B aptist B C 1 29-481 Calvary FR CO 15 60X45 1 1925 B aptist WN 1 30-491 First Ch of FR CO 15 80X40 1 1925 Christ Sole W N 1 31-501 Sacred Heart BR CO 35 70X46 2 1925 C atholic B c 1 (School on 2d floor) LPROVXD FR SH 18 52X35 1 1892-1903 01-011 Catholic W C 1, 12, 13 01-012 FR SH 18 52X35 2 1909-1928 Catholic U C 1, 13 02-021 FR SH 14 55X30 1 1892-1903 Methodist W N 1. 12 02-031 F irs t FR SH 16 68X42 1 1909-1928 Methodist W C 1, 8, 9, 17 03-041 FR SH 12 68X35 1 1899-1903 Episcopal W C 1, 10, 14 LPROVXD FR SH 18 62X28 1 1909 03-042 Episcopal tf C 1, 10f 15 03-043 FB SH 18 62X38 1 1928 Episcopal W C 1. 10, 15 04-051 S t. James FR SH 15 48X30 1 1909-1928 AME BC It 7, 14 05-061 St. Peter FR SH 15 52X32 1 1909 Methodist B N 1. 12, 13 06-062 FR SH 15 52X32 1 1928 B aptist B C 1* 12, 13 07-071 F irs t FR SH 15 52X32 1 1909-1928 B aptist B C 1. 12, 15 08-081 North S tar FR SH 52X32 1 1928 B aptist tf N 1. 10 09-091 Center FR SH 55X42 1 1928 B aptist tf C 1 •10-101 Sanctified FR CO 38X20 1 1928 Holiness W N 1 11-111 FR CO 50X28 1 1928 B aptist W c 1 LEESVILLE FR SH 12 60X50 1 1904 01-011 B aptist W N 1* 6, 10, 14, 17 •>*01-012 FR SH 16 80X50 1 1909-1922 B aptist tf N It 6, 10, 14, 17, 22 ••01-021 F irs t FR SH 16 80X55 1 1928 B aptist tf N 5, 10, 17, 20 (SS bldg. 51X32) ••01-031 F irs t FR CO 30 115X50 1 =2B 1948 B aptist tf c 2, 10, 22 02-041 F irs t FR SH 16 65X30 1 1915-1922 C hristian tf c 1. 8, 9, 17 02-042 First FR SH 18 65X30 1 1928-1948 C hristian tf C 1, 8, 9, 17, J22 (SSsec 52X27) 03-051 FR SH 15 40X25 1 1915-1928 Church of God W N 1

04-052 FR SH 15 65X25 1 1948 Ch of Christ tf N 1 (Dwelling added 25X25) LEESVILLE FR ST 25 62X42 1 1915 05-061 Catholic W N 1, 10, 15, 18 05-062 FR ST 20 62X42 1 1922-1948 Catholic WN 1, 8, 14, 17 06-071 F irs t FR SH 18 56X54 1 1915-1922 Methodist WC 2, 7, 17 (Vacant 1922) 06-081 F irs t BR ST 36 68X42 1B 1922 Methodist W C 1, 10 • 06-082 F ir s t BR ST 24 68X36 1B 1928-1948 Methodist W C 1, 8 07-091 Assembly of FR ST 14 42X32 1 1928-1948 God W C 1 08-101 FR CO 11 60X34 1 1948 Pentecostal V N 1, 10

09-111 FR CO 10 52X31 1 1948 Ch of Naza. WN 1 **10-121 Full Gospel FR ST 11 142X36 1 1948 Holiness W N 1» 7 11-131 Ch of God FR ST 12 42X26 1 1948 in C hrist B N 1, 10 LQRANGER F irs t FR CO 65X55 1B 1919 01-011 Methodist V C 3, 7, 10, 17 02-021 F irs t FR CO 60X40 1 1919 C hristian H c 1, 7 LUTCHER Notre Dame FR SH 17 70X40 1 1909-1926 01-011 Catholic W C 1 02-021 King David FR SH 16 50X35 1 1909 B aptist N 1. 7, 13 02-022 King David FR SH 18 60X35 1 1926 B aptist B N 1, 13 03-031 Lutcher FR SH 16 40X28 1 1909 Methodist BN 1, 7 03-041 Lutcher FR SH 15 38X40 1 1926 Methodist BN 1. 8, 13 04-051 FR SH 17 52X48 1 1909 Methodist U C 3* 7, 17 LUTCHER FR SH 17 68X48 1 1926 04-052 Methodist W C 3, 7, 17, 22 05-061 FR CO, 13 40X28 1 1926 Nondenom. B N 1 MANGHAM FR SH 15 45X30 1 1919 01-011 Methodist W N 1, 10 01-021 BR ST 68X39 1 1929 Methodist H N 1 02-031 FR SH 30X50 1 1919 B aptist W N 1 02-032 FR SH 53X50 1 1927-1929 B aptist W N 1 MANSFLD FR SH 17 65X38 1 1885-1909 01-011 B aptist W C 1 **01-021 F irs t BR ST 27 83X52 1=2 1914 B aptist W C 5, 10,, 11, 22 (Back sec 30X30) 01-022 F irs t BR ST 27 102X97 1=2 1921-1928 B aptist V C 5, 10,r 11, 18,■ 22 - **01-031 Auditorium FR CO 16 120X120 1 1928 B aptist U C 1 02-041 Mansfld Fem Coll FR SH 12 65X30 1 1899-1914 Methodist V N 1. 12 (Vacant 1914) 03-051 Christ Mem. FR SH 12 55X38 1 1899-1909 Episcopal tf C 1, 7, 13, 19 03-052 Christ Mem. FR SH 14 55X38 1 1914-1928 Episcopal tf C 1, 7, 13, 19, 22 04-061 FR SH 17 50X35 1 1909-1914 C hristian tf N 1

04-062 FR SH 18 50X35 1 1921-1928 C hristian tf N 1, 10 **05-071 BR ST 16 80X55 1 1909-1914 Methodist V C 1. 7, 9 05-072 BR ST 16 98X55 1 1921-1928 Methodist tf C 1. 7, 9, 22 06-081 St. John's FR SH 16 58X34 1 1914 B aptist B N 2, 7 247

MANSFLD St. John's FR SH 16 58X34 1921-1928 06-082 B aptist B N 2, 8, 17 07-091 F irs t FR SI 28 62X42 1914-1928 Presby. V C 1. 7, 16 08-101 Wesley FR ST 15 50X28 1914 AME B N 2, 7, 13 08-102 Wesley FR ST 15 50X28 1921-1928 AME B N 2, 7, 12, 13 09-111 St. Joseph's FR SH 18 50X32 1914-1921 Catholic W N 1. 10,, 14, 19 09-112 St. Joseph's FR SH 20 50X32 1928 Catholic W N 1, 10,■ 14, 19 10-121 FR SH 20 40X36 1921-1928 SevDayAdv W N 1f 10

11-131 FR SH 16 50X30 1921 B aptist W C 1. 12 11-141 Second FR SH 12 60X30 1928 B aptist W C 1t 10 12-151 FR SH 18 50X35 1921 Methodist W C 1 13-161 Cornith FR SH 14 60X32 1928 B aptist B N 1. 6, 12, 13

14-171 St. James FR SH 14 45X30 1928 AME B N It 8, 12, 15, 15-181 Apostolic Ch FR ST 11 40X28 1928 of Jesus Christ W N 1 MANSURA St. Paul's FR ST 80X48 1919 01-011 C atholic W N 2* 6, 12, 13, MINDER FR SH 18 64X28 1885-1903 +01-011 Episcopal W C 2, 7, 13

+01-021 FR SH 20 62X38 1909-1927 Episcopal W C 2f 7» 13, 19 *02-031 FR SH 42X20 1903-1909 Catholic W N 1

0 2 -0 3 2 FR SH 14 40X25 1914-1927 Catholic W N 1. 7, 13 248

MINDEN BR ST 13 66X34 1 1903-1923 03-041 B aptist W C 2, 7, 11 **03-051 BR CO 128X70 2 1927 B aptist tf c 1 04-061 FR SH 18 50X35 1 1909-1914 Presby. WC 1. 6, 15 **04-071 FB CO 85X60 2 1923-1927 Presby. tf C 1 **05-081 BR ST 22 59X72 1=1+ 1909-1927 Methodist tf C 1, 7, 12, 13, 18, 19 06-091 FR SH 50X30 1 1927 Nondenom. tf N 1 07-101 Mt. Zion FR SH 72X50 1 1927 CME B N 1. 7 08-111 F aith Temple FR SH 58X32 1 1927 Church of God B C 1 09-121 S t. Rest FR SH 80X45 1 1927 B aptist B N 1 10-131 FR SH 50X35 1 1927 Nondenom. tf N 1 M0NTG0MY FR SH 42X25 1 1921 01-011 B aptist tf N 02-021 FR SH 42X32 1 1921 Methodist tf N 1. 7, 14 MOORINGP FR SH 14 40X25 1 1917 01-011 B aptist tf N 1 01-021 Moorlngsport FR SH 22 35X48 1=2 1929 B aptist tf N 5, 10, 13, 17 02-031 FR SH 14 48X38 1 1917 Methodist tf N 2, 7 02-032 FR SH 14 60X50 1 1929 Methodist tf N 5, 7, 12, 18 MORGANCY FR SH 20 52X32 1 1885 01-011 Nondenom. tf N 1 02-012 FR SH 20 52X32 1=2 1895-1899 Jew W N 1, 10 MORGAHCY FR SH 20 42X32 1=2 1906-1927 02-013 Jew W N 1, 10 03-021 FR SH 48X26 1 1895 Episcopal tf N 2 03-022 FR SH 48X26 1 1899-1906 Episcopal V C 1 03-023 FR SH 48X25 1 1912 Episcopal tf C 1, 13 03-024 FR SH 16 48X25 1 1919-1927 Episcopal tf C 1. 7, 13, 19 04-031 FR SH 18 55X30 1 1899-1908 Methodist tf C 1, 6, 12 04-041 FR SH 24 58X35 1 1912-1919 Methodist V C 1. 6. 12 04-051 FR SH 24 55X38 1=2 1927 Methodist tf C 1. 10,, 13, 19 05-061 Sacred Heart FR SH 18 60X36 1 1899 Catholic tf N 1, 6, 12 *“05-071 Sacred Heart BR ST 30 90X55 1=2 1906-1919 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 15 05-072 Sacred Heart BR ST 30 90X55 1=2 1927 Catholic tf C 4, 6, 15, 21 06-081 Mt. Zion FR SH 16 58X32 1 1899-1906 B aptist B N 1, 20 (SS bldg. 42X28) 06-082 Mt. Zion FR SH 16 58X32 1 1912-1919 B aptist B N 1» 7, 13, 20 06-083 Mt. Zion FR SB 16 58X32 1 1927 B aptist BN 1. 13, 20 (SS bldg. 42X28) 07-091 Union Chapel FR SH 18 50X30 1 1912 Methodist tf N 1. 7, 12, 13 08-101 Mt. Pilgrim FR SH 17 68X25 1 1919-1927 B aptist B N 5, 7, 17 *09-111 FR SH 14 42X22 1 1919-1927 Presby. tf C 1, 11, 13 10-121 Lee's Chapel FR SH 18 48X28 1 1919-1927 AME B N 1, 7, 14 MORGANCY New Zora FR SH 14 72X28 1 1927 11-131 B aptist BN 2, 7 NSW IBER BR ST 21 56X34 1 1885-1931 01-011 Episcopal W C 1. 10,, 13, 19 02-021 BR ST 20 58X52 1 1892-1895 Methodist tf C 2, 7, 12 02-022 BR ST 28 58X52 1 1899-1904 Methodist tf C 2, 7, 12, 13 02-023 BR ST 28 58X52 1 1909 Methodist HC 2, 7, 10, 12, 13 02-024 BR ST 28 58X52 1 1925-1931 Methodist tf C 2, 7, 10, 12, 13, 21 •*03-031 St. Peter's BR ST 31 82X601=2 1892 Catholic tf N 1, 7, 12, 15, 19 03-032 St* Peter's BR ST 31 110X60 1=2 1899-1931 Catholic tf N 1, 7, 12, 15, 19 04-041 S t. P aul's FR SH 18 52X37 1 1899-1931 Cong. BC 1, 6. 12 05-051 Mt. Calvary FR SH 18 59X35 1 1899-1904 B aptist B N 1. 6, 12, 13, 20 (Old SS bldg 42X28}

05-052 Mt. Calvary FR SH 18 59X35 1 1909 B aptist B H 1. 6, 12, 13 05-053 Mt. Calvary FR SH 18 59X35 1 1925-1931 B aptist B N 1, 6, 12 *06-061 F irs t BR ST 17 39X25 1 1899-1925 Presby. tf N 1, 15 06-062 F ir s t BR ST 18 39X40 1 1931 Presby. tf N 1. 10, 14 07-071 Cong. Gates BR ST 16 42X30 1 1904-1931 of Prayer Jew tf C 1 08-081 Star Pilgrim FR SH 16 60X30 1 1904-1909 B aptist B C 1, 6, 13 08-082 Star Pilgrim FR SH 16 60X30 1 1925-1931 B aptist B C 1, 6, 13, 24 09-091 S t. James FR SH 15 68X32 1 1909-1931 Methodist B N 1. 8, 14 NEW IBER C o ttre ll Chap. FR SH 15 46X34 1 1909-1931 10-101 AME BC I* *11-111 FR SH 10 26X16 1 1925-1931 Nondenom. B N 1, 14 **12-121 St. Edward's FR ST 30 108X54 2 1925 Catholic B C 1, 13 (Church & Sohool) 12-122 S t. Edward’s FR ST 30 108X54 2 1931 Catholic B C 1, 13,, 21, 23 (Hall 68X40) 13-131 FR ST 13 60X30 1 1925 Nondenom. B N 1. 11 *111-141 FR SH 12 31X25 1 1925-1931 Nondenom. BN 1

15-151 FR SH 12 39X29 1 1925-1931 Nondenom. B . N 1 16-161 Tabernacle FR CO 10 40X25 1 1931 B aptist W N 1 0PEL0US Epiphany FR SH 16 46X32 1 1896-1899 01-011 Episcopal WC If 6, 12, 15 01-012 Epiphany FR SH 16 46X32 1 1907-1927 Episcopal tf C 1. 6, 12, 15, 19 02-021 F irs t FR SH 14 48X28 1 1899-1907 B aptist W N 1, 7 02-022 F irs t FR SH 18 48X28 1 1912-1921 B aptist tf N It 7, 12 02-023 F irs t FR ST 18 58X46 1 1927 B aptist WN It 7, 10, 12, 18, 22 **03-031 Parish BR SH 24 90X45 1 18 99 Catholic W C If 6, 12, 16 **03-041 Parish FR SH 22 130X60 1 1907-1912 Catholic W N It io, 11 •*03-051 S t. Landry BR ST 24 148X76 1=2+ 1912-1927 Catholic tf N 4, 6, 12, 19 04-061 Holy Ghost FB CO 102X32 2 1921-1927 Catholic B C 1, 13 (Sohool on 2d f l) 05-071 Mt. Olive FR SH 65X28 1 1921-1927 B aptist tf N 2, 10, 11 OPELOUS C hristian FR SH 38X19 1 1927 •06-081 Soienoe Society W C 1

07-091 Little Zion FR SH 20 70X50 1 1927 B ap tist BN 1, 6, 12 08-101 F irs t FR SH 60X34 1 1927 Methodist W C 3, 8, 9, 14, 20 (SSnns 50X26) 09-111 S t. Mark's FR SH 20 60X50 1 1927 Methodist BN 3, 7, 12 10-121 FR SH 20 45X33 1 1927 Presby. W C 1 PONCHAT F irs t BR ST 16 52X40 1=1+ 1908-1925 01-011 Methodist W N 1. 7, 6 01-012 F irs t BR ST 22 85X40 1 =2 1930 Methodist W N It 8, 9, 22 02-021 FR SH 14 52X30 1 1908-1930 Lutheran W C 1. 6, 12 *03-031 FR SH 15 38X22 1 1908-1930 Presby. WN It 6, 12 04-041 S t. Joseph FR SH 68X25 1 1908-1925 Catholic W C 2,6, 12 04-051 S t. Joseph BR ST 20 88X42 1 1930 Catholic WC If 6, 15, 19 05-061 FR SH 48X35 1 1923 B ap tist VC 1. 7, 12 **05-071 FR CO 20 92X27 1B 1925-1930 * B aptist W C 1. 10 , 13, 20 (SSnn 48X40) 06-081 First/Taskers FR SH 12 68X35 1 1925-1930 AMKZ BC If 7, 12 07-091 All S aints FR CO 16 55X28 1 1925-1930 Episcopal VC 4, 10. 15 08-101 FR CO 10 38X28 1 1930 AME B N 1

+09-111 New Zion FR SH 14 65X30 1 1925-1930 B ap tist B C 1, 7 PRO/ENCL FR SH 58X30 1 1922 01-011 B ap tist W N It 12 PROVEN CL FR SH 52X32 1 1922 02-021 Methodist H N 1, 6 SALINE FR SH 52X42 1 1922 01-011 B ap tist U N 1. 7 , 14 SULPHUR FR CO 12 71X38 1 1919 01-011 Cathollo W c 1

01-021 S t. Anthony BR ST 23 85X39 1 1929-1946 Catholic W c 1

02-031 F ir s t FR CO 60X37 1 1919 B aptist WN 1

02-041 F irs t FB ST 13 58X52 1 1929 B aptist W c 1, 17 02-042 First FB ST 13 58X52 1 -2 1946 B aptist W c 1, 17 , 22 (Addtn 41X22) 03-051 Henning Mas. BR CO 25 68X35 1B 1919 Methodist W C It 8* 10, 17, 21 (H all 68X32) 03-052 Henning Mein. BR CO 25 68X35 IB 1929 Methodist tf C 1. 8, 10, 17 *•03-053 Henning Men. BR CO 25 140X35 1B 1946 Methodist tf C It 8, 10, 17, 22 (addtn FB) •04-061 First Ch of FR ST 10 27X14 1 1929 Christ Scie. tf C 1

05-071 FI ST 11 76X31 1 1946 Pentecostal tf N 1 06-081 F irs t FR CO 10 52X28 .1 1946 C hristian tf N 1, 10

07-091 Full Gospel FR CO 11 59X29 1 1946 Holiness H C 1

08-101 FR CO 12 41X301 1 1946 Ch of Naza. tf N 1, 10 09-111 Assembly of FR CO 10 41X30 1 1946 God tf C 1, 10 *10-121 Ch of God FR CO 10 28X22 1 1946 in C hrist BN 1

11-131 Pleasant Green FR SH 12 40X26 1 1946 B aptist B N 1, 11 WASHINGTN Immaoulate FR SH 70X50 1 1907-1927 01-011 Conoep R.C. W N 1. 6, 8, 13 02-021 Bnma Zion FR SH 52X28 1 1927 B aptist B C 1

03-031 FR SH 64X39 1 1927 Nondenom. tf C 1 04-041 ' FR SH 40X38 1 1927 Nondenom. tf N 1 WELSH FR SH 15 40X30 1 1903 01-011 Catholic W N 1 01-021 FR SH 16 82X48 1 1909-1926 Catholic tf N 1, 6, 12, 14 02-031 FR SH 15 50X30 1 1903-1909 Cong. WN 1. 6, 14 03-032 FR SH 15 50X30 1 1915-1923 SevDayAdv tf N 1. 6, 12, 14 04-041 F irs t FR SH 15 45X45 1 1903-1926 B aptist tf C 2, 7, 12 05-051 F irs t FR SH 14 51X33 1 1909-1926 Presby. V N 1. 7, 12, 14 06-061 FR SH 16 60X54 1 1915-1923 Methodist tf C 2, 7, 12 06-071 FR SH 110X72 1=2 1926 Methodist tf C 1 (SS sec. 2 sto rie s) 07-081 FR SH 60X26 1 1926 Nondenom. V C 1 WINNFLD F irs t FR SH 17 62X64 1 1907-1911 01-011 B aptist tf N 2, 7 •**01-021 F irs t BF CO 32 80X74 1=2B 1924 + B aptist tf N 1. 7, 9, 17 02-031 FR SH 18 56X40 1 1911-1924 Meth Prot tf C 1. 6, 24 03-041 BR CO 26 64X40 IB 1924 Methodist tf c 2, 10 04-051 FR CO 18 50X34 1 1924 C hristian tf N 1 WINNFLD Horning Star FH SH 18 58X32 1 1924 05-061 B aptist B C 1, 7, 13, 24 06-071 FR SH 14 50X29 1 1924 Fresby. W C 2, 10, 13 07-081 FR SH 12 38X28 1 1924 B aptist B N 1. 10 08-091 Anderson Temple FR SH 16 64X30 1 1924 AME BN 2, 8, 9 09-101 FR SH 12 40X26 1 1924 Nondenom. B C 1, 13 YCUNGVL FR SH 120X50 1+ 1921 ••01-011 Catholic W N 1. 18 •

•Churches with an area under 1000 square feet.

••Churches with an area over 4000 square feet. +Churches with a corner tower, located on a corner lot, where the tower is not on the street corner side of the gable. VITA

Gail Lynn Schlundt was born in Michigan City, Indiana on March 13 , 1955* She attended the Miohigan City Area Sohools and was active in her church, St. John's United Church of Christ. At Valpa­ raiso University she had a double major in geography and history and graduated with senior honors in 1977. She continued her studies in historical geography at Ohio University. Her thesis topic, The Impact of Urbanism on the Protestant Religious Landscape of Athens County, Ohio, focused on the looal churches. Gail entered the geography Ph.D. program at Louisiana State

University in the fall of 1979. Her thesis was completed the follow­ ing year, and she received her m asters in March 1981. Her apprecia­ tion of Louisiana's historic landscape was enhanced by working nearly a year for the Division of Arahaeology and Historic Preservation. On August 14, 1982, she was married to Robert P. Sechrist. She currently resid es in DeKalb, Illin o is , where, she teaches part-tim e in the geography department at Northern Illinois University.

256 DOCTORAL EXAMINATION AND DISSERTATION REPORT

Candidate: Gaii L. Schlundt S e c h rist

Major Field: Geography

Title of Dissertation: Church Buildings Enter the Urban Age: A Louisiana Example of The Church In Settlement Geography (1885-1930)

Approved:

"Major Professor and Chairman

Dean of the Graduate

EXAMINING COMMITTEE:

& i HA.

Date of Examination:

April 15, 1985