Sahulat: A Journal of Interest free Microfinance 5, Vol. 4, June 2016, No.1 www.sahulatjournal.com

Industrialisation and Socio-Economic Status of Tribals: A Study of Kalinganagar in

Mamata Patra1

Abstract

Industrialisation and threats to human security, as a social science subject has been an important area of investigation. Now, at the national and international level the subject has acquired immense importance. In most of the poor communities’ displacement, land alienation, misappropriation of wages and the products of labour, lack of opportunity for education and employment, sexual abuse and exploitation, environmental crisis and climate change have become the bane of life. As a matter of fact, acute poverty, malnutrition and starvation deaths have come to be associated with the life of many of the common and tribal people living in different parts of the country. The problems which haunt them commonly are illiteracy, ignorance, economic backwardness and one of the recent crises of displacement due to development. Environmental change, the threat of displacement and loss of secured livelihood are serious issues faced by general as well as tribal people in the Kalinganagar due to setting of plants, buildings, residential township and roads in the name of development. Thus, this study attempts to deal with the socio- economic threats faced by the tribal for the industrialisation in Kalinganagar and also makes a systematic effort to collect the relevant data to know the responses of local people towards developmental projects and the social, economic and environmental impact of industrialisation.

1 Assistant Professor in Political Science, Women’s Degree College, Bhuban, Dhenkanal, Odisha, India

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1. Introduction and Overview

Development has been so far defined in terms of what the West has defined in their Judaeo-Christian tradition. It is premised on a view of the world that is mostly held by scientists as matter to be exploited and expended for their highly inordinate luxurious high standard of materialistic living. It is based on relentless industrialisation which was founded on fossil fuel technology. Mostly it is development of the few at the cost of many, and against nature, human beings, societies and nations. By pursuing blindly with a religious attitude this kind of western centric development which is precoded in their culture and tradition, the basic human needs of other people and societies and the basic needs of the nature were sacrificed and ignored. It understands as a mere technological and scientific mechanism to be applied to other people and to the nature. The result is the development of the few dominant in the west at the expense of the earth and other people in the south of the world. Kalinganagar represents a case where the western model of development synonymous with industrialisation has been applied tooth and nail ignoring the basic human needs of the tribal people, their rights to define their own way of life and the threats that industrialisation poses to the human security of the tribal people and subsequently the irreparable damages brought to the nature which have had serious implications on the people living around the plant area.

With the advent of the new economic policy, the idea of the “Kalinganagar Industrial Complex” (KNIC) was conceptualised in the early 90’s with the advent of liberalization and privatisation leading to globalisation. One “Continuous retrain

that sought to attract people’s attention”2 was that Odisha needs rapid industrialization to mitigate its abysmal poverty. By all account, initially the local people welcomed the idea of the industrial complex, believing that the new industries would usher in development of the area, give employment to the local people and improve their standard of living. Kalinganagar Industrial Complex (KNIC) is in the process of becoming a major global hub in steel and ancillary products. But the industrial and technological progress has been accompanied by a growing negative impact on it. Threats to human security started from the tragic history of displacement due to industrialization. Though poor, deprived and mostly scheduled tribe people, inhabit most of these lands. To acquire their land, these people need to be displaced by hook or crook. Over the years these people have come to view the development plans of the government

2 Bhaduri, (2009)

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with suspicion; they feel they are being given a short shift. Suspicion leads to resentment and resentment leads to resistance. Wherever there is resistance, the government comes down on its own citizens with a heavy hand. Greater the resistance, greater was the repression of the government. The police firing at Maikanch that led to the loss of three tribal lives in December 2000 is still afresh in the public memory. Earlier in 1997 there was a police firing at Sindhigaon, Gopalpur where people protested against the proposed steel plant by the Tata, steel major3. The incident (The tragic death of 12 tribal on 2nd January by police firing) at Kalinganagar, can be seen as the latest in a series of ongoing conflict between the two sides: between the one favouring industrialization, led by the government, and those opposing to it.

The new policies of development in consonance with the needs of the market forces have been forcing the indigenous people to leave their traditional rights of community (common property) resources and minor forest produces. In course of time, tribal lands and forests become the property of the state, denying them their right to employment, work and livelihood. Instead of protecting the interest of the people, protection of the interest of the multinationals and profit occupied the central place in every move of progress by the state. This process of development by the state has brought disentitlement for the people, where the tribal are gradually denied access to the support system for their livelihood.

Tribal people happen to be among the most disadvantageous and unprivileged communities in India. Even after five decades of planning and development, they still remain outside the pale of any form of visible change. Thus, the effects of displacement, in case of tribal whose very survival is already at stake, are disastrous. However, socially and legally it is agreed that the oustees should be rehabilitated to new locations with an improved economic, social and cultural environment, which is however, not happening in reality. Hence, development-induced displacement entails loss of habitats, traditional organisations and cultural ethos, with total disturbance in the socio-economic status of the affected population. Displacement forces people to start life afresh, often leading to the loss of their socio-economic conditions.

Development is often a mask for extracting resources in a way that destroys communities and ecosystems. So, the present study leads to questioning industrialization as the basis of development. If industrialization causes poverty, environmental pollution, and social upheaval and does not solve it,

3 Mishra, (2006)

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then “it is illegal to use poverty as legitimating for the uncritical continuation or

acceleration of industrial development policy“4. Since the onset of new economic policy, the is in a hurry to invite national and multinational corporations to set up industries, to develop the socio economic condition of the people, on the other hand, local people, mostly tribal and dalits, the most neglected section of our society are resisting these development/ industrial projects fearing displacement and loss of a secured livelihood. In every step industrialization has proved to be security threats to their lives. This study also identifies that inspite of profound increases in human security threats derived from industrial development; the history of industries does not inspire confidence that further industrial development can reduce fear and want, because industrialization is in itself the source of terrible threats.

The objectives of the study were:

• To study the threat of displacement and loss of secured livelihood.

• To map out the socio-economic status of the people after industrialization.

• To study whether industrial development is the need based development or growth oriented economy.

2. Historical and Physical Background of Study Area

Kalinganagar is a geographical unit consisting of a compact landmass of Danagadi and blocks of district of Odisha, India. Kalinganagar is neither a village nor a town. It is a name given to a geographical area by Odisha Industrial Infrastructure Development Corporation (IDCO). It is 100 kms from the state capital, . The NH -53, connecting the iron ore/chromites belt of Jajpur and Keonjhar districts with the port, runs through this area. Unlike the plains of coastal Odisha, the topography of the area is undulating and interspersed with hillocks and jungles. Nallas and rivulets are the main water sources for the area, which also provide fish and crab. The Brahmani, one of the major rivers of Odisha, flows around 4 to 5 kms away from the Kalinganagar industrial complex. In the Khapuria- Kumvargadia locality, there is a large grazing land, which supports hundreds of milkmen families rearing cattle. However, rice cultivation is the main source of livelihood for a majority of the local

4 Lohmann, (2006)

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people. The area has a high concentration of schedule tribes and schedule caste population5. In the two blocks Sukinda and Danagadi- under which Kalinganagar falls,it is significant to note that the schedule tribe population in the acquired area is much higher than the block average. Of the tribes, people belonging to Ho community constitute nearly 80% of the population, and the rest of them belong to Munda and Santhal communities.6 Odisha Government has signed with 12 various private companies (Table-1) to set up steel plants and ancillary product plants in Kalinganagar and land allotted to them comprises of ‘7818 Acres’7.

Table 1 Plants and land allotted in Kalinganagar Investment in Sl. No. List of plants Years of arrival Land allotted Crore Rs. 1 Mideast (MESCO) 1993 530 530 Acres 2 Orion 2004 100 150 Acres 3 Maithan Ispat 2004 324 100 Acres 4 Uttam Gala 2004 1179 370 Acres 5 NINL 1997 1510 2500 Acres Maharastra 6 2004 450 500 Acres Seamless 7 TISCO 2004 16000 2400 Acres 8 Rohit Ferrotech 2004 100 50 Acres 9 JINDAL 2003 4764 678 Acres 10 VISA industries 2003 400 390 Acres 11 Dinabandhu 2004 85 100 Acres 12 K.J. Ispat 2005 75 50 Acres Total Land allotted 7818 Acres Sources: ADM office, Kalinganagar and IDCO, Bhubaneswar

3. Research Methodology

The methodology will be interdisciplinary based on a collection of primary data and secondary data. Modern methodologies like techniques of questionnaire,

5 Dyal, et al (2014) 6 ibid 7 ADM Office, Kalinganagar.

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interview and survey method shall be followed. Direct interview with the victims shall be conducted. Apart from this secondary data like books, articles, magazines, reports, news papers, journals and unpublished writings shall be consulted. It adopts a pragmatic approach without disregard for disciplinary boundaries. Study of the relationship between industrial based development, environmental degradation and threats to human security involves a daunting range of highly technical fields, from Soil Science to Developmental Economics, from Atmospheric Chemistry to Social Psychology and from Demography to Political Science. So, this study accepts purely interdisciplinary methods.

4. Study and Data Analysis

This study embraces the use of empirical research techniques in the collection of data. It deploys both direct and indirect observations and data are being analyzed by the use of the quantitative analytical method through descriptive calculation of percentage. This analyzes the reaction of the local people towards the development projects at Kalinganagar with the social, economic and environmental impact of industrialisation.

This is the part of the study that gives a comprehensive and analytical overview of the collected data from the questionnaires formed by the researcher, to map out the socio-economic condition of the people before and after industrialization. Tables are used to elaborate the data from the questionnaires, and this allows generalizations of results from a sample. 1500 questionnaires were given to the Project Affected People in Kalinganagar, to be filled. 98 forms were not returned. This implies that there were 1402 questionnaires successfully filled. The questionnaires had a combination of both multiple choice and open ended questions. Mostly the data was collected from the Resettlement colonies/villages and project affected villages nearest to Kalinganagar.

We visited Kalinganagar and toured around the area to get a demographic picture and feel the biodiversity and its environment. Primarily, door-to-door surveys were conducted in 1402 households; to gather detail information regarding the family members, head of the households through interview. Moreover, some elders were also selectively interviewed in order to draw information concerning their opinion, condition and plights with the advent of industrialization.

The high concentration of the study was to find out the impact of industrialization

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on tribal’s socio-economic status. It would help to know how the tribal people struggle to survive and manage themselves in the era of industrialisation based development.

4.1 Displacement and Rehabilitation

In the absence of rational rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R) policy, a series of guidelines issued by the government for Kalinganagar Industrial Complex, regulates the rehabilitation and resettlement of families affected owing to acquisition of land. Three areas have been considered for the resettlement and rehabilitation of the displaced persons, viz. (i) Financial compensation for the loss of land, (ii) Provision of homestead land and assistance for house building and (iii)

Compensation for the loss of livelihood8. But the provision of jobs to the displaced families is not obligatory for the companies, in the guidelines. Land for land as a rehabilitation measure for the affected people was also not considered by the government.

Table.2 shows the extent of displacement of the-three social groups - SCs, STs and General category by six major companies. It clearly shows that the STs comprise the maximum number of displaced families (around 60 percent) followed by the “General” category (34 percent) and the SCs (around 6 percent). Neelachal Ispat Nigam Limited and Jindal Stainless Steel Limited have together displaced around 60 percent of the total displaced ST families.

Table 2 Group-wise displaced families Total no. of Name of industrial units ST SC General displaced families Neelachal Ispat Nigam Ltd (NINL) 478 22 140 640 Mid-east Integrated Steel Ltd. (MISL) 0 6 146 152 Iindal Stainless Ltd. (JSL) 82 36 47 165 VISA Steel Ltd. (VISL) 25 1 13 39 Rohit Ferro Tech Ltd. (Rohit) 12 0 0 12 K.J. Ispat Ltd. 8 0 0 8

Total 605 65 346 1016 Source: ADM Office, Kalinganagar

8 Dyal, et al (2014)

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Rehabilitation and Resettlement

Table.3 shows the details of families displaced from various industrial projects, resettled, families who relocated themselves, families in transit camps, employment provided and cash paid in lieu of employment. The table shows that the TATA Company has displaced the highest numbers of families. The rehabilitation and resettlement programmes are still ongoing. Besides this, table suggests the tendency of the people to relocate. Overall 600 displaced families have chosen not to move to rehabilitation colonies and have relocated themselves on their own. As far as providing employment to the displaced families is concerned, Neelachal Ispat Nigam Limited has provided the maximum number of jobs (445 out of 640) to families displaced by it followed by Jindal Stainless Steel ( 116 people out of 165 ). However, it is difficult to conclude the employment scenario of these industrial projects as most of these steel plants are in their formative stage and can provide employment only after they become fully operational. Till date, most of the jobs that have been provided have been in the construction of the plant such as bending of rods or similar daily contractual jobs.

Table 3 Group-wise displaced families Cash No. of Families Self- re- Families Employ- paid in Dis- reset- Name of industries located in transit ment lieu of placed tled in families camp provided employ- Families colony ment Mid-east Integrated 152 102 Nil Nil 74 1 steel Ltd Neelachal Ispat 640 135 491 Nil 445 168 Nigam Ltd VISA Steel Ltd 39 3 36 Nil 29 10 JSL Stainless Ltd 165 139 19 Nil 116 15 K. L. Ispat Ltd 8 Nil 8 Nil 6 2 Rohit Ferrotech Ltd 12 Nil 12 Nil 11 1 Ltd 1195 366 34 463 Nil 146 Total 2211 745 600 463 681 343 Source: ADM Office, Kalinganagar

Resettlement Colonies

There are resettlement colonies in Trijanga, Sansailo and Goberghatito rehabilitate

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the displaced people by various industrial projects in Kalinganagar. The Trijanga Resettlement Colony built in Danagadi block of has two parts, namely Trijanga-1 and Trijanga-2. Families displaced by all the companies other than TATA Company have been resettled in Trijanga-1, whereas families displaced by TATA Company have been resettled in Trijanga-2.

Rehabilitation and Resettlement by Mesco Kalinga Steel Ltd.

The 6 SC families displaced by MESCO Kalinga Steel Limited have been resettled in Trijanga-1 colony. The company promised to compensate them with proper homes in lieu of their acquired land but it did not live up to its promises. They have been compensated with a plot of land and cash amount but have been given low-paid jobs of a temporary nature which is insufficient to make their two ends meet. They have become doubly disadvantaged as neither can they access the forests to supplement their income nor get grains from the PDS owing to the change in their housing location. These families also find it difficult to meet their water related needs as MESCO has stopped supplying them with water after the initial 5 months of doing so. They manage their water requirements from the water supplied by TATA Company to its displaced masses. Being agricultural labourers, they also reared livestock in their village which was quite a profitable venture but now they can no longer do so due to insufficient space in the new houses. Their children now attend classes in nearby New Siaria Primary School as well as the Trijanga R.C. Nodal Upper Primary School. The only aspect in which they are better than before is that they now live in houses with electric supply.

Rehabilitation and Resettlement by Jindal Stainless Ltd.

The people displaced by Jindal group have been mainly rehabilitated in Trijanga-1 resettlement colony. Most of these displaced people are farmers belonging to the Ho community of Boispur village in Danagadi block of Jajpur District. As part of compensation in lieu of land, the company promised that each family will be given a 2-room house with all facilities and a job to 1 member of the family.

As compensation, each family was given a plot of land and Rs. 50,000 for building their houses. They were also compensated with Rs. 37,000 per acre of their land, which they said was below the market rate. The houses that have been built by the company are quite qualitatively poor; as they are small, lack regular water supply and lavatories. They told that they were not provided with any physical or financial assistance while shifting their belongings from the transit camps to the resettlement colonies. Only some were provided with a job after a long struggle. However, these jobs were lowly paid.

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Due to storage of space in their new house, they were forced to sell off their animals. This displacement has raised a new problem of food insecurity among the displaced people. Previously, their agricultural activities provided them sufficient food to survive. But now they have to buy everything from the market. With the change in their housing location, they are no longer entitled to get grains from the PDS. Their current employment in low-paid jobs is insufficient to meet their expenses with the result that instead of proving to be a boon, resettlement has proved to be a bane for these hapless people.

Rehabilitation and Resettlement by Tata Company

Table.4 shows the number of families displaced and resettled by TATA Company in the revenue villages. A total of 1,195 families have been displaced from the 3 revenue villages, namely Chandia, Gadapur and Goberghati. The ST families were worse hit because of displacement caused by TATA Company. Of the total displaced families, the STs constituted 86.7 percent, followed by the general category (8.9 percent) and the SCs (4.4 percent). Of the displaced families, 68 percent have already been shifted to resettlement colonies (355 families from Chandia, 233 from Gadapur and 225 from Gobarghati village).

Moreover, the conditions in the so-called rehabilitation model colony at Goberghati are far from the promises of the government. Around 120 displaced families reside in the colony. Almost all the houses except three/four pucca houses are tiny thatched and mud huts strike one’s eyes. Till date, only 120 families out of total 639 families (displaced from the villages Khandiapusi, Madhapur and Sarangapur for the NINL) are residing in the colony. Rest of the families, around 70 percent of the total displaced persons who didn’t come to settle in the colony had opted for Rs 50,000 as cash compensation in lieu of 10 decimal homestead lands in the rehabilitation colony, because of lack of livelihood in the vicinity. Even the compensation money was not sufficient to purchase land as the price of land suddenly increased many times in the surrounding area, due to the prospect of industrialisation. The conditions to get the cash compensation of Rs 50,000 in three stages makes it extremely difficult for a poor displaced family to avail housing assistance and to resettle. On the other hand, the displaced families settled since 1997 in the colony, have not been provided with patta for their homestead land. Instead, an ‘Intimation Slip for Settlement of Land’ has been issued from the office of Tahasildar, Sukinda, with the instruction that ‘transfer not possible without the prior permission of the Revenue Officer’9.

9 PUCL,(2006)

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Of the people staying in the colony, only 25 families had got employment in NINL. The remaining families were working on their own in the stone crushers, earning Rs. 100 to 150 per day. Even for that they had to cover daily 14 to 15 kilometres. There was no other work opportunity available in the nearby area. These displaced families, although living as daily wage earners were not considered as BPL families. For 120 families 5 tube wells had been installed out of which two were not working. Inside the colony, roads are murram and get washed away in the rainy season. Only one primary school existed in the colony. The next higher school is at a distance of 5-6 kilometres. Electric connection was provided up to the colony but people were not in a position to afford connection. There was no Primary Health Centre in the

colony, the nearest PHC being about 20 kilometres away10.

Table 4 Distribution of displaced people by TATA Company in various villages

Categories of displaced No. of Shift- Villages Hamlet ST SC General families ed displaced so far Sanachanidia 27 0 0 27 27 Baiduburi 53 0 1 54 38 Baligotha 159 0 1 160 90 Chandia Kalamatia 4 0 88 92 89 Champakoila (p) 2 0 4 6 6 Majhisahi 220 0 7 227 105 Total for Chandia 465 0 101 566 355 Main Basti 259 0 6 265 193 Gadapur Bandargadia 0 42 0 42 40 Total for Gadapur 259 42 6 307 233 Champakoila (p) 47 0 0 47 27 Bamiagotha, ambagadia, 170 0 0 170 106 Goberghati Majhisahi sasagotha 94 11 0 105 92 Total for Gobarghati 311 53 0 322 225

Total All three villages 1035 97 107 1195 813 Source: ADM Office, Kalinganagar

10 Pattnaik,(2006)

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4.2 Pre-Industrialisation Region of Kalinganagar

Duburi & Sukinda (Renamed as Kalinganagar) area is rich in bio-diversity as full of natural variety. The river Brahmani flows nearby giving water. Before industrialization, tribals were dependent on traditional agriculture, regenerative forest economy and forest products such as edible fruits, leafs and tuber for survival. No bullock or plough was necessary for farming. In the fertile land and amidst water, seeds used to germinate and grow and rice was reaped after four months, in summer. Yield then was far higher than that of the current improved varieties of rice. In upland, castor, mustard, ragi, gram, biri and mung were cultivated. The method was completely natural: just sow and reap. Those days, there was no vegetable farming in Kalinganagar. From the fertile wetland, people collected seasonal leafy vegetables like madaranga, sunsunia and kalama and ate them. They also did fishing in the Kalinganagar rivers to meet their consumption needs, and fishing was not confined to the fishermen. Round-the-year consumption of fishes and crabs was in fact a part of the people of all classes in the villages.

It is 30-40 meters above the sea-level. One of the uniqueness of the area was the slow-moving water in stretches of wetland; this slow motion avoids land- erosion. In summer, when there is water-crisis in other regions, one can get water from the ground here with slight digging. The wetland of this area provides plenty of grass land to cows and buffaloes. So for hundreds of years, herdsmen in search of grazing land have been coming here with their buffaloes during the summer. Coriander farming began in winter. Vegetable farming increased manifold. A lot of land has been brought under paddy cultivation in rainy season. Biri, mung, groundnut, and the like are harvested in winter.

When water enters Kalinganagar and maroons its marshland, one gets an opportunity to appreciate its bio-richness. After flood water enters Kalinganagar, local people collect fish, crabs and edible aquatic animals over the subsequent three months. Among these are found climbing fishes, sheats, eels and gudgeon.

The socio-environmental value of Kalinganagar’s land is far higher than its market price. We have tried to present here an overall picture of what locals typically earn per year from Kalinganagar’s farm land, grazing land and water. Towards this, we have taken into account the average annual agricultural income during the last five years after subtracting labour costs and fertilizer expenses. That apart, it is not only the villagers of the five gram panchayats of Kalinganagar who collect fish, crabs, and other edibles from the water; villagers at the highlands also collect. Besides

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these, we also have included some aquatic species that are not sold in the market but are used traditionally as food by some communities. Green leaves collected from Kalinganagar are sold during almost eight months a year in the weekly haat. In summer, koilekha seeds are collected and sold to pharmaceutical companies which are in need of them. Because of the medicinal properties of flowers of the madar plants of Kalinganagar, people come from in winter to collect it. Sale of lotus flowers collected from Mantirapat is nothing in comparison to the sale of their petals and seeds to the traders coming from Medinipur in West Bengal. Cheaper lotus-leave-plates substitute sal-leave-plates for serving food during social and religious festivals in villages within a ten kilometres radius. Around 50,000 people depend upon Kalinganagar for livelihood, collection of livelihood necessities and employment. The study has incorporated in it people from the five local gram panchayats and a part of the local municipality, people coming to

Table 5 Annual income of Kalinganagar in pre-industrialisation period Sl. No. Source of Income Total Income (in Lakh) 1 Kharif Paddy (in rainy season) 190/- 2 Paddy (in winter season) 90/- 3 Vegetables (in summer & winter) 500/- 4 Mung, urad, groundnut etc. 120/- 5 Cows, buffaloes milk 375/- Live stock production for meat (goat, sheep, 6 300/- hen, pig etc.) 7 Cow, buffalo & goat dung 50/- 8 Fish, crab & other edible aquatic animal 135/- Collection of green leaves, lotus, medicinary 9 plants, benna grass (used for mats), flowers, 160/- fire woods, bamboo bushes etc. Daily labourers engaged in fishing, cultivation 10 180/- and livestock production 11 Business of the local production 95/- 12 Labourers outside of the locality 25/- 22,20,00000/- Total annual income (22 crore 20 lakh) Source- Primary Data

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Kalinganagar for cattle-rearing and collection of natural food and those having indirect business links with agricultural, fishing and animal-husbandry activities in the locality. According to this estimate, summarized in Table.5, Kalinganagar area generates an annual income of more than 22 crore rupees.

As we clarify in the Figure-1, before industrialisation 97 per cent of tribals were dependent upon the traditional agriculture and other 3 per cent of population was dependent upon other sources like vegetable seller, mine worker and daily labourer.

Figure.1 Scenario before Industrialisation

Source: Field survey

4.3 Post-Industrialisation

The post-industrialisation has represented a different scenario, in the name of development people have been pushed off their land; forests and water have been taken over by the state government so that except their labour power, they are deprived of everything. In course of time, tribal lands and forests become the property of the state, denying them their right to employment, work and livelihood. The interests of corporate houses are given the priority. The socio-economic issues related to industrialization are never given due importance before or during the finalization of a project. As a result, the tribals have been the worst victim of such large scale industrialization projects.

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Figure.2, shows the details that, in the post industrialization period, there is a huge change in the life style of tribals. In fact, the dependency upon agriculture has been disappearing and the people became dependent upon the civil labour work, contract labour, construction work, rickshaw pulling, auto driving etc.

Figure. 2 Post-industrialisation Scenario

Source: Field survey

Table.6 & 7 show people’s response about the industrialisation effects. Table.6 & Figure.3, highlight that the Kalinganagar project affected people expect less to benefit from industrialisation; there is absolutely no support for the industrialisation. But during our field study we came to know that a section of the younger generation (inexperienced as it is about the world) is the segment of the society that supports industrialisation. Table.7 & Figure.4 reveals that the greatest livelihood challenges in Kalinganagar, are lack of water for irrigation, environmental pollution, unpredictable rain due to industrialisation. They perceive that with growing industrialisation of the area destruction of agricultural land, loss of source of income from agriculture, loss of crops, destruction of grazing field, less availability of fish, crab & other aquatic creatures, less collection of green leaves, bena, fire wood etc., less employment for the project affected people, more environmental pollution of air, ground water, sound, soil, facing health effect etc. would become inevitable part of their lives. This would also be contrary to the dreams that corporations sell to get their support and land. There would be no employment for them.

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Table 6 Responses with respect to effects of industrialisation Is there Do you Have you Is there Is there any get any Do you raised any sec- any sec- expecta- better job support your voice Response due to tion which tion which tion about industri- against is being is being future industri- alisation industri- benefitted suffered engage- alisation alisation ment Yes 154 202 1193 317 140 1233 No 1240 1181 150 1057 1255 116 No 08 19 59 28 07 53 response Source: Field survey

Figure.3 Responses with respect to Effects of Industrialisation

Source: Field survey

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Table-7 Responses about the livelihood challenge due to industrialisation No. of Sl. No. Response in favour of the challenges Percentage Respondents 1 Destruction of agricultural land 1278 91% Loss of source of income from agricul- 2 1098 78% ture 3 No vegetables grown here 1006 71% 4 Loss of crops 1152 82% 5 Destruction of grazing field 988 70% Less availability of fish, crab & other 6 954 68% aquatic creatures Less collection of green leaves, bena, 7 987 70% fire wood etc. Less employment for the project af- 8 1076 76% fected people Facing environmental pollution of air, 9 1386 98% ground water, sound, soil etc. 10 Facing health effect 804 57% Source: Field survey

Figure.4 Responses about the Livelihood Challenge due to Industrialisation

Source: Field survey

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Without proper resettlement and providing alternatives, industrialization has been the greatest threat to human beings in Kalinganagar. Industrialization, not only threatens human security through displacement, there is also the problem of environmental degradation which is self-defeating and destructive. The biggest and most visible disadvantage of industrialization in Kalinganagar has been the environmental pollution. “Pollution has not only harmed the variety and beauty of natural environment and its flora and fauna, it has also affected human health and

happiness”.11 While on one hand, “industrialization has provided many conveniences and luxuries at economic cost and eliminated drudgery of many

household chores”.12 It also brought with it degradation of quality of life due to effect of polluted environment. Environmental threats to health are broad, stemming from both biological risks associated with poverty and chemical risks associated with industrialization. Industrialization has also created many psychological and sociological problems. Operation of industries on such a large scale in a cluster will have definite load on the physical, chemical and biological characteristics of the natural environment as iron and steel production involves usages of huge raw-materials and the manufacturing process generates a lot of waste materials. Consequently, there will be considerable air pollution in pace with

industrial advancement13. The KNIC increases air pollution, water extraction and other negative impact on local area. This might even involve destruction of places that people consider sacred. The Kalinganagar industrial project displaced many farmers who were living comfortably with their limited agricultural land resources, fishing ponds and other available resources. Once the resources are gone, they lost the permanent sources of their livelihood income, which they had been using since generations. What can they do with the compensation money? How long they can survive on it? They will be virtually forced to work as daily labourers or industrial labourers. New employment opportunities for local people tend to be limited because there are few roles for low skilled workers at capital-intensive industrial sites. Local people might therefore only incur cost of the business that some of them start. These could be small shops or business units, most of the tribal depend on the alcoholic drink Handia (Handia is a kind of liquor prepared from rice. It is used to make offerings during ancestral worship and as a drink, which is alcoholic in nature) business. Many of them migrate to other places in search of work; many would be forced to beggary. The whole consumer market in and around the project site depends on outside markets

11 Gaan, (2009) 12 Mohapatra,(1999) 13 SPCB, Odisha.(2014)

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for basic needs like food grains and vegetables. The cost of living becomes higher as the prices never remain the same as before. Can these people survive comfortably with the compensation money, they have today? So compensation arrangements have frequently been woefully inadequate.14

However, the change in the occupation was very problematic and the displaced were not swift in adapting to the new occupation. From the field survey, it was observed that, even though the company provided technical training to the people to help them get into jobs in company’s plant, and most of the displaced people took the training, only a few of them are working as welders and masons in Tata fabrication and rehabilitation construction site, while most seem to be uninterested. Before displacement, they were happy with their traditional occupational pattern that is agriculture, because they were not dependent on others for their needs and there was no one to boss over them. In their own words, they were ‘the king of their own life’. But after displacement, the jobs that they get are completely different and new. Even if the company pays them a good salary, they do not find the job interesting.

4.4 Impact on Social and Economic Life

The economic condition of the people improved in the transit camp after displacement. This is because they got better economic and livelihood opportunities from the Tata company (not from the other companies of Kalinganagar), which they never got before displacement. Moreover, they got a chance to come into contact with the non-tribal or the mainstream population. On the other hand, they lost their social co-operation because after displacement, they started living an individual life, as it was stated in the resettlement and rehabilitation policy where major sons and unmarried daughters were regarded as a different family. This to some extent hampered their social and group life. Many displaced families stated that their families and relatives still live in the main village, because they do not want to leave their traditional land. Hence, after displacement families got fragmented. In hope of a better life and future, they left their close kin and became isolated from their social as well cultural life. After displacement they live a materialistic life, lose their social contacts and traditional life style, and try to imitate the urban ways of living. According to some of the displaced persons living in the camp, there is no enjoyment and merry making left in their lives, as it was before displacement.

14 Cernea,(2000)

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According to the displaced families, the post-displacement phase, not only disturbed their social relations but also their community co-operation. Those in favour of the construction of the plant and who accepted the rehabilitation and resettlement package formed one community known as Kalinganagar Surkshya Committee (KNSC), and stood against the Visthapan Virodhi Jana Manch (VVJM). In this division they lost the neighbourhood relationship, and the co- operation of their kinsmen as well as their community.

Adherence to cultural customs declined invariably in all projects, during the post- displacement period. This happened when displaced community members adapted their culture to the host communities in the new place. While struggling for life and livelihood in the new locations, the observance of traditional rituals and practices has been pushed to a secondary place. Along with the change in other social institutions, the displaced families in the transit camps were affected due to the impact of non-tribal as well as the surrounding town. Even if they were recognised as Hindus, their festivals were completely different. After displacement all their traditional festivals are gradually losing importance, and along with that, their gods and deities are slowly losing importance because their places of worship are inside the forest which is far away from the transit camp. Earlier, they celebrated their festivals by consuming Handia, offering sacrifice and eating meat. After displacement, all these festivals are losing their importance and even the rate of offering sacrifice has decreased. Most of their festivals like Maghaparab, Herra Parab, Jtara Parab and Baa Parab are associated with their agricultural land and cattle and worshiping marangbonga (ancestral god). Now Tata is inspiring them to celebrate other Oriya Hindu festivals, which includes raja, deepavali, dusshehra, kumarpurnima and so on.

4.5 Impact on Common Property

The forest acts as a natural insurance which protects the tribal against crop failure

due to natural hazards15. Loss of forest land causes the loss of grazing land, burial ground, traditional herbal medicines and also the common land, earmarked for different community activities. The common people have also lost their ancestral burial grounds (Sasang soonom), which gives unique symbolic identity to each and every Ho family, as well as community in general. So after displacement, their concept of Ganaen Gerangand Ukku Sasaan, burying the dead has also collapsed. These days, they do not bury the dead bodies as they live in transit

15 Mohapatra,(1999)

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camps and no particular land has yet been allotted to them, as burial ground. With the help from Tata Steel Company, they are taking the bodies to Swargadara (a holy cremation ground in Odisha in Puri for cremation. This system has now broken their age-old practice of burying their dead.

Before displacement, the Ho community had access to all the nearby green hills namely Kiajhara, Sunajhara, Badasundi, Mahagiri, from where they collected the firewood needed for their own use. These forests were also taken care of and watched by the community. In other words, the access was within the hands of the local people and the forest committee was formed jointly by the villagers and the Athagarha forest range, but after displacement most of the people stopped going to these forests for firewood and other forest produce. They also lost their grazing lands and other common places they used for social and cultural gatherings.

The large scale migration of tribal people to Kalinganagar from the hinterland in recent years and their dependence on the informal sector economy of the Kalinganagar Industrial Complex in no way can be characterized as upward mobility of the aboriginal population of the region. Rather they may be called ‘ecological refugees’16, in the city, struggling hard to eke out subsistence and finally bearing the brunt of the environment pollution generated by the Kalinganagar Industries. It is not only Kalinganagar or the tribal populations of Odisha that are being pauperized due to the one dimensional industrial development designed at the top to serve the interest of the privileged sections of society. The entire industrial belt of Chota Nagpur stretching from Durg-Bhilai in Chhattisgarh to - in Odisha, Ranchi-Bokaro and Jamshedpur in Jharkhand has experienced a similar type of development, where the aboriginal population are reduced to being distressed migrants in urban-industrial centres of their own homelands.17

Ecological refugee refers to people who are forced to migrate from or flee their home due to sudden or long- term changes in their local environment which

compromise their well being or secured livelihood18. Many of the displaced tribal of Kalinganagar could not be properly rehabilitated. From their independent self- employed status in agriculture and forest economy, the tribal have become wandering wage earners in the informal sector urban economy with their

16 Meher, (2003) 17 Reddy, (1994) 18 Senapati, (2013 )

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traditional sources of livelihood almost lost. The domination of the upper caste Hindus in the organized sector jobs of the region leaves them with little scope to enter to the formal job market. Extensive Industrial activities in the entire area of Kalinganagar have destroyed dense forests and fertile agricultural lands, and the tribal are now dependent upon the unsustainable Industry economy by hiring themselves out as daily wage workers. When they fail to get work they migrate to different areas as turnover and seasonal migrants, working as contract labour in the industries or as informal sector workers such as coolies, rickshaw pullers, unskilled construction workers, domestic maids and the like.19

While taking the case of industry, ecology and society in Kalinganagar, the present study indicates a vivid evidence of relationship amongst these three factors. This rapture has occurred not only because of runaway industrialization and the use of modern technology, but also due to the negligence of the residents of the city towards the issue of environmental pollution. Nowadays hardly any industry is concerned about the industrial pollution but only thinks of maximizing their profit

from the common resources20. Significantly, the tribal people of Kalinganagar believe that Kalinganagar Industries and the state Government are both responsible for the condition that they are into at present. Over the years, they develop an anti-developmental (policy and programmes) attitude as they are often marginalized and deprived of the profit sharing. Therefore, the state led development agendas need to be more inclusive so that the tribal people also become a shareholder. This would be essential in order to bridge the gap between

the poor and the rich, the haves and have-nots21.

It is also noted that in some cases, displacement may occur not simply by the outright removal of people but by the prohibition or prevention of established activities that people rely on. Thus, forest dwellers may be displaced not through eviction, but through the prohibition of activities such as collecting wood or other forest products, that are central to their livelihood. Moreover, water rather than land may be involved, as water may be the basis of people’s livelihood e.g. fishing etc.

This also adds to the loss of complex social relationship which used to provide avenues of representation, mediation and conflict resolution. Essentially, the

19 Meher, (2003) 20 Dharitri,(2012) 21 Kohli, (2012)

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very cultural identity of the displaced community and individual is subjected to massive onslaught leading to very severe physiological stress and psychological trauma22.

4.6 Impact on Women and Children

These impacts are felt more by women and children than by men. Alcohol is the coping mechanism of many men and its result is a rise in domestic violence. Both drinking and wife beating did exist in the past. But drunkenness as a coping mechanism increases domestic violence. A majority of tribal women in Odisha mentioned more drinking and violence than in the past as a major problem they faced23. One understands it better when one realizes that tribal women enjoyed a slightly higher social status than women in caste societies did. But no tribal treated them as equal to men. The relatively high status was linked to their land and forests. As long as their sustenance was community owned, women had some decisions-making power since in most tribal societies they were in charge of the family. These resources were thus the locus of their work that made them economic assets. That was the foundation of their relatively high social status. When the project alienates the resources from them, women lose access to work but do not get access to work in the project. But for exceptions, tribal women who want to work are forced to take up low paid unskilled daily wage jobs. Others are reduced to being house-wives alone living on the man’s single salary. However, they have to continue to play their role of providers of the family even after losing the resources24.

Tribal women resort to three coping mechanisms to deal with these changes. The first is to treat sustenance as a commodity. As stated above the communities that had till then treated the natural resources as renewable, begin to destroy them as a source of income for sheer survival. The second is change of attitude towards children. In the absence of alternatives, the displaced families pulled their children out of the school or did not send them to school in order to turn them into child labourers to earn an income for the family. The third is a new view of women’s bodies. Many women cope with their impoverishment by earning some income to maintain their families by selling their bodies. Prostitution grows enormously among displaced women in general and tribal women in

22 Jeevan,(2000) 23 Fernandes and Bharali, (2011) 24 Thukral and Singh, (1995)

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particular25. The renewable natural resources are treated as a commodity for present income. Children cease to be providers of future livelihood. They as well as women’s bodies are used as sources of present income. Thus the displaced people and the project affected peoples in Kalinganagar internalize the commercial value system as a source of survival.

The entire process of displacement is disempowering because it breaks up socio-political organisations opposing the project or the development process itself. In the case of tribal, the experience of displacement becomes much more monstrous. They encounter tremendous odds in dealing with the market economy. Their unfamiliarity with modern technology and skills coupled with official indifference to their entry into the mainstream economy pushes a majority of tribal into conditions of servility and bondage26. It is tragic irony that the government – sanctioning authority of development projects - is well aware about these traumas faced by tribal. The Union Ministry of Home Affairs has acknowledged in a report that, “in the tribal areas, where the displaced persons are given only cash compensation, the tendencies to spend the compensation amount by buying consumer goods and becoming destitute are common. In most of the projects, the tribal oustees become listless wanderers without a mooring"27. Even if compensation were just, it would not solve the problem of people’s impoverishment and immediate marginalization.

5. Suggestions

The study clearly suggests that, for environmental, social as well as economic progress of backward regions of the study area the following should be done:

• The displaced should be rehabilitated with care. The rehabilitation programme and its implementation should be accomplished in a planned way, which may slow down the shocks involved with displacement. The government should involve some officials, along with the company officials which will help in successful rehabilitation. While planning and executing rehabilitation and resettlement programmes, one should also take the socio-economic, cultural and livelihood aspects of the displaced into consideration

25 Fernandes and Bharali, (2011). 26 Biswal,(2000). 27 Freeman,(2011).

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and before implementation, it is important to ensure that participation of the displaced people and their concerns are given priority.

• A good and well-planned rehabilitation and resettlement policy can improve the condition of the displaced and pave the way for building a just society. Only then, development has a meaning for the displaced. The government should stop selling the public purpose land/tribal land to the private industries/corporate houses etc.

• Since forests are an important source of food and income for the tribals in this area, efforts should be made for conservation of forests along with ensuring tribals access to forest for collection of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP). Increasing awareness about the Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas Act (PESA) and Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and working for its proper implementation will also improve the livelihood condition of the tribals.

• Land is to be given to the government or company only on lease. Therefore, monthly rent is to be paid to the land owner.

• The common/public amenities such as good roads, electricity, telephones, post office, ponds, drinking water, schooling, hospitality, recreation, play grounds, places for worship, cremation and grazing should be properly provided for and maintained. All pending compensation and other facilities promised in the policy and during the time of evacuation should be provided immediately.

• The training provided for the income-generating activities should be further strengthened and marketing arrangements should be provided for the products/services created by the trained people.

• There should be an alternative system of livelihood arranged for all the people, those who lost their agricultural land as well as for those who were dependent on them.

• To achieve sustainable development or inclusive growth and in order to overcome risks, arising out of the development process, without leaving them as the by-products of development, there is the need to deal with the situation properly. Reservation of seats for the children of the displaced families in professional, educational institutions will help the future generations to be better job seekers and to be part of the development processes.

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3. Concluding Remarks

If one looks at development as a social process, it has two components, i.e. the material component and the human component. The material component is necessary but not sufficient, while the human component is the sufficient condition for the development process. It is the primacy of this material component of development which has driven out the STs and SCs and other vulnerable sections of the society including women without integrating them into the production framework. The development policies instead have destabilized the material base. Therefore, despite the modern giant steel plant at Kalinganagar and the Steel City, a number of government and private schools and colleges, markets, restaurants with attached bars, clubs etc., the villages remained at the same level without much change: as poor as it was, as superstitious as it was, as illiterate as it was, as socially tabooed as it was, as unhygienic as it was and without medical facilities as it was. Hence, I would call upon everyone to make an earnest appeal to join hands in bringing under one roof the oppressed sections of the society affected by the projects for a viable alternative in the developmental process.

The present study will no doubt give a picture of how the industrialization based concept of development has been a threat to human security in Kalinganagar of Odisha, so that the planners, administrators, industrialists, environmental scientists and researchers can find the means to solve the issues discussed in the study.

Reference

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2. Biswal, Durgesh N (2000), Forced Displacement: Illusion and Reality, Manak, New Delhi.

3. Cernea, M. (2000 )’ Risks, Safeguards and Reconstruction: A Model for population Displacement and Resettlement’, Economic and Political Weekly, October 7

4. Dyal,Harishwar, Faria Noamani, Debraj Bagchi and Jaykishan Godsora, (2014) ‘State of the Adivasis in Odisha 2014: A Human Development Analysis’. SAGE publication: New Delhi.

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5. Dharitri, (2012), In Odia “94 Silpa Sansthaa Neichhanti 36,531 Acre Jami”. ( 94 Industrial Units have taken 36,531 Acreas land), Bhubaneswar, 9 October

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16. People’s union for civil liberties (PUCL) Odisha, ‘Police firing at Kalinganagar, 2nd January 2006 published in PUCL Bulletin April 2006. Available at www. pucl.org/../kalinganagar.htm , accessed on 10th April 2016.

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19. Sing, Chatrapati, (1995), ‘Rehabilitation and the Rights to Property’, in Walter, Fernandes and Enakshi Ganguly Thukral (eds), Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation: Issues for a National Debate, New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, pp. 91-103.

Sources Consulted

• Additional District Magistrate (ADM) Office, Kalinganagar, Jajpur.

• Rehabilitation periphery development Advisory Committee. (RPDC), Jajpur.

• Industrial Development Corporation of Odisha, (IDCO), Bhubaneswar.

• State pollution control Board (SPCB), Odisha, Bhubaneswar.

• Visthapan Virodhi Jan Manch (VVJM), 2004.

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