Public Housing and Lethalviolence: an Analysis of the Effect of The
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PUBLIC HOUSING AND LETHALVIOLENCE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE EFFECT OF THE PRESENCE OF PUBLIC HOUSING ON HOMICIDE RATES By Eric G. Lesneskie A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Criminal Justice Written under the direction of Dr. Mercer Sullivan And approved by ___________________ ___________________ ___________________ ___________________ Newark, New Jersey May, 2013 ©2013 Eric G. Lesneskie ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Public Housing and Lethal Violence: An Analysis of the Effect of the Presence of Public Housing on Homicide Rates By Eric G. Lesneskie Dissertation Director: Dr. Mercer Sullivan After the Second World War, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) provided funding to local housing authorities to build large scale public housing developments in many cities across the United States. Unfortunately, most of those housing projects were beset with a host of problems as time progressed, including deteriorating building structures, concentrated poverty, racial segregation, and crime. In perhaps no city is this story more heavily studied than in Chicago. Chicago’s public housing tribulations are legendary and are well documented in the academic literature. Many of Chicago’s projects were large high-rise projects located in disadvantaged, isolated, and residentially distinct neighborhoods with strong gang, drug, and crime presence. However, relatively little research has examined the association between Chicago’s public housing and homicide. Specifically, it is uncertain as to whether the unique physical and social environments of public housing developments have an independent effect on lethal violence or whether the high rates of homicides occurring in public housing areas are influenced predominately by neighborhood conditions. Utilizing the Chicago Homicide Data set, this dissertation disentangles the effects of public housing on lethal violence. This study, first, estimated negative binominal regression models to determine the effect of the presence of public housing on ii tract level rates of homicide. The results of these analyses indicate that the presence of public housing is not a significant predictor of the rates of lethal violence and neighborhood conditions are driving the high rates of homicides occurring in public housing areas. Secondly, the nature of lethal violence occurring in public housing areas was determined by using negative binominal regression and bivariate analyses. Homicides, disaggregated by motive, do not occur at higher rates or disproportionately in Chicago’s tracts with public housing compared to tracts without. The findings from this dissertation indicate that public housing areas do not seem to be micro places that influence a specific type of violence and that neighborhood conditions are driving the high rates of homicide occurring in public housing areas rather than the unique physical and social environments of public housing developments. iii Acknowledgements I would first like to thank my dissertation chair, Dr. Mercer Sullivan, for his insights and guidance throughout this entire process. Additionally, I am indebted to Dr. Robert Apel, Dr. Elizabeth Griffiths, and Dr. Jesenia Pizarro for their helpful comments on numerous drafts. Finally, the completion of this endeavor would not have been possible without the support of my family, thank you. iv Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………...……………………………… ii Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………. iv Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………… v List of Tables……………………………………………………………………….. vii Chapter I-Introduction………………………………………………………………. 1 Chapter II-Theoretical Framework………………...……………………………….. 12 Situational Theories…………...……………………………………………. 13 Defensible Space……………………………………………………………. 13 CPTED……………………………………………………………………… 16 Discussion of Situational Theories…………………………………………. 17 Social Structural Theories…………………………………………………... 18 Social Disorganization Theory……………………………………………... 18 Social Isolation……………………………………………………………… 21 Social Structure and Homicide……………………………………………... 24 Conclusion………………………………………………………………….. 25 Chapter III-Review of Literature…………………………………………………… 27 Chicago’s Public Housing……………………...…………………………… 27 Variation Across Chicago’s Public Housing…………………..…………… 30 Neighborhood Disadvantage and Social Isolation………………………….. 30 Physical Environment…………………………...………………………….. 31 Architectural Design……………………………...………………………… 31 Size………………………………………………………………………….. 32 Externality…………...……………………………………………………… 33 Residential Composition……………………………………………………. 34 Chicago’s Public Housing and Gangs………………………………………. 36 Public Housing and Crime…………………...……………………………... 37 Public Housing and Homicide……………...………………………………. 40 Conclusion………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter IV-Research Strategy…………………...…………………………………. 44 Research Questions and Hypotheses………………………………………... 51 Data Structuring………………………………...…………………………... 66 Homicide Data………………………...……………………………………. 66 Neighborhood Disadvantage and Social Isolation………………………….. 67 Residential Composition…………………………………...……………….. 69 Physical Environment………………………...…………………………….. 70 Analytical Methods………………………...……………………………….. 72 Chapter V-Does the presence of public housing in tracts affect homicide rates?....... 81 Descriptive Statistics……………………………...………………………… 81 Strategy A: Negative binominal regression with full sample of tracts…...… 85 Strategy B: Negative binominal regression excluding outlier tracts...……… 88 Discussion and Summary...…………………………………………………. 91 Chapter VI-Are motivations for homicides that occur in tracts with public housing different from motivations for homicides that occur in tracts without public housing?...................................................................................................................... 96 Descriptive Statistics…...…………………………………………………… 96 v Strategy A: Negative binominal regression with full sample of tracts…...… 98 Gang Motivated Homicides……………………...…………………………. 99 Drug Motivated Homicides…………………………………………………. 101 Robbery Motivated Homicides…………………...………………………… 104 Domestic Motivated Homicides……………………………..……………... 106 “Other” Motivated Homicides……………………...………………………. 109 Strategy C-Bivariate Analyses with Full Sample of Tracts………...………. 111 Strategy B: Negative Binominal Regression Excluding Outlier Tract……... 113 Gang Motivated Homicides.……………..…………………………………. 115 Drug Motivated Homicides...……………………………………………….. 118 Robbery Motivated Homicides…...………………………………………… 119 Domestic Motivated Homicides…………………………………………….. 121 “Other” Motivated Homicides…………...…………………………………. 123 Strategy D: Bivariate Analyses Excluding Outlier Tracts……...…………... 125 Discussion...………………………………………………………………… 127 Summary…...……………………………………………………………….. 132 Chapter VII-Do differences across tracts with public housing influence the amount and nature of homicide?.............................................................................................. 134 Strategy E-Bivariate Analyses with Tracts Containing Public Housing...….. 134 Disadvantage, Isolation, and Residential Composition Differences...……… 136 Physical Environment………...…………………………………………….. 139 Discussion and Summary…………………………...………………………. 141 Chapter IX-Summary and Discussion…………………………...………………….. 146 Summary of Findings……………...………………………………………... 146 Limitations…………...……………………………………………………... 148 Theoretical Implications……..……………………………………………... 150 Policy Implications………..………………………………………………... 152 Future Research……………...……………………………………………… 153 References……………...…………………………………………………………… 156 Appendix A………………………...……………………………………………….. 165 Appendix B………………………...……………………………………………….. 167 Appendix C……………………...………………………………………………….. 170 Appendix D…………………...…………………………………………………….. 172 Appendix E…………………...……...……………………………………………... 179 Appendix F………………..………………………………………………………... 180 Appendix G………………………...……………………………………………….. 182 Appendix H………………………...……………………………………………….. 183 Appendix I………………………...………………………………………………… 185 Appendix J…………………..……………………………………………………… 186 Appendix K………………...……………………………………………………….. 194 Appendix L………………..………………………………………………………... 201 Curriculum Vita………………………………………………………………...…... 206 vi List of Tables Table 5.1…………………………………………………………………………….. 83 Table 5.2…………………………………………………………………………….. 86 Table 5.3…………………………………………………………………………….. 88 Table 5.4…………………………………………………………………………….. 91 Table 6.1…………………………………………………………………………….. 97 Table 6.2…………………………………………………….………………………. 101 Table 6.3…………………………………………………….………………………. 104 Table 6.4…………………………………………………………………………….. 106 Table 6.5………………………………………………………………….…………. 108 Table 6.6…………………………………………………….………………………. 111 Table 6.7……………………………………………………….……………………. 112 Table 6.8…………………………………………………….………………………. 114 Table 6.9………………………………………….…………………………………. 118 Table 6.10…………………………………………………………………………… 119 Table 6.11…………………………………………………………………………… 121 Table 6.12…………………………………………………………………………… 123 Table 6.13…………………………………………………………………………… 125 Table 6.14…………………………………………………………………………… 126 Table 7.1…………………………………….………………………………………. 142 Table 7.2……………………………………….……………………………………. 143 Table 7.3…………………………………………………………………………….. 143 Table 7.4…………………………………………………………………………….. 144 Table 7.5…………………………………………………………………………….. 145 Table 7.6…………………………………………………………………………….. 145 Table 7.7…………………………………………………………………………….. 145 vii 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION After the Second World War, with the help of federal funding from the Housing Acts of 1937, 1949, and 1954, the