Irish 20Thc Timeline: a Chronology of Key Events
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History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades. -
Re-Tweeting Election #Ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD
Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD 1 Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Introduction The 2011 General Election was the first Twitter Election in Ireland. The appetite for increased engagement, accountability and interaction via the social media platform followed the resignation of Defence Minister Willie O’Dea in February 2010, in part because of a carefully composed tweet. By January 2011, Twitter was part of the daily political discourse, as candidates posted their thoughts, policies, pictures and links in the competitive war to raise profiles and attract eyeballs. The beauty of Twitter is that it allows your ‘followers’ to view you in a different lens from the normal political script, and to engage with you on a variety of topics political, personal, trivial and even philosophical. It also allows politicians break some news at appropriate times, and share views on national events without the constraints of a formal press release. This ebook is based on all the tweets published over the course of the General Election campaign, from the announcement of Labour’s motion of no confidence in the government to the day of the election result. It is important to consider that the commentary on the tweets was completed in the months immediately after the election in February 2011, when my memory of events and emotions was still raw and fresh, and not two years later. Therefore, the commentary provided is frozen in 2011 and has not been altered to take account of two years in government and developments in 2013. The tweets and reflections are frozen in time. -
Congressional Record—House H2860
H2860 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE April 30, 2008 When not being a parish pastor, Rev. The gentleman from Massachusetts The Prime Minister of Ireland, es- Meador enjoys officiating high school (Mr. MARKEY); corted by the committee of Senators and youth athletics and playing golf. The gentleman from Massachusetts and Representatives, entered the Hall Welcome, Nathan. (Mr. NEAL); of the House of Representatives and f The gentlewoman from New York stood at the Clerk’s desk. (Mrs. MALONEY); [Applause, the Members rising.] ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER The gentleman from Rhode Island The SPEAKER. Members of Con- PRO TEMPORE (Mr. KENNEDY); gress, I have the high privilege and the The SPEAKER pro tempore. After The gentleman from New York (Mr. distinct honor of presenting to you His consultation among the Speaker and CROWLEY); Excellency Bertie Ahern, the the majority and minority leaders, and The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Taoiseach, Prime Minister of Ireland. with their consent, the Chair an- BOEHNER); [Applause, the Members rising.] nounces that, when the two Houses The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. meet in joint meeting to hear an ad- BLUNT); f dress by His Excellency Bertie Ahern, The gentleman from Florida (Mr. PUTNAM); Prime Minister of Ireland, only the ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY doors immediately opposite the Speak- The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. MCCOTTER); BERTIE AHERN, THE PRIME MIN- er and those immediately to her left ISTER OF IRELAND and right will be open. The gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. No one will be allowed on the floor of ROS-LEHTINEN); Prime Minister AHERN. Madam the House who does not have the privi- The gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. -
Eamon De Valera's Contributions to Modern Ireland
Nation and State: Eamon de Valera’s Contributions to Modern Ireland Marshall Bursis Ireland in the 20th Century Trinity College Dublin Dr. Anne Dolan Bursis 2 Eamon de Valera dominated Irish politics in the 20th century. 1 But, despite de Valera’s electoral success and decades as Taoiseach and President, many describe his policies as failed, isolationist, and reactionary. In contrast with de Valera’s traditionalism, his successor as leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, receives praise for his efforts to reform and modernize the Irish economy. 2 As early as 1969, a popular magazine had declared “one of the great tragedies of modern Ireland is that Lemass did not become Taoiseach immediately after the war.” 3 While there is no doubt Lemass merits much of the credit for Ireland’s development in the sixties, this historical narrative devalues de Valera’s crucial contribution to Irish identity and government. Lemass modernized the Irish economy and radically redefined the state for the better, but de Valera’s premiership was not the Irish dark age many consider it to be. Despite his shortcomings, de Valera created an Irish identity necessary for the formation of the state and founded a comparatively liberal and democratic political system that has persisted for almost one hundred years. I. Historical Contempt for ‘de Valera’s Ireland’ In many historical accounts, the phrase “de Valera’s Ireland” usually carries a connotation of sarcasm and derision. For some assessing the island after independence, it “became shorthand for all the shortcomings of twentieth-century Ireland.” 4 Borrowing from James Joyce, one academic makes the expression’s subtext clear, characterizing the period as “the Devil Era.” 5 To his critics, de Valera left a legacy of economic stagnation, poverty, and generational emigration and conservative, theocratic politics. -
Constitution of the Irish Free State (Saorstát Eireann) Act, 1922
Constitution of the Irish Free State (Saorstát Eireann) Act, 1922 CONSTITUTION OF THE IRISH FREE STATE (SAORSTÁT EIREANN) ACT, 1922. AN ACT TO ENACT A CONSTITUTION FOR THE IRISH FREE STATE (SAORSTÁT EIREANN) AND FOR IMPLEMENTING THE TREATY BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND SIGNED AT LONDON ON THE 6TH DAY OF DECEMBER, 1921. DÁIL EIREANN sitting as a Constituent Assembly in this Provisional Parliament, acknowledging that all lawful authority comes from God to the people and in the confidence that the National life and unity of Ireland shall thus be restored, hereby proclaims the establishment of The Irish Free State (otherwise called Saorstát Eireann) and in the exercise of undoubted right, decrees and enacts as follows:— 1. The Constitution set forth in the First Schedule hereto annexed shall be the Constitution of The Irish Free State (Saorstát Eireann). 2. The said Constitution shall be construed with reference to the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland set forth in the Second Schedule hereto annexed (hereinafter referred to as “the Scheduled Treaty”) which are hereby given the force of law, and if any provision of the said Constitution or of any amendment thereof or of any law made thereunder is in any respect repugnant to any of the provisions of the Scheduled Treaty, it shall, to the extent only of such repugnancy, be absolutely void and inoperative and the Parliament and the Executive Council of the Irish Free State (Saorstát Eireann) shall respectively pass such further legislation and do all such other things as may be necessary to implement the Scheduled Treaty. -
Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI)
Area: Europa ARI 79/2011 Date: 28/4/2011 Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI) Raj Chari* Theme1: The 2011 Irish election must be placed in the context of both the economic and the political crisis that preceded the vote in order to examine its results and consider Ireland’s future in Europe. Summary: After years of economic growth during the ‘Celtic Tiger’ boom, Ireland fell into economic decline as a result of its financial crisis in 2008. Ireland’s fall can best be understood as home-made, fuelled by speculation and lax regulation of the financial sector. In the context of this economic and financial crisis, Ireland then suffered a political crisis in which the Fianna Fáil (FF) government coalition lost legitimacy, prompting an early election on 25 February 2011. Unsurprisingly perhaps, a new coalition government comprised of Fine Gael (FG) and Labour came into being as a result. A major issue to be addressed by the new government relates to the renegotiation of the interest rates on the EU/IMF bailout agreed in December 2010. However, what remains unclear is how much this new government’s hands are already tied and whether or not the EU seeks to renegotiate the terms of the deal. Analysis: The Economic and Political Context For almost a decade before 2008, the ‘Celtic Tiger’ gained the attention of the world: after being a laggard in the EU economy throughout much of the 70s and 80s, from the late 90s Ireland was one of the fastest-growing EU economies and represented a model for growth. -
Global Ireland Progress Report Year 1 June 2018 — June 2019
Global Ireland Progress Report Year 1 June 2018 — June 2019 Global Ireland Progress Report Year 1 (June 2018-June 2019) Prepared by the Department of the Taoiseach July 2019 www.gov.ie/globalireland 2 Global Ireland Progress Report, Year 1 Table of Contents Foreword 4 Progress Overview 5 Investing in Ireland’s global footprint 9 Expanding and deepening Ireland’s global footprint 12 Connecting with the wider world 26 International Development, Peace and Security 34 3 Global Ireland Progress Report, Year 1 Foreword Global Ireland is an expression of Ireland’s ambition about what we want to accomplish on the international stage, and how we believe we can contribute in a positive way to the world we live in. Within the EU, we are working to broaden and deepen our strategic and economic partnerships with other regions and partner countries, across Africa, Asia-Pacific, the Americas and the Middle East, as well as in our near European neighbourhood. We believe in the multilateral system, with the United Nations and the World Trade Organisation at its core, and we see it as the best way to protect our national interests and progress our international objectives. Last June, we launched Global Ireland, a strategic initiative to double Ireland’s global footprint and impact by 2025. When I first announced this initiative, I recalled the words of Taoiseach John A. Costello in 1948, when he expressed a hope that Ireland could wield an influence in the world ‘far in excess of what our mere physical size and the smallness of our population might warrant’. -
Northern Ireland: Managing R COVID-19 Across Open Borders ESSAY SPECIAL ISSUE Katy Hayward *
Borders in Globalization Review Volume 2, Issue 1 (Fall/Winter 2020): 58-61 https://doi.org/10.18357/bigr21202019887 Northern Ireland: Managing _ R COVID-19 Across Open Borders ESSAY SPECIAL ISSUE Katy Hayward * The early response to the coronavirus pandemic in Northern Ireland revealed three things. First, although part of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland is integrally connected in very practical ways to the Republic of Ireland. Policies and practices regarding COVID-19 on the southern side of the Irish land border had a direct impact on those being formu- lated for the North. Secondly, as well as differences in scientific advice and political preferences in the bordering jurisdictions, a coherent policy response was delayed by leaders’ failures to communicate in a timely manner with counterparts on the other side of the border. And, thirdly, different policies on either side of an open border can fuel profound uncertainty in a borderland region; but this can give rise to community-level action that fills the gaps in ways that can actually better respond to the complexity of the situation. This essay draws on the author’s close observation of events as they happened, including news coverage, press conferences and public statements from the three governments concerned over the period of March-October 2020. The Land and Sea Borders Before COVID-19 Northern Ireland is a small region on the north-eastern UK Government in Westminster. Although Northern part of the island of Ireland that is part of the United Ireland is part of the UK’s National Health Service, Kingdom. -
Remarks at a Saint Patrick's Day Ceremony with Prime Minister
Mar. 17 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 1999 Your presence here today is a strong commit- Foley. I think we ought to rename the Speaker ment to the peace process and therefore grate- ‘‘O’Hastert’’ after—[laughter]—his words today, fully noted. And all I can say is, I think I can because they were right on point. speak for every Member of Congress in this So you know that across all the gulfs of Amer- room without regard to party, for every member ican politics, we join in welcoming all of our of our administration—you know that we feel, Irish friends. And right now, I’ll ask Taoiseach Taoiseach, almost an overwhelming and inex- Bertie Ahern to take the floor and give us a pressible bond to the Irish people. We want few remarks. to help all of you succeed. It probably seems Thank you, and God bless you. meddlesome sometimes, but we look forward to the day when Irish children will look at the Troubles as if they were some part of mystic Celtic folklore, and all of us who were alive NOTE: The President spoke at approximately noon during that period will seem like relics of a in Room H207 of the Rayburn House Office bygone history. Building. In his remarks, he referred to Father We hope we can help you to achieve that. Sean McManus, who gave the invocation; Prime And believe me, all of us are quite mindful Minister Bertie Ahern of Ireland; Social Demo- that it is much harder for you—every one of cratic and Labour Party leader John Hume; Ulster you here in this room who have been a part Unionist Party leader David Trimble; Sinn Fein of this—than it is for us. -
The Executive's International Relations and Comparisons with Scotland & Wales
Research and Information Service Briefing Paper Paper 04/21 27/11/2020 NIAR 261-20 The Executive’s International Relations and comparisons with Scotland & Wales Stephen Orme Providing research and information services to the Northern Ireland Assembly 1 NIAR 261-20 Briefing Paper Key Points This briefing provides information on the Northern Ireland Executive’s international relations strategy and places this in a comparative context, in which the approaches of the Scottish and Welsh governments are also detailed. The following key points specify areas which may be of particular interest to the Committee for the Executive Office. The Executive’s most recent international relations strategy was published in 2014. Since then there have been significant changes in the global environment and Northern Ireland’s position in it, including Brexit and its consequences. Northern Ireland will have a unique and ongoing close relationship with the EU, due in part to the requirements of the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol. The Scottish and Welsh parliaments have launched and/or completed inquiries into their countries’ international relations in recent years. The Scottish and Welsh governments have also taken recent steps to update and refresh their approach to international relations. There is substantial variation in the functions of the international offices of the devolved administrations. NI Executive and Scottish Government offices pursue a broad range of diplomatic, economic, cultural, educational and specific policy priorities, with substantial variation between offices. Welsh Government offices, meanwhile, appear primarily focused on trade missions. It is therefore difficult to compare the international offices of the three administrations on a “like for like” basis. -
Exchange with Reporters Prior to Discussions with Prime Minister Bertie Ahern of Ireland in Dublin December 12, 2000
Dec. 11 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 2000 I am very concerned and disappointed, how- the Congress decided to drop proposed author- ever, with many of the provisions in S. 2796. izations totaling more than $550 million for local Earlier this year, I submitted water resource infrastructure projects that should not become legislation to the Congress directed at certain a responsibility of the Army Corps of Engineers. fundamental issues. First, the bill included sev- Furthermore, my Administration proposed im- eral high-priority Corps initiatives addressing im- provements to the procedures used for portant needs currently facing the Nation. Sec- deauthorizing dormant projects, changes to close ond, the bill proposed a number of much need- a loophole in the existing ability-to-pay law, an ed water project reforms. Finally, my Adminis- increase in the local cost-share for structural tration developed this bill with a Federal cost flood damage reduction projects, and a program of about $1 billion within a framework of overall to clean up brownfields. I am disappointed that fiscal discipline that helps ensure that only the the Congress did not authorize any of these most worthwhile projects are funded. important reforms. The version of this legislation as passed au- Finally, section 601(b)(2)(D)(iii) provides that thorizes roughly $5 billion in new Federal appropriations for certain water resources spending according to Corps of Engineers esti- projects within the Everglades shall not be made mates, an amount that far exceeds a reasonable unless technical reports on those projects have assessment of the available future Federal budg- been approved by the House Committee on etary resources for this program. -
Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937)
1 Searching Ireland’s Soul: Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937) By John Hugh Porter In 1924 the newly formed Irish Free State government adopted the “traditional” Irish harp as the great seal for the nation. The harp had been symbolic of Eire for centuries, and was, therefore, an obvious emblem for the Free State.1 However, the harp already served as the emblem for another great Irish institution, perhaps greater than the government itself; the Guinness company. The iconic Irish drink had adopted the Irish harp as its logo in 1862.2 Thus, in 1924 there began considerable correspondence between the government and the Guinness Company as to the right of use of the harp symbol.3 Arthur Guinness, Son and Company, was unwilling to let the Free State appropriate the use of the harp. Eventually the matter was resolved when it appeared that the harp on the great seal would be presented with the back facing to the right, whereas, when it appeared on the Guinness Trade Mark the back of the harp faced towards the left.4 This resolution only came after a considerable amount of legal wrangling, demonstrating the contested territory of symbolic consumption. The harp had, by 1924, already become a symbol of consumerism, with its connection to the most recognisable of Irish brands. Yet, the nexus between consumerism and nation building has been somewhat neglected in Irish historiography.5 We see a lack of analysis into concepts such as the “consumer”, the ways in which such concepts have been constructed, and what impact they may have had upon Irish social and political discourse.6 This is especially true for the Irish Free State, as historiography on the period has tended to focus on political and economic concerns to the detriment of significant concepts, such as, the 1 In folklore the harp was said to belong to Brian Boru and later to the O’Neill family.