Final Report Under the Resuts of Monitoring of Representing of the Presidentcial Electoral Campaign of 2014 in National and Regional Mass Media
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AN UPDATE ANDREW WILSON ON THE WEST HOW UKRAINE CAN RECOVER MONEY ON DONBAS AND CRIMEA AND YaNUKOVYCH FROM OLIGARCHS № 4 (70) MARCH 2014 A COUNTRY OF FREE RADICALS WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION DOZENS OF PROTESTERS DEAD FOUR HUNDRED INJURED THE EXACT NUMBER OF VICTIMS OF THE REGIME REMAINS UNKNOWN |CONTENTS BRIEFING Ukraine as the Latest The Mist of Victory: The revolution is Fashion: Poles support the Maidan gladly and over. A war begins passionately 4 22 FOCUS Leonidas Donskis: “Every piece of information about The Feast of Defiance: The surge of separatism Ukraine on Russian TV was would have peacefully died down in Crimea. similar to what I had long been listening immediately after 13 Then, Russia interfered January 1991 when the Soviet troops killed fourteen peaceful 6 civilians in Vilnius” Volodymyr Panchenko explains why the 24 Crimea is not a “native Russian land” International lawyer Volodymyr Vasylenko: 8 “There is no statute of Knockout in the Donbas: Confusion, shock and urgent need of limitations for crimes a wise solution from the new government against humanity” Divide and rule? The Ukrainian Week has superimposed three maps of Ukraine: adminirative, economic and hiorical-ethnographic. This simple experiment shows that the maps do not match. This leads to the queion: What principle are the political adepts of federalization going to use to carve up Ukraine? 9 Hiorical-ethnographic divisions 26 (coloured lines) Chernihiv Sumy V O L Y N Adminirative divisions Watch -
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties ......................................... -
Will Ukraine's 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point?
Will Ukraine’s 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point? UNLIKELY, BUT DANGERS LURK PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 552 November 2018 Oleхiy Haran1 University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Petro Burkovsky2 National Institute for Strategic Studies (Kyiv) Next year, amid an ongoing conflict with Russia, sluggish economic recovery, and the rise of populism, Ukrainians will elect a new president (in March) and a new parliament (in October). Although the Ukrainian public is fragmented in its support of the six or seven frontrunners and parties, the outcome of both elections is not likely to bring radical change to Kyiv’s foreign and security policies—unless Russia decides to intervene, with or without violence. Ukrainians may be wary about Russian-backed activities, such as fostering a divisive referendum about conflict resolution in the Donbas or stirring up tensions between the government and ethnic minorities or Moscow patriarchate zealots. The country’s Western partners should not downplay the Kremlin’s potential interventions, nor should they overreact to any new configurations of Ukrainian political power. Perhaps the most important imperative for both Ukrainians and the West is to continue pushing for the separation of oligarchs from the levers of governance. Although much can change over the next five months, the current outlook is that political developments in 2019 are not expected to produce another major turning point in the colorful history of Ukraine. Poroshenko’s Legacy: Baking “Kyiv Cake” for Others? We argued in 2014 3 that three major challenges would define the course of President Petro Poroshenko’s presidency. First, he had to avoid actions that would lead to full- scale war with Russia or rampant civil war. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
Separatists and Russian Nationalist-Extremist Allies of The
Separatists and Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions call for union with Russia Today at 17:38 | Taras Kuzio The signing of an accord to prolong the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea by 25 years not only infringes the Constitution again, but also threatens Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If a president is willing to ignore the Constitution on two big questions in less than two months in office, what will he have done to the Constitution after 60 months in office? As somebody wrote on my Facebook profile yesterday, the Constitution is now “toilet paper.” The threat to Ukraine’s territorial integrity is deeper. Since President Viktor Yanukovych’s election, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions have begun to radicalize their activities. Their mix of Russophile and Sovietophile ideological views are given encouragement by cabinet ministers such as Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk and First Deputy Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. Calls, which look increasingly orchestrated, are made to change Ukraine’s national anthem, adopt Russian as a state language, transform Ukraine into a federal state and coordinate the writing of educational textbooks with Russia. On Monday, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions in the Crimea organized a meeting on the anniversary of the Crimea’s annexation by the Russian empire that demanded a full military, political and economic union with Russia. Russian nationalist-extremists in the Crimea were marginalized by ex-President Leonid Kuchma after he abolished the Crimean presidential institution in 1995. Then Deputy Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk undertook measures to subvert and undermine the Russian nationalist-extremists who came to power in the peninsula in 1994. -
The Oligarchic Democracy: the Influence of Business Groups On
42 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak NUMBER 42 WARSAW September 2012 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Content EDitors Adam Eberhardt, Wojciech Konończuk EDitorS Anna Łabuszewska Katarzyna Kazimierska Translation Ilona Duchnowicz CO-operation Nicholas Furnival Graphic Design Para-buch CHARTS Wojciech Mańkowski PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia Publisher Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-14-4 Contents THESES /5 MAIN SEctORS OF BUSINESS ActIVITY OF THE KEY UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHS /8 INTRODUctION /9 RESERVATIONS /11 I. THE EMERGENCE OF THE OLIGARCHIC SYSTEM AND ITS FORM IN 1991–2004 /13 1. The genesis of the oligarchic system /13 2. The formation of the clans /13 3. The beginnings of a system crisis /17 4. The Orange Revolution /20 II. THE OLIGARCHS IN 2005–2010 /23 1. The orange ‘oligarchic democracy’ /25 1.1. The business circles linked to the Party of Regions /26 1.2. ‘Orange’ business /27 1.3. The others /30 2. Tymoshenko’s conflict with the RUE Group /32 3. The attempt to form a grand coalition /32 4. The presidential election of 2010 /34 III. THE OLIGARCHS AFTER VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH’S VIctORY /37 1. The key groups of influence in the state administration/37 2. ‘The family’ – an attempt at a new quality /40 3. -
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5 Ukraine freedomhouse.org Україна Note: The scores and narrative for Ukraine do not reflect conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea, which is assessed in a separate report. Status change explanation: Ukraine’s status improved from Not Free to Partly Free due to profound changes in the media environment after the fall of President Viktor Yanukovych’s government in February, despite a rise in attacks on journalists during the Euromaidan protests of early 2014 and the subsequent conflict in eastern Ukraine. The level of government hostility and legal pressure faced by journalists decreased, as did political pressure on state-owned outlets. The media also benefited from improvements to the law on access to information and the increased independence of the broadcasting regulator. Conditions for press freedom in Ukraine were affected by tumultuous political events in 2014. During the first two months of the year, a protest movement known as Euromaidan occupied central Kyiv and withstood waves of attacks by security forces loyal to President Viktor Yanukovych, who ultimately fled the country in late February. Russian forces then occupied Crimea and actively supported separatist militants in Ukraine’s two easternmost regions, Donetsk and Luhansk. Even as fighting escalated in the east, the country held democratic elections for the presidency and parliament in May and October, respectively. These events led to an overall improvement in the media environment, although concerns remain, especially regarding the government’s handling of pro-Russian propaganda, the concentration of ownership of private outlets in the hands of a small group of wealthy businessmen, and the high levels of violence against journalists in the country, especially in the east. -
February 14Th 10.00 Sedov Vladimir Valentinovich (Moscow IA RAS
February 14th 10.00 Sedov Vladimir Valentinovich (Moscow IA RAS) Principal outcomes of the excavation of the church of the Annunciation at Gorodishche near Novgorod in 2016-2017: archeology and architecture The paper presents the main results of the extensive architectural and archaeological excavation of the stone church of the Annunciation at Gorodishche, built in 1103 by Prince Mstislav the Great and rebuilt in 1342-1343. This latter church, having survived in part, was conserved, and the current plans for the museumification of the 1103 church allowed for its complete excavation, which provided an opportunity to assess the architecture of this second oldest stone church building of Novgorod (the Sophia of Novgorod being the earliest). We now see this monument as a transitive point in local architectural history. Its large size, common type and architectural details firmly link it to the south Russian tradition of Kiev. At the same time, it stands at the very beginning of the Novgorod architectural tradition. The paper also covers some of the most vivid details of the monument and the traces of its rebuilding, as well as information on the pre- church layers unearthed during the excavation. Gippius Alexey Alexeevich (Moscow, HSE, ISS RAS), Mikheev Savva Mikhailovich (Moscow, ISS RAS) Complex of the Glagolitic graffiti of the church of the Annunciation at Gorodishche The paper discusses ten 12th- century Glagolitic graffiti, one of them being the longest old Russian Glagolitic text. The inscriptions are of interest both in terms of their content and of their paleography, which has allowed us to presume the existence of a specific Novgorod school of Glagolitic writing in the 11th and 12th centuries. -
Foreign Satellite & Satellite Systems Europe Africa & Middle East Asia
Foreign Satellite & Satellite Systems Europe Africa & Middle East Albania, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia & Algeria, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Herzegonia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Congo Brazzaville, Congo Kinshasa, Egypt, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Hungary, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Macedonia, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Moldova, Montenegro, The Netherlands, Norway, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Uganda, Western Sahara, Zambia. Armenia, Ukraine, United Kingdom. Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Cyprus, Georgia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Yemen. Asia & Pacific North & South America Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Kazakhstan, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Puerto Rico, United Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Macau, Maldives, Myanmar, States of America. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Nepal, Pakistan, Phillipines, South Korea, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Uruguay, Venezuela. Uzbekistan, Vietnam. Australia, French Polynesia, New Zealand. EUROPE Albania Austria Belarus Belgium Bosnia & Herzegovina Bulgaria Croatia Czech Republic France Germany Gibraltar Greece Hungary Iceland Ireland Italy -
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 April 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY …………………………………………………. 3 I. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………. 6 A. Context B. Universal and regional human rights instruments ratified by Ukraine C. UN human rights response D. Methodology III. UNDERLYING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS ……………………… … 10 A. Corruption and violations of economic and social rights B. Lack of accountability for human rights violations and weak rule of law institutions IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS RELATED TO THE MAIDAN PROTESTS ……………………………………………………… 13 A. Violations of the right to freedom of assembly B. Excessive use of force, killings, disappearances, torture and ill-treatment C. Accountability and national investigations V. CURRENT OVERALL HUMAN RIGHTS CHALLENGES ……………… 15 A. Protection of minority rights B. Freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and the right to information C. Incitement to hatred, discrimination or violence D. Lustration, judicial and security sector reforms VI. SPECIFIC HUMAN RIGHTS CHALLENGES IN CRIMEA …………….. 20 VII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ………………………….. 22 A. Conclusions B. Recommendations for immediate action C. Long-term recommendations Annex I: Concept Note for the deployment of the UN human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine 2 | P a g e I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. During March 2014 ASG Ivan Šimonović visited Ukraine twice, and travelled to Bakhchisaray, Kyiv, Kharkiv, Lviv, Sevastopol and Simferopol, where he met with national and local authorities, Ombudspersons, civil society and other representatives, and victims of alleged human rights abuses. This report is based on his findings, also drawing on the work of the newly established United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). -
Public Evaluation of Environmental Policy in Ukraine
Public Council of All-Ukrainian Environmental NGOs under the aegis of the Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources of Ukraine Organising Committee of Ukrainian Environmental NGOs for preparation to Fifth Pan-European Ministerial Conference "Environment for Europe" Public Evaluation of Environmental Policy in Ukraine Report of Ukrainian Environmental NGOs Кyiv — 2003 Public Evaluation of Environmental Policy in Ukraine. Report of Ukrainian Environmental NGOs. — Kyiv, 2003. — 139 pages The document is prepared by the Organising Committee of Ukrainian Environmental NGOs in the framework of the «Program of Measures for Preparation and Conduction of 5th Pan-European Ministerial Conference» «Environment for Europe» for 2002–2003» approved by the National Organising Committee of Ukraine. Preparation and publication of the report was done wit the support of: Regional Ecological Center - REC-Kyiv; Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources of Ukraine; Milieukontakt Oost Europa in the framework of the project «Towards Kyiv-2003» with financial support of the Ministry of Territorial Planning, Construction and the Environment; UN office in Ukraine Contents Foreword . 1. Environmental Policy and Legislation . 1.1. Legislative Background of Environmental Policy . 1.2. Main State Documents Defining Environmental Policy . 1.3. Enforcement of Constitution of Ukraine . 1.4. Implementation of Environmental Legislation . 1.5. State of Ukrainian Legislation Reforming after Aarhus Convention Ratification . 1.6.Ukraine's Place in Transition towards Sustainable Development . 2. Environmental Management . 2.1. Activities of State Authorities . 2.2 Activities of State Control Authorities . 2.3. Environmental Monitoring System . 2.4. State Environmental Expertise . 2.5. Activities of Local Administrations in the Field of Environment .