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RACE, POLITICS, and SPECTACLE in the SOUTH, 1877-1932 By “THE BEST NOTES MADE THE MOST VOTES”: RACE, POLITICS, AND SPECTACLE IN THE SOUTH, 1877-1932 by MARK A. JOHNSON KARI FREDERICKSON, COMMITTEE CHAIR W. FITZHUGH BRUNDAGE SHARONY GREEN ANDREW HUEBNER GEORGE C. RABLE JOSHUA D. ROTHMAN A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2016 Copyright Mark A. Johnson 2016 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT From the end of Reconstruction in 1877 to the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, black southerners influenced local, state, and national politics and challenged white supremacy by performing at political spectacles. Reformers, Lost Cause advocates, and party leaders employed spectacle to generate enthusiasm, demonstrate the strength of the party, mobilize voters, legitimize electoral results, and spread their platforms. Before disfranchisement, African Americans played prominent roles in these spectacles as performers, orators, musicians, marchers, and torchbearers. Despite attempts to eliminate spectacles and restrict voting, southerners continued to view spectacle as an important part of the political process. In the twentieth century, African Americans participated in spectacles despite disfranchisement, diminished economic opportunity, and the threat of lynching. With their presence and activism, they remained a visible and audible part of the public sphere, which resulted in financial improvement and political influence. At times, they exhibited dangerous behavior at political spectacles by harassing white politicians and confronting white women. Based on findings in newspapers and archives, this dissertation examines three case studies from Georgia, Louisiana, and Tennessee. From 1885 to 1898, black Atlanta and black Maconites played prominent roles in the local-option prohibition campaigns of the region despite increasingly hostile attitudes toward African Americans. In 1903, black musicians in New Orleans allied with their white colleagues to protest the exclusion of black talent from a reunion ii of Confederate veterans. In 1909, black bandleader W. C. Handy lent his talents to the mayoral campaign of Edward Hull Crump. During the campaign, Handy composed a song that launched both of their careers. In addition to these case studies, this dissertation consists of three broader chapters, which reveal black southerners performed similar behavior across the South. From 1877 to 1932, African Americans spoke at public rallies, generated enthusiasm with music, linked party politics to the memory of the Civil War, honored favorable candidates, and openly humiliated their opposition. iii DEDICATION I dedicate this dissertation to my parents, Neil and Sandra, who unconditionally supported me in this endeavor, and taught me to work hard and appreciate the past. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am thankful for this opportunity to thank the numerous people who have helped me in various ways with this dissertation. I am particularly grateful for the financial support from the University of Alabama. The Department of History provided an invaluable Graduate Research Assistantship, which enabled me to work on this dissertation uninterrupted for an entire academic year. The Graduate School awarded me with five Graduate Student Research and Travel Support Awards to enable my research and permit me to share early stages of this work with peers at conferences. I would like to thank the librarians at Louisiana State University, the Hogan Jazz Archive at Tulane University, the University of Georgia, the Memphis & Shelby County Room at Memphis Public Library, and Hoole Special Collections at the University of Alabama. Specifically, I would like to thank Brett Spencer, Bruce B. Raeburn, G. Wayne Dowdy, and Germain J. Bienvenu for sharing their expertise on archival collections. I could not have started nor completed this project without the initial support and encouragement from faculty at Purdue University. As an undergraduate, I was able to take a wide range of challenging courses with an emphasis on original thought, primary source research, and academic writing. I am grateful for the efforts of Whitney Walton, Caroline E. Janney, John Larson, Frank Lambert, and Randy Roberts. They pushed me to start thinking like an historian early in my collegiate career. v When pursuing my Master of Arts at the University of Maryland, I stumbled upon the initial inspiration for this project, and I am grateful for the faculty who helped me cultivate it. Specifically, I would like to thank Ira Berlin for advising the original research project. I have used the material and ideas from that project throughout this dissertation. I am also grateful to Rick Bell for sharing his insights on history and storytelling. Finally, I ended up at the University of Alabama, where I learned many lessons and gained many friends. I am particularly grateful for the guidance and expertise of Kari Frederickson. I cannot imagine a better advisor and department chair. Throughout the process, she has been thoughtful and encouraging. I am also thankful for the help of my dissertation committee, W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Sharony Green, Andrew Huebner, George Rable, and Joshua Rothman. At various stages, they read chapter drafts and provided helpful suggestions. I could not have completed this degree without strong friendships, especially at work. I looked forward to going to work every day because of the camaraderie present at the University of Alabama. Since the beginning, I have shared this journey with Megan Bever, who has been a dear friend but also a professional role model. I am indebted to Laura Mammina, who read drafts of dissertation chapters. I am thankful to the friends and teammates of local basketball and soccer teams, as well. I needed them more than they could ever know. I could not have done this dissertation without the people closest to me. To Kate, I want to thank you for your support and companionship as I wrote this dissertation. To Aaron and Caleb, I want to thank you for being my best friends. To Mom and Dad, I want to thank you for nurturing my love of the past and teaching me how to do things the right way. vi CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... ii DEDICATION .............................................................................................................................. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................v INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................................1 CHAPTER 1: “OUT IN FULL FORCE”: BLACK PARTICIPATION IN THE SPECTACULAR POLITICS OF THE AGE OF REFORM .............................. 18 CHAPTER 2: “A CONTEST IN MUSIC”: ELECTION DAY SPECTACLES IN THE MIDDLE GEORGIA TEMPERANCE CAMPAIGNS, 1885-1898 .................. 68 CHAPTER 3: “I’M A REBEL”: AFRICAN AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN LOST CAUSE SPECTACLES...................................................................................119 CHAPTER 4: “A STRICTLY SOCIAL FUNCTION”: THE CONTEST OF BLACK LABOR AND CONFEDERATE MEMORY IN THE 1903 U.C.V. REUNION ....................................................................................159 CHAPTER 5: “FURIOUS MUSIC”: AFRICAN AMERICANS, POLITICAL SPECTACLES, AND STREET THEATER IN PARTISAN POLITICS .......................204 CHAPTER 6: “TO DO OUR BIT FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT”: W. C. HANDY, E. H. CRUMP, AND THE 1909 MEMPHIS MAYORAL ELECTION .........................250 EPILOGUE: “I DIDN’T REALLY KNOW HOW TO SHOW MY OPPOSITION”.................288 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................291 vii INTRODUCTION In 1902, black bandleader William Christopher Handy, who had not yet achieved fame as the Father of the Blues, settled in Clarksdale, Mississippi. Instead, he took whatever work he could find to make ends meet, which resulted in seemingly unlikely alliances. “We were frequently hired…to furnish music for political rallies,” recalled Handy. Most of these rallies supported the white supremacist Democrats who dominated local and state politics during the era. At these rallies, Handy and his band of black musicians had to “absorb a ‘passel’ of oratory of the brand served by some Southern politicians.” At one campaign event, Mississippi politician and notorious white supremacist James K. Vardaman promised his audience that he would not spend “one dollar for negro education” because “education unfits the nigger.” In a condemnation of the current generation of African Americans, Vardaman praised the former Confederacy and explained that enslaved African Americans, who had little or no education, had protected “like so many faithful watch-dogs” the mothers, daughters, wives, and sweethearts of southern soldiers during the Civil War. After Vardaman finished his hateful speech, Handy and his black band played the southern anthem “Dixie” for the white audience. Vardaman’s comments recalled to Handy’s mind previous instances of racial abuse. When the event concluded and Handy and his band removed themselves from public gaze, they laughed off these comments no matter how 1 much it hurt. Handy explained, “We could laugh and we could make rhythm. What better armor could you ask?”1 Although
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