On the History of Socialism in Denmark Before 1914 Full Version
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On Democratic Struggle
ON DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE DEMOCRATIC TASKS OF SOCIALISTS LENIN Selected writings from Lenin & Stalin researched and compiled for various articles on the subject. E. A 1 Contents Introduction P4 The Years of Organizing – Pre 1903 The Tasks of the Russian Social-Democrats 1897 P25 A Protest by Russian Social-Democrats 1899 P53 Draft of a Declaration of the Editorial Board of Iskra and Zarya 1900 P70 The urgent Tasks of our Movement 1900 P83 A Talk with Defenders of Economism 1901 P97 The Working class as Vanguard for Democracy 1902 P108 Political Agitation and “The Class Point of View” 190 P128 The years of preparation of the revolution (1903-05) Reply to Criticism of our draft Programme 1903 P136 The Autocracy and the Proletariat 1904 P156 Petty-Bourgeois and Proletarian Socialism 1905 P211 From Narodism to Marxism 1905 P166 Will the Sweep of the Democratic Revolution be Diminished if the Bourgeoisie Recoils from it? 1905 P175 The Vulgar Bourgeois Representation of Dictatorship and Marx’s View of It 1905 P199 2 The years of revolution (1905–07) The Democratic Tasks of the Revolutionary Proletariat P222 Stalin, Anarchism or Socialism? Dialectic Materialism P231 The years of reaction (1907–10) The First Important Step 1907 P244 The Agrarian Question & the Forces of the Revolution P249 Speech on the Attitude Towards Bourgeois Parties 1907 P254 Report of the Commission Formed to Draft a Resolution on the State Duma 1907 P270 Revolution and Counter-Revolution 1907 P275 Lessons of the Commune 1908 P286 Those Who Would Liquidate Us 1911 P291 The First Imperialist World War (1914–17) The Socialist Revolution& the Struggle for Democracy P296 The Peace Programme 1916 P299 The Nascent Trend of Imperialist Economism 1916 P309 Reply to P. -
Gradualism": the Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE The industrial meaning of "gradualism": the Labour party and industry, 1918-1931 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/19512 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Industrial Meaning of "Gradualism": The Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931 Andrew Thorpe The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Jan., 1996), pp. 84-113. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9371%28199601%2935%3A1%3C84%3ATIMO%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 The Journal of British Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2012
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set I, 1960-2012 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET I 1960-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungs- spielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” di- rected by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 23 democratic countries for the period of 1960 to 2012. In the cases of Greece, Spain and Portugal, political data were collected only for the democratic periods1. The data set is suited for cross national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. Howev- er, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions are available on CD from the Data Handbook by Bernhard Ebbinghaus and Jelle Visser (2000). A few variables have been copied from a data set collected by Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, John D. Stephens, David Brady and Jason Beckfield (2004). We are grateful for the permission to include these data. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
Constitution
LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION As amended at Party Conference 21-23 April 2017, Wexford Part 1: Principles and Objects OUR OBJECTIVE is to build a society based on political, social and economic democracy. We seek to challenge and redistribute all inequalities of power and wealth in society through the empowerment of ordinary people. We strive for social and economic justice, where everyone has a guaranteed standard of security and well-being, and fair opportunity to develop their personal and social selves and to participate in the economic, social and cultural life of the nation in conditions of freedom, solidarity, justice, economic security and equality. OUR DETERMINATION is to change Irish society through the broadest possible engagement with and empowerment of all progressive social forces – Irish, European and international – and through contesting elections and pursuing policies in government that further progressive ends. OUR PARTY is a democratic socialist party and, through its membership of the Party of European Socialists and the Progressive Alliance, is part of the international socialist movement working for equality and to empower of citizens, consumers and workers in a world increasingly dominated by big business, greed and selfishness. IT WAS FOUNDED from the trade union movement by James Connolly, Jim Larkin, Tom Johnson and others as a means for working people to organise politically, to combat squalor, ignorance, want, idleness and disease. These aspirations remain valid today. Despite Ireland’s economic wealth, class divisions continue to exist and many of its citizens continue to experience, from childhood, major inequalities in wealth, health and life chances. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse
Marsdal, Magnus E. "Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right- Wing Populism." Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. Ed. Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 39–54. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 3 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544940.ch-003>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 3 October 2021, 01:58 UTC. Copyright © Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral and the contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 3 Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right-Wing Populism Magnus E. Marsdal The Progress Party (Frp), established in 1973, has become, at times, Norway’s leading opposition party, with support reaching as high as 37 per cent according to some polls in 2006. In the last two parliamentary elections, the Frp scored 22 per cent. It does exceptionally well among unskilled workers, especially the non-unionized, although it also attracts better-off people (private sector types without ‘old money’). The main focus of this chapter is the Frp; however, the results should be relevant to the analysis of right-wing populism in other countries as well. The most interesting aspect of the Frp’s rise to popularity is probably its ability to attract an impressive proportion of working-class votes. In a predominantly social-democratic country such as Norway, this is something of a paradox in view of the policies of the Frp in areas such as economic redistribution, workers’ rights and trade-union power.