ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: THE HISTORY OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

Volume 8

CRIME, JUSTICE AND PUBLIC ORDER IN OLD REGIME FRANCE This page intentionally left blank CRIME, JUSTICE AND PUBLIC ORDER IN OLD REGIME FRANCE The Sénéchaussées of Libourne and Bazas, 1696–1789

JULIUS R. RUFF First published in 1984 by Croom Helm Ltd This edition first published in 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 1984 Julius R. Ruff All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-94552-4 (Set) ISBN: 978-1-315-67131-4 (Set) (ebk) ISBN: 978-1-138-94104-5 (Volume 8) (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-94358-2 (Volume 8) (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-67236-6 (Volume 8) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. Disclaimer The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace. CRIME, JUSTICE AND PUBLIC ORDER IN OLD REGIME FRANCE The Senechaussees of Li bourne and Bazas, 1696-1789

JuliusR.Ruff

v CROOM HELM London • Sydney • Dover, New Hampshire © 1984 Julius R. Ruff Croom Helm Ltd, Provident House, Burrell Row, Beckenham, Kent BR3 1AT Croom Helm Australia Pty Ltd, First Floor, 139 King Street , Sydney, NSW 2001, Australia Croom Helm, 51 Washington Street, Dover, New Hampshire, 03820 USA British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Ruff, Julius R. Crime justice and public order in Old Regime France. 1. Crime and criminals-France-History 2. France-History 18th century I. Title 364\9444’7 HV6969 ISBN 0-7099-2256-6

Printed in Great Britain by Biddles Ltd, Guildford, Surrey CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF TABLES

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND NOTE ON SPELLING

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER

I. LIBOURNE AND BAZAS...... 1

II. THE OLD REGIME CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM...... 24

III. OLD REGIME JUSTICE IN PRACTICE...... 44

IV. CRIMES OF VIOLENCE . . . 68

V. CRIMES AGAINST PROPERTY ...... 112

VI. CRIMES AGAINST THE POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS AND MORAL ORDER ...... 146

EPILOGUE ...... 182

APPENDIX: THE SOCIAL CLASSIFICATION SCHEME...... 185

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 187

INDEX...... 204 This page intentionally left blank For Laura This page intentionally left blank LIST OF FIGURES

1.01 Map of Southwestern France Showing the Senechauss£es ofLibourne and Bazas •••••••• 2 1.02 Map of the Sen£chauss£e of L i b o u r n e ...... 3 1.03 Map of the Senechaussee of Bazas...... 14 2.01 Map of Southwestern France Showing the Boundaries of the Generality of Bordeaux and the Jurisdiction of the Parlement of B o r d e a u x ...... 36 3.01 Map of the District of the Marechaussee Company of Bordeaux...... 51 4.01 Number of Crimes of Physical and Verbal Violence, by Month, in All Periods...... •••• 82 4.02 Number of Crimes of Physical and Verbal Violence, by Day of the Week, in All Periods...... 84 4.03 Age Structure of a Sample of Defendants in Crimes of Physical and Verbal Violence Tried in the Senechaussee of Libourne...... 90 4.04 Map of the Sen£chaussee of Libourne Showing the Sites of Reported Violent Crimes for All Sample P e r i o d s ...... 101 4.05 Map of the Senechaussee of Bazas Showing the Sites of Reported Violent Crimes for All Sample P e r i o d s ...... 102 5.01 Comparison of the Number of Thefts Per Year, the Number of Thieves Charged Per Year and the Average Annual Price of a Boisseau of Wheat in Bordeaux . . 126 5.02 Map of the Senechaussee of Libourne Showing the Sites of Property Crimes for All Sample Periods . • 130 5.03 Map of the Senechaussee of Bazas Showing the Sites of Property Crimes for All Sample Periods ...... 131 5.04 Age Structure of a Sample of 92 Accused Thieves in the Senechaussee of Libourne 133 6.01 Map of the Disorders of 1773...... 150 LIST OF TABLES

1.01 Criminal Accusations Tried by the S§n£chaussees of Libourne and Bazas in Six Half-Decades . . • 1.01 Witnesses Who Signed Testimony Transcripts by Social Group, Sex and Period in the Sen£chauss£e of Libourne ...... 13 3.01 Plaintiffs and Verdicts by Major Crime Types in the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas • • • • 46 3.02 Rate of Actual Convictions (Those Not Subse­ quently Reversed on Appeal or by Pardon) in the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas ...... 57 3.03 Primary Penalties by Crime Type in the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas ...... 59 4.01 Origins of Crimes of Physical and Verbal Violence in Libourne for All Sample Periods • • 76 4.02 Indications of Spontaneity or Premeditation in 199 Trials Involving Charges of Homicide or Physical Assault Tried in the Sen£chauss£e of Libourne. •••• ...... 79 4.03 Crimes of Physical and Verbal Violence by Hours of Daylight or Darkness Tried by the Senechauss£e of Libourne ..••••••• ...... < 84 4.04 Social Relationships in 603 Cases of Physical and Verbal Violence ...... • . . 86 4.05 Geographic Origins of Main Defendants and Victims in 603 Cases of Physical and Verbal Violence. , 87 4.06 Distribution by Sex of All Defendants in Cases of Physical and Verbal Violence...... 88 4.07 Distribution by Sex of All Victims in Cases of Physical and Verbal Violence...... 88 4.08 Social Status of Defendants in 386 Trials on Charges of Physical Violence...... , 93 4.09 Social Status of Victims in 386 Trials on Charges of Physical Violence...... 94 4.10 Social Status of Defendants in 217 Trials on Charges of Verbal Violence. • • • , 95 4.11 Social Status of Victims in 217 Trials on Charges List of Tables

of Verbal Violence. . • • ...... 96 5.01 Thefts Reported to the Sen£chauss§e of Libourne in All Sample Periods, By Type...... 114 5.02 Social Status of Defendants in 179 Trials on Charges of Theft...... 123 5.03 Social Status of Victims in 179 Trials on Charges of Theft...... 123 5.04 Number of Thefts per Month by Vagrants in All P e r i o d s ...... 125 5.05 Number of Thefts per Month by Non-vagrants in All Periods ...... 125 5.06 Residences of Main Defendants in 179 Theft Cases and the Scenes of Their Crimes...... 129 5.07 Distribution by Sex of All Defendants in 179 Cases of Theft...... 132 5.08 Articles Stolen in 179 Reported Thefts...... 134 5.09 Non-theft Crimes Against Property ...... 135 5.10 Status of Defendants in Cases of Unauthorised Removal or Seizure...... • • • 135 5.11 Status of Defendants in Cases of Agricultural Offenses...... 138 ABBREVIATIONS

ADG Archives Departemen tales de la Gironde AML Archives Municipales de Libourne AN Archives Nation ales

DES Diplome des Etudes Superieures TER Travail des Etudes et de Recherches

AHDG Archives historiques du Departement de la Gironde Actes Actes des congres d'etudes regionales de la Federation Historique du Sud-Ouest An.ESC Annales: Ecomonies, Societes, Civilisations An.HRF Annales historiques de la Revolution frangaise AN. Midi Annales du Midi An. Nor. Annales du Normandie BSBx. Bulletin de la Societe Historique et Archeologique de Bordeaux BSHPF Bulletin de la Societe de PHistoire du Protestantisme frangais BSP Bulletin de la Societe Historique et Archeologique du Perigord Ec.HR Economic History Review FHS French Historical Studies JSH Journal of Social History PWSFH Proceedings of the Western Society for French History REc.Bx. Revue economique de Bordeaux RGPSO Revue geographique des Pyrenees et du Sud-Ouest RH Revue historique RHAL Revue historique et archeologique du Libournais RHBx.G Revue historique de Bordeaux et du Departement de la Gironde RHDFEtr. Revue historique de droit frangais et etranger RHEc.S Revue d'histoire economique et sociale RHMC Revue dTiistoire moderne et contemporaine RPBx.SO Revue philomatique de Bordeaux et du Sud-Ouest Abbreviations

NOTE ON SPELLING

The sources for this study present many problems of orthography: the spelling used in seventeenth and eighteenth-century court records is often quite different from modern French usage; and the spelling of a particular word may vary within one text. All quotations from French manuscript sources have been translated into modern English, using modern punctuation, with an attempt to retain some of the flavour of the original French. Names of persons and titles of documents, however, are spelled as they appeared in the original court records. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Crime holds a certain fascination for us all, whether we feed our interest with the works of Christie, Hammett and Simenon, or whether we subsist on a more scholarly fare of academic writings. Such an interest prompted me to undertake the research leading to this study a decade ago. Over the years of research and writing, interspersed with full-time teaching duties, my interest in the topic grew, but I had to enlist the assistance of a number of accomplices in several institutions to bring the work to completion. At the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the Graduate School awarded me a Georges Lurcy Fellowship in 1974-5 which made possible the initial research for this work in Paris and Bordeaux, and George V. Taylor of the History Department proved a thoughtful friend and exacting critic, without whose advice this study would be much the poorer. At the Universite de Bordeaux III, Professor Jean-Pierre Poussou offered valuable assistance and opened to me the wealth of material contained in the unpublished Me moires de Maitrise prepared by students of the University. Professor Paul Butel, of the same faculty, also was generous with his counsel and provided a first forum in which to test the results of this research with French scholars. At the Archives Departe men tales de la Gironde, Monsieur Jean Vallette, Conservateur-en-Chef, and Madame Helene Avisseau, Conservateur-Adjoint, offered insights on that depository's holdings, while Monsieur Marcel Bourgueil of the Archives staff greatly aided the actual task of research with his courtesy and efficiency. Finally, I must acknowledge aid closer to home from two of my colleagues at Marquette University. Professor J. Michael Phayer read the entire manuscript and drew on his great knowledge of social history to assist in the work!s final revision. And Sister M. Paton Ryan, RSM, Associate Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, brought her keen stylistic skills to the manuscripts final preparation. I owe debts of a personal nature, too. My parents provided resources in the early stages of the research without which it could not have been completed. My friend, Monsieur Roger Touzerie of Bordeaux, provided friendship, encouragement and accommodations in his home in the last stages of the research. I am saddened that neither my parents nor this good friend were able to see the culmination of Acknowledgements the work they so aided. Members of my family, Ottilie C. Ruff and Adolph Breusa, also gave material aid to the work. My greatest debt, however, is to my wife, Laura Blair Ruff. Throughout the preparation of this study, she gave freely of her good judgement and intellect, in addition to typing the manuscript numerous times. At times, her contribution has been at considerable personal cost, and it is to her, a student of English literature, that this work in French history is dedicated.

Milwaukee, Wisconsin J.R.R. This page intentionally left blank INTRODUCTION

Recent work in social history has extended the enquiries of historians into areas unimagined a generation or two ago. The childhood experience, the family, labour and recreational activities, madness, poverty and popular culture are all now recognized subjects for historical examination. The present study is an addition to the growing historical literature in another of these new areas of inquiry, the history of crime and its punishment. Dealing with the two-fold problem of crime and punishment on the local level in Old Regime France, this work logically divides into two parts. The first, represented by Chapters One through Three, is an examination of the judicial system and its setting. Chapter One presents the social and economic structures of the regions selected for this study, essential ingredients in any examination of the subject of crime and justice, because the judicial system and the criminality it had to control reflected aspects of local society. Chapter Two describes the judicial system of Old Regime France, because the complexities of that system help to explain both the problems in its operation and the reactions of those subject to its justice. The core of the first part of this study, however, is Chapter Three which describes the judicial system in operation. The justice dispensed by the Old Regime system has been the subject of debate and controversy for more than two centuries. Led by Montesquieu, his Persian Letters (1721) and The Spirit of the Laws (1748), the philosophes attacked the brutal punishments applied under Old Regime law. Their criticism reached a crescendo during the 1760s with the appearance of BeccariaTs Dei delitti e della pene (1764) and Voltaire's spirited defense of Jean Calas. The existing system, of course, was not without its defenders, including the distinguished jurist Muyart de Vouglans, who originated a maxim repeated to this day: fLeniency breeds crime; harsh punishments will diminsh it.'* Amidst this debate, however, some reform in the principles of Old Regime justice occurred before the Revolution of 1789, and these included the abolition of torture administered in order to exact confessions in criminal proceedings. Before reform progressed very far, however, the Revolution destroyed the Old Regime, its judicial system and its mode of punishment. Revolutionary legislatures constructed a new Introduction judicial system and, more slowly, a new system of punishment centred on the penitentiary.2 But debate on the nature of Old Regime justice did not die with the monarchy. The reform movement itself has been the subject of controversy among modern scholars. Marxist scholars see the eighteenth-century reform movement as an effort to create a more efficient criminal justice system designed to better protect the interests of a rising bourgeoisie. Had not Beccaria stated that, in order to deter crime, punishment had to be swift and certain? Marxists see the reformed system as the armour of the new capitalist system. Another position in the debate about the reforms sponsored by the philosophes belongs to the French philosopher, Michel Foucault. In his seminal work, Surveiller et punir: naissance de la prison, Foucault posited that a rising bourgeoisie did indeed seek a new, more effective mode of disciplining societyTs dangerous classes during the eighteenth century. They found what they sought by substituting for the control of the body achieved through the capital and corporal punishments of Old Regime law the much more thorough-going control of mind and spirit directed to remaking the criminal class in the modern penitentiary.^ The work of John Langbein represents yet another aspect of the debate on Old Regime justice. Langbein suggests that judicial torture, the most frequently-cited abuse of the individual under Old Regime law, was in decline before the philosophes attacked the judicial establishment. Changes in the rules for establishing proof of guilt decreased the use of torture long before its official abolition in France.4 The lesson is clear: the law in principle is not always the law in practice. In order to assess Old Regime justice, and adjudicate among the debaters, it is necessary to know much more about the judicial system. This is not an easy task: scholars of the early modern period do not have at hand the detailed, official collections of statistics on crime and justice published by most western governments since the nineteenth century, like the Federal Bureau of Investigation's annual Uniform Crime Reports for the United States and the annual summaries of crime and justice published by the French government since 1825.5 Perforce, an inquiry into the nature of Old Regime justice must be based on research in actual trial records. This task at a national level is far beyond the resources of a single scholar or even a team of scholars, but it is practical at the level of the records of representative local courts. These trial records should be reviewed in the light of the kinds of questions posed in Chapter Three of this study. How effective was the Old Regime criminal justice system in identifying and apprehending law-breakers? (A judicial system may be brutal in principle, but if it captures and punishes only occasional malefactors, its impact is limited.) How did defendants1 human rights fare before Old Regime tribunals? How careful were judges in reaching their verdicts? What were the punishments levied, and were they appropriate to the gravity of the defendants crime? Old Regime justice cannot be assessed simply by twentieth-century standards, either. The attitudes toward Introduction the courts among those subject to their justice must be examined. Chapters Three and Six reveal that a deep-seated distrust of police and judicial authority existed in the villages and hamlets of rural France selected for this study. This distrust was reflected in both an under-reporting of certain crimes and in the existence of infra judicial means of settling disputes normally adjudicated at law today. Finally, any change in the nature of punishments or, as one scholar has suggested, in attitudes toward the law over the last years of the Old Regime must be ascertained.6 The courts forming the subject of this study were quite inefficient; justice was slow, costly and too often allowed malefactors to escape punishment. The professional magistrates of these courts, however, used the great judicial freedom accorded them under Old Regime law to ameliorate some of the harshest aspects of that jurisprudence. Their use of judicial torture, for example, declined far in advance of its official abolition, and the judicial persecution of Protestants for their refusal to adhere to Roman Catholicism abated long before the establishment of religious toleration. The second part of this study, Chapters Four through Six, describes the crime Old Regime justice sought to control. The nature of this criminality and its development remain subjects of disagreement among historians. Early modern criminality differed substantially from that prevailing in the modern industrialised west. Present crime patterns are dominated by offenses against property. Although violent offenses against the individual always capture front page coverage in the press, and recent studies in the United States show that violence is feared much more than any other type of crime, violent crime is much less common in modern society than in that of the early modern period. Recent data for the United States indicates that 9.7 per cent of reported offenses in 1979 were acts of violence; similar data for the United Kingdom shows only 5 per cent of reported offenses as crimes of violence.7 The remaining crimes in both countries were offenses against property. By contrast, reported crime in early modern Europe was predominantly violent in nature.8 In our sample, crimes of physical violence (homicide and assault) constituted between one-fifth and one-half of all reported crimes, depending on the period. Violence, indeed, seems to have been so common that it enjoyed a certain toleration, as Abel Poitrineau suggested in his characterisation of the Basse-Auvergne, one region of Old Regime France:

There seems to be a great deal of tolerance towards violence, and brutality is an everyday occurrence... Recourse to out-and-out ruffianism, or assault and battery...seems to incur a lot less public resentment and to be less likely to put a man beyond the pale of rural society than crimes against property and damage to another man's estate. Ordinary household theft is always a hanging offense in eighteenth-century Auvergne, and complicity in armed robbery also incurs the death penalty, whereas assaults on individuals are usually indemnified by notarised transactions Introduction

stipulating damages based on surgeons' bills.0

The crux of the present discussion among historians of crime in France involves their attempt to ascertain when and why the modern pattern of crime in which property offenses predominate took shape. Their efforts have resulted in a view that holds that development of modern capitalism in eighteenth-century France inverted the early modern crime pattern by creating an economic system under which crimes against property multiplied.10 In this view, the violence characteristic of the feudal period faded with the dissolution of the institutions and economic structure of the Old Regime. This explanation brings order to diffuse historical data on crime, and it conforms well to both theories of modernisation and Marxist historiography. But there are problems with this model sufficient to make it at best a tentative interpretation. For one thing, historians increasingly question the eighteenth-century rise of the French bourgeoisie on which this view is predicated.1* Furthermore, not all crime data confirms that violence decreased and theft increased in eighteenth-century France; indeed, the local data presented in Chapters Four through Six of this study contradicts that idea. The fact that this established interpretation cannot be accepted immediately does not diminish the value of research into criminal behaviour. Such research must rely on the difficult process of examining actual trial records. The records of continental European tribunals are particularly detailed, and they yield data not only on the historical evolution of crime, but also on the lives and minds of the illiterate majority of early modern Europe.12 The 1,141 dossiers of criminal cases that form the basis for this study provide considerable data for both understanding the mind of rural Old Regime France and its criminality. Each complete dossier contains a complaint, a transcript of witnesses’ testimony and an interrogation record. The dossier provides the vital statistics of the criminal, including his name, social status and place of residence. If an interrogation is part of the dossier, the defendant's version of the alleged crime is reported along with his physical description and an indication of whether or not he could write. The complaint provides similar data for the plaintiff and his version of the crime. The witnesses' testimony includes their descriptions of the circumstances of the crime and personal information about them and their lives. By using this data, the historian can examine the same questions that students of modern crime treat: what crimes were committed; how, when and where they were perpetrated; who constituted the criminal element of society; and what motivated malefactors. In addition to crime data, court records hold much of general interest on Old Regime society. Labelling theory emphasizes that each society defines for itself which actions constitute aberrant and therefore criminal behaviour, and that conduct considered deviant in one group may be entirely acceptable in another.^ Stealing and the spectre of privation it raised for its victims in a subsistence economy made theft a crime particularly dreaded by many Frenchmen. In the event of threat to his property, it was not uncommon for the individual Introduction citizen to take the law into his own hands in order to protect his possessions. Traditional values reinforced respect for property and the property owner's violence was often transformed into a community-wide violence against would-be thieves. Such retribution could be swift and certain, either forcing the thief to restore stolen property or subjecting him to violent punishment.^ The norms of a society may be discerned equally well by examining the offenses it punished lightly or not at all: in the regions selected for this study, individuals committing acts of violence were often punished less severely than thieves. By the same token, sexual offenses elicited few criminal punishments from the courts and little sense of moral outrage from thier victims, only demands for financial recompense for the care of unwanted offspring. Criminal records and court testimony clearly expose the structure of a society. Durkheim writes that deviant behaviour can be a healthy factor in the life of a group, because it forces the group's members to close ranks in self-defense.15 The resulting pattern reveals much about group structure. Which kinds of criminals are sheltered from the authorities by their neighbours and which offenders are denied sanctuary is significant information. Minor altercations assume more importance when the familial or social links between a participant and his allies are noted. Data in this study shows, for example, that women acted almost invariably as accomplices of male relatives and seldom as independent agents of crime. This study examines data originating from two senechaussees in southwestern France. Senechaussees, known as bailliages in northern France, were the most common courts of first instance for most Frenchmen.16 The records of these courts are particularly significant because they offer the most complete picture of crime in Old Regime France. Many recent studies of Old Regime crime have been based on the necessarily more limited and selective records of appeals courts and specialised courts that judged either certain types of offenses or certain categories of offenders.*7 The individual senechaussees selected for this study, those of Libourne and Bazas, were chosen because of their location in southwestern France, a region at once poorer and less well-educated than the north of France under the Old Regime, and often overlooked by historians of crime.18 These two court districts were neighbours and, although economically and socially distinct, present essentially the same pattern of violent criminality. Fully 52.3 per cent of the total reported crim e in the Senechaussee of Libourne and 58 per cent in the Senechaussee of Bazas constituted acts of physical or verbal violence. A preliminary overview of this crime is presented in Table 1.01.19 The methods of this study, however, present certain problems, and a few words of explanation on the use of the resulting data are in order. A difficulty in using the Libourne and Bazas records is their sheer volume. The extent of these courts' records, in fact, is beyond the capacity of one individual to read and analyse for the entire period of their existence as judicial jurisdictions. The selection of a restricted period for study precludes analysis of long-term trends in

Introduction both crime and punishment. Instead, six sample periods of five years each were selected for this study. Although lacunae in the Bazas records preclude study of that court district for the first of these periods, the following were selected: 1696-1700, 1738-42, 1770-4, 1775-9, 1780-4 and 1785-9. These represent various economic and political conditions during the last century of the Old Regime's life. The period 1696-1700 was marked by economic difficulty and religious persecution. Although the War of the League of Augsburg ended in 1697, the demands of the war effort on the royal treasury produced new taxes in the capitation. Poor harvests throughout France in 1691-4 made it difficult for the subjects of Louis XIV to pay these exactions. In the southwest, poor harvests continued in 1695 and 1696, but signs of economic recovery appeared during the last years of the first (1696-1700) period.20 Throughout this half-decade the royal courts continued the official persecution of Protestants, and the large Huguenot minority in the Senechaussee of Libourne felt the impact. The half-decade of 1738-42, by contrast, was comparatively prosperous and happy. Although France was at war for most of the period, there were no invasions. Harvests in the southwest, except in 1742, were good, and food prices remained generally low.2* By 1738, moreover, the persecution of Protestants was almost a thing of the past. The period from 1770-4 was not as fortunate, and political unrest and economic problems troubled the southwest. The Chancellor Maupeou suppressed the Parlement of Bordeaux from 1771 to 1774. The poor harvests of 1766-9 were followed by the disastrous yields of 1770-3, and the scarcity and high prices of continuous subsistence crises led to grain riots in the Libourne and Bazas regions in 1773. Though the harvest of 1774 was more bountiful, it was accompanied by an epizootic plague ravaging the herds of the Dordogne Valley region of the Libourne Senechaussee.22 The next two half-decades, 1775-9 and 1780-4, represent more orderly times. Although weather conditions and the American War for Independence conspired to drive up food prices in 1778 and during the early 1780s, prices did not return to the high levels of 1772-3.23 The last half-decade, extending from 1785 to 1789, reverted to many of the same problems experienced during the early 1770s. In June 1787 the Parlement of Bordeaux refused to register a royal decree embodying Lomenie de Brienne's plan for a provincial assembly in the Limousin. For this resistance the magistrates of the Parlement were exiled to Libourne for a year, temporarily disrupting the judicial appeal process.24 The harvest of 1787 was a bad one and that of 1788 even worse; consequently, the spring of 1789 witnessed renewed subsistence-related disturbances in the Libourne and Bazas areas.2^ The year 1789 ended with the region and the kingdom plunged into revolution. The criminal court trial records for these six periods also require some discussion, because all records of criminal activity are not of equal value. Two English researchers succinctly sum up the problem:

The further the record is removed from the actual commission of the offense—in the course of the processes of Introduction

reporting, of detection or prosecution, of conviction or acquittal, or imprisonment or discharge—the less directly and accurately will it reflect the incidence of a particular form of criminal activity, rather than the nature of the processes of law enforcement. Thus the number of convictions or the number of offenders imprisoned will constitute less precise indices of the actual offenses committed than the number of indictable committals; and the number of committals will in turn be a less precise index than the number of offenses recorded as known to the police. The numbers of offenses known, in short, are for most purposes the best statistics available.26

But the police resources of Old Regime France were rudimentary, as later chapters will show. Police blotters listing all known offenses did not exist, and the authorities normally became aware of a crime only when a complaint was lodged and a criminal procedure begun. Our data, therefore, is based on the best available source, the number of complaints lodged with the courts, even when the judges rendered no verdict. Only when litigation established that the complaint had no basis in fact, is the complaint excluded from the data. For example, if a victim of a head wound files a complaint for assault, the crime is reported in the statistics of this study even if the assailant never was brought to trial. But if the trial revealed that no assault occurred and that, for example, the wounds were self-inflicted or the result of an accident, the assault is removed from the statistics.27 Other sources for the history of crime supplement the records of Libourne and Bazas trials. One of these sources is the record left by the Marechaussee, the rural police who arrested and tried without appeal those accused of crimes threatening the public order as well as the marginal population of vagrants, beggars and deserters.28 Immediately after their arrests in the Senechaussees of Libourne or Bazas, such criminals were brought before the Libourne or Bazas magistrates for a judgement whether or not their status or offense made them liable to Marechausse justice. When such criminals appear in the Libourne or Bazas records, they are included in our crime statistics, even though final judgement rested with the Marechaussee and not the Senechaussees. Occasionally certain criminals were tried by the Intendant of Bordeaux rather than the regular courts. Wherever research in the records of the Intendant indicates that the activity of such criminals occurred within the boundaries of the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas, they too are represented in our data.28 The administrative correspondence of the Intendant is also the major source of information on the riots and uprisings occasionally disrupting the public order of southwestern France. A final source for the study of crime in this region is the record of the Parlement of Bordeaux, the appeals court for much of southwestern France. The sacs a proces of cases carried on appeal to this tribunal also yield data on crime in the Libourne and Bazas Senechaussees. Because these combined sources provide data on 1,141 crimes in Introduction which 2,352 individuals faced criminal charges, a final comment must be addressed to the methods by which these figures were assembled and the research presented. Each criminal event presented in the records was registered as one crime. If an altercation between two tradesmen over a debt led both men to press charges of criminal assault against one another, only one crime is counted in the data because only one fight occurred, even if two trials were instituted in the courts. On the other hand, if an individual was put on trial for two offenses, for instance for a theft which the criminal compounded by attempting to conceal his deed with arson, two crimes are registered in the data. Essential to the analysis of this criminal data and its expression in terms of reported crimes per 10,000 or 100,000 of population are reliable population statistics. Although no census of the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas exists for the eighteenth century, crime rates are expressed using population estimates based on the first modern census of the region, that of 1801. The findings of modern demographic studies of several communities of the region are added to this population data. Extensive comparisons with modern rates translate our data into a more comprehensible format.

NOTES

1. Quoted in Gordon Wright, Between the Guillotine and Liberty: Two Centuries of the Crime Problem in France (New York: Oxford University”Press, 1983), p.15. 2. On the penitentiary in France see Patricia O'Brien, The Promise of Punishment: Prisons in the Nineteenth-Century France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). 3. Wright, pp. 16-23, summarises the debate; see also Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, trans. by Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage Books, 19797. 4. John H. Langbein, Torture and the Law of Proof: Europe and England in the Old Regime (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977). 5. United States, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Reports: Crime in the United States, 1979 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, 1980; and France, Ministere de la Justice, Compte general de la justice criminelle pendant l'annee 182 5 (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1827, and subsequent years). 6. Steven G. Reinhardt, 'Crime and Royal Justice in Ancien Regime France: Modes of Analysis,' Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XIII (1983), 437-60. 7. FBI, p. 37; Marshall B. Clinard and Daniel J. Abbott, Crime in Developing Countires: A Comparative Perspective (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973), p. 17; Robert K. Merton, 'The Sociology of Social Problems,' in Contemporary Social Problems, ed. by Robert K. Merton and Robert A. Nisbet (N ew York: Harcourt, Brace and Jovanovich, 1976), p. 28. The FBI classified as violent crimes the 1,178,540 reported homicides, aggravated assaults, rapes and robberies in 1979. The 10,974,200 property crimes reported in that year Introduction included burglaries, larcenies over $50 and motor vehicle thefts. 8. On the high incidence of violence in early modern Europe, see, for example, Yves Castan, Honnetete et relations sociales en Languedoc, 1715-1789 (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1974), pp. 85, 535; Marie-Madeleine Champin, 'La criminalite dans le bailliage d'Alen^on de 1715 a 1745,' An. Nor. XXII (1972), 47-81; Bruce Lenman and Geoffrey Parker, 'Crime and Social Control in Scotland, 1500-1800,' History Today, XXX (1980), 13; Alain Margot, 'La criminalite dans le bailliage de Mamers, 1695-1750,' XII (1972), 185-222; Guido Ruggiero, Violence in Early Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1980), pp. 65-66; and Michael Robert Weisser, 'Crime and Subsistence: the Peasants of the Tierra of Toldeo, 1550-1700' (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University, 1972), p. 112. 9. Quoted in Pierre Goubert, The Ancien Regime: French Society, 1600-1750, trans. by Steve Cox (New York: Harper and Row, 1974), p. 282. 10. This view is labelled the 'Authorised Version' in Iain Cameron, Crime and Repression in the Auvergne and the Guyenne, 1720-1790 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 198l), p. 191. The hypothesis itself originated with Pierre Chaunu and his students at the University of Caen and was introduced in Bernadette Boutelet, 'Etude par sondage de la criminalite dans le bailliage de Pont-de-1'Arche (XVIIe-XVIIIe siecles): de la violence au vol: en marche vers l'escroquerie,' An. Nor., XII (1962), 235-62. Historians' efforts at tracing the evolution of the modern crime pattern include Howard Zehr, Crime and the Development of Modern Society: Patterns in Ninete~enth-Century Germany and France (Totawa, N.J.: Row man and Littlefield, 1976). 11. One of the opening statements in this particular debate was George V. Taylor, 'Noncapitalist Wealth and the Origins of the French Revolution,' AHR, LXXII (1967), 469-96. 12. Alfred Soman, 'Deviance and Criminal Justice in Western Europe, 1300-1800: An Essay in Structure,' Criminal Justice History, I (1980), 6. 13. Kai T. Erikson, Wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966), p. 6. 14. Clinard and Abbott, p. 84; George B. Void, 'Crime in City and Country Areas,' Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CCXVII (1941), 38] 45] Howard Zehr, 'The Modernization of Crime in Germany and France, 1830-1913,' JSH VIII (1975), 120, 130-31; T.J.A. Le Goff and D.M.G. Sutherland, 'The Revolution and the Rural community in Eighteenth-Century Brittany,' Past and Present, No. 62 (1974), 103-05, cite cases of thieves being forced by community action to return stolen articles as well as of the administration of punishment by the community. Such punishment could range from beatings to shaving one-half of the thief's head. Nicole Castan, Justice et repression en Languedoc a l'epoque des lumieres (Paris: Flammarion, 1980), p. 53, identified a spontaneous local justice operating '...au nom d'un droit naturel intangible...' This same author in her 'Criminalite et litiges sociaux en Languedoc de Introduction

1690 a 1730’ (These de 3e cycle, University of Toulouse, 1966; microfiche reproduction, Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques), pp. 73-74, underlined the importance for rural communities of assuring the security of property. 15. Marshall B. Clinard, Sociology of Deviant Behavior, 4th ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1974), p. 31. 16. Edmond Seligman, La justice en France pendant la Revolution (1789-1792) (Paris: Librairie Plon-Nourrit, 1901), p. 19. The term senechaussee as used in the present work has two meanings. It refers first to a court made up of magistrates administering justice in the king's name. It also refers to the district in which these judges had competence. It is used interchangeably with the term bailliage which denoted courts of the same judicial powers in the north of France. 17. For example, Y. Castan, Honnetete; N. Castan, Justice et repression; Anne-Marie Cocula-Vaillieres, 'L'homme et la foret en Aquitaine a travers les delits forestiers au XVIIIe siecle,' Actes, 1971: Casteljaloux et la Foret aquitaine (Nerac: J. Ouen, 1973), pp. 125-51; and Cameron. On the limitations of the records of the parlements see Daniel Martin, 'Justice parisienne et justice provenciale au XVIIIe siecle: l'exemple d'Auvergne,’ Bulletin de la Societe d'Histoire Moderne, 15e ser., N° 15 (1976), 3. 18. The records of the Senechaussee of Bazas constitute Sous-Serie 4B in the ADG; those of the Senechaussee of Libourne make up Sous-Serie 5B in the same depository. Individual cases of the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas will be cited with the number of the liasse or liasses in which they are found and with the name of the chief defendant in the case in parentheses after the liasse number so that the individual case may be identified within its liasse. 19. The basic classification of crimes in the present work was suggested by the work of Pierre Deyon and his students at the University of Lille. That classification and the chief offenses in each category follows: Crimes of violence: homicide, assault, verbal violence Crimes against property: theft, unauthorised removal of property, property damage and trespass, etc. Crimes against morality: concealing pregnancy, abortion, rape, marriage without parental consent Crimes against the Roman Catholic religion: blasphemy, heresy, sacrilege Statutory violations Crimes against the public order and conflicts with authority: vagabondage, rebellion against police and judicial authorities, riot, desertion See Pierre Deyon, Les temps des prisons. Essai sur Phistoire de la delinquance et les origines du systeme penitentiaire (Lille: Universite de Lille III, Editions Universitaires, 1975), pp. 73-74. 20. Pierre Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen, trans. by Anne Carter (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), pp. 216-17, Introduction

224-25; Henri Enjalbert, 'Le commerce de Bordeaux et la vie economique dans le bassin aquitaine au XVIIe siecle, ’ An. Midi, LVII (1950), 21-35; and John B. Wolf, The Emergence of the Great Powers (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), p. 187. 21. Joseph Benzacar, ’Le pain a Bordeaux au XVIIIe siecle,’ REc.Bx, XIV (1904), 46, 54. 22. Ibid.; Marcel Marion, ’Etat des classes rurales au XVIIIe siecle dans la generalite de Bordeaux,’ Revue des etudes historiques, LXVIII (1902), 470-73; Francis Vedrenne, ’Miseres des campaigns au siecle des lumieres. L’exemple de la Guyenne sous l’ad ministrati on de l’intendant Esmangart (1770-1775)’ (unpublished me moire for the DES, University of Bordeaux, 1969), p. 125; P. Caraman, ’La disette des grains et les emeutes populaires en 1773 dans la generalite de Bordeaux,’ RHBx.G, III, (1910), 277-319. 23. Benzacar, pp. 46-49, 54. 24. C.B.F. Boscheron des Portes, His to ire du Parlement de Bordeaux, depuis sa creation jusqu’a sa suppression (1451-1790) (2 vols.; Bordeaux: Lefebvre, 1877), II, 387-90. Charles Higounet, ed., Documents de l’Histoire de l’Aquitaine (Toulouse: Privat, 1973), p. 226, published a remonstrance of the Parlement of Bordeaux dated 31 October 1787: ’...En transferant le Parlement a Libourne, on a mis les magistrats dans l’impossibilite de continuer leurs fonctions; la justice y est en quelque sorte sans temples; ses ministres sans asile; les plaideurs sans conseils; les proces, sans instructions...’ 25. A D G, C3729, 'Pieces concernant les depenses et courses extraordinaires...des differentes brigades de la marechaussee pour arreter les emeutes et assurer la tranquilite dans les marches pendant l’annee 1789’; Benza,car, p. 49; Pierre Fougerousse, 'Insoumission et brigandage sous la lere republique,' RHAL, XXVI (1958), 33-52; Marc Besson, Aux armes citoyens! ...Histoire de la Revolution a Libourne, 1789-1795 (Libourne: Imprimerie Libournais, 1968), pp. 41-42. 26. V.A.C. Gatrell and T.B. Hadden, 'Criminal Statistics and Their Interpretation,’ in Nineteenth-Century Society: Essays in the Use of Quantitative Methods for the Study of Social Data, ed. by E.A. Wrigley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 351. 27. This method is consistent with that employed by others studying this field. See for example: Margot, pp. 188-89, 222; and Daniel Blary and Philippe Guignet, 'La delinquance a Valenciennes de 1677 a 1789’ (Memoire de maitrise, University of Lille, 1968; microfiche reproduction, Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques), p. 250. 28. Marechaussee records constitute Sous-Serie 11B at A D G. 29. A D G, Serie C, Administration provinciale avant 1790. Chapter One

LIBOURNE AND BAZAS

The southwestern corner of the French hexagon is a land of converging rivers flowing to the sea in the Gironde estuary near the regional metropolis of Bordeaux. Astride the two greatest of these waterways, the Dordogne and the Garonne, the Old Regime monarchy founded the districts of the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas. Despite their common riparian locations, the Libournais and the Bazadais were economically and socially distinct and, as such, present at least a partial cross section of conditions in the rural southwest of France during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.1 The Senechaussee of Libourne extended over portions of three modern Departements: the Gironde, the Dordogne and the Charente-Maritime. When the Old Regime judicial system was abolished in 1790, 22 lower court districts including at least 147 parishes with a combined population of as many as 95,000 persons were subject to the justice of the Senechaussee of Libourne.2 The region inhabited by this population was typical of much of southwestern France, a land of rocky plateaux cut by broad river valleys.^ Three major rivers, the Dordogne, the Isle and the Dronne, traverse the territory of the former Senechaussee, shaping the activities of its seventeenth and eighteenth-century residents and dividing the Senechaussee into four natural regions (See Figures 1.01 and 1.02).4 Because of its large population, the valley of the Dordogne was the most important part of the old Senechaussee, but various geographical features rendered agriculture production inadequate. The Dordogne's waters cut their valley through a limestone plateau bounded by limestone escarpments, the Cotes de la Dordogne to the north and the steep slopes leading to the Entre-Deux-Mers plateau to the south. The Cotes de la Dordogne and the plateau to the north are rocky and difficult to cultivate, but they have supported for centuries an extensive viticulture producing some of the finest red wines of the Bordeaux region. Much of the land at the base of these escarpments also was difficult to cultivate. Part of the valley floor is below the river's level and peasants often had to drain these marshy palus before planting them in vines or grasses for livestock. The rest of this densely-populated and almost deforested area was sown in grains, especially wheat and rye .5

1 Libourne and Bazas

La Rochelle

Lim oges

^CHARENTE \ VIENNE RIVER ^^RIVER

/ VEZERE RIVER/ DRONNE R IV E R / Tulle f ISLE RIVER ( *

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i Bordeaux Bergerac

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ADOUR RIVER GAVE DE PAU

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Figure 1.01.— Map of Southwestern France Showing the Senechaussees of Libourne and Becas

2 Libourne and Bazas

DRONNE RIVER,

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St-Cnristophe- OMonpeyrous O Mon ® St -Meard-de-Gt|rco« S t -Martin-A St • Emi I ion, des-Bardes O St-Hippolyte • Ponchapt (/M azerat DORDOGNE RIVER\ Mont azeau I'I OSt-Sulpice-®St-Laurent-‘ O St-Etienne-de-Lisse des-Faleyrens Combes q Cast i I Ion O | CLwVignonet Le Fh Fleix , -Mont ravel D S te .F o y j Branne ■O C ivrac V Q S t - Au I ay e . fcabaraV R igau / j •Blagnac ^ O ^ynesse PujOlS

ENTRE-DEUX-MERS

O crLugasson * . —— ^ * M argueron 1 Sauveterre M ontignac Figure 1.02.--Map of the Senechaussee of Libourne KEY O Branne Town with no administrative function • pujois Seat of a seigniorial court jurisdiction ^ L i b o u r n e Seat of a jurade court s t. Emi lion Seat of a royal court jurisdiction o sauveterre Headquarters of a Marechauss£e brigade, 1780 □ M ontpon Seat of a subdeiegue of the Intendant

3 Libourne and Bazas

Two other natural zones of the Senechaussee bounded the Dordogne Valley. The Entre-Deux-Mers extends southward. During the eighteenth century, this undulating, mostly limestone plateau sustained both a large population and extensive vineyards interspersed with natural pastures and with fields planted in cereals.6 The third natural region of the Senechaussee extends northward from the Cotes de la Dordogne to the Isle River; this is the western Perigord, part of the present Departement of the Dordogne. The western Perigord was an impoverished area during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; its soil was sandy and infertile except in the alluvial lands of the Isle River Valley. Peasants barely wrung subsistence from the soil, their cereal harvests characterised by low yields that failed to meet the needs of the western Perigord. Residents consequently turned for economic relief to the region's other resource, its oak forest. This produced lumber for construction and barrel making, as well as acorns to feed the swine that were an integral part of the area's economy.7 The fourth and northernmost area of the Senechaussee was the Double Forest, lying north of the Isle River in the modern Departements of the Dordogne and the Charente-Maritime. This, the poorest district within the court's jurisdiction, was characterised by the receiver of the taille as 'the most miserable of the province'.8 Two centuries ago the Double was a vast oak forest infested with wolves and dotted with hundreds of ponds and marshes that served as breeding grounds for malarial mosquitoes. This forest provided little of economic value other than wood to fuel the furnaces of ten or twelve glassmaking plants employing three or four men each. Beyond the forest, a small population living in about thirty parishes eked out an existence farming the region's infertile, acidic soil and grazing their swine on the forest's acorns. Their efforts, however, were insufficient to produce the grain the Double required.8 Large population, extensive viticulture and poor soils prevented the Senechaussee as a whole from producing sufficient cereals to meet its food needs. This under-production was typical of much of the Generality of Bordeaux. Eighteenth-century governmental efforts to discourage viticulture and promote the planting of cereal crops met with little success because of the economic value of the region's wines. Even in good harvest years the Senechaussee had to import grain from Poitou and Brittany. When these supplies were interrupted or diminished by poor harvest, starvation threatened; if the government did not despatch extraordinary grain supplies to the region, the public order could be broken by food rioters.16 The population of these areas was overwhelmingly rural and, according to the 1801 census, dwelt in small communities averaging 690 residents. That census listed only 25 communes in the former Senechaussee with populations in excess of 1,000 persons; only Libourne had a population greater than 3,000 people, and some isolated hamlets numbered fewer than 100 residents. The larger communes and the administrative centres of the district, Libourne, Castillon, Sainte-Foy, Montpon and Guitres, developed along the banks of the rivers that delineated the natural geographical areas of the Sene-

4 Libourne and Bazas chaussee and served as routes for the movement of trade and people.11 In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Libourne was the judicial, administrative and economic hub of the Senechaussee and most travellers reached it by boat on the Dordogne River. Approaching the city from downstream they must have been struck both by the town’s appearance and location. Libourne was a large town, its late-eighteenth-century population of about 8,000 making it second in population only to Bordeaux in size in the Bordeaux Generality.12 Even at the end of the eighteenth century most of Libourne’s residents still lived behind medieval walls enclosing a town founded as a bastide in 1270 by the English seneschal Roger de Leyburn to guard the approaches to English-held Bordeaux. Both the English and French built these planned and fortified towns, perhaps as many as 400 or 500, throughout southwestern France in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to provide for defense of their respective holdings in this disputed region and to accommodate a growing population. These early examples of urban planning were similar in plan, with a grid-like pattern of rather wide streets and a central square surrounded by arcaded buildings.13 Libourne’s strategic location at the confluence of the Isle and the Dordogne Rivers, where the latter is almost 300 metres wide, marked the town for a position of regional prominence. In the eighteenth century Libourne was the second only to Bordeaux as busiest port in the Bordeaux Generality. The shipment of wine accounted for much of this port activity and its local red wines, Pomerols, Saint-Emilions and other vintages, were shipped in coasting vessels to northern French markets or in Dutch vessels to northern European buyers. In the mid-eighteenth century Libourne merchants also controlled 70 per cent of the trade in vins de haut pays, especially the sweet and dry white wines produced by vineyards near Bergerac and other towns upstream on the Dordogne. These wines also were shipped in Dutch bottoms and, until the 1780s, were especially popular in Holland.14 Libourne’s own merchants controlled trade in the vins de haut pays because of rules governing shipment of wine to Bordeaux designed to favour local Bordeaux vineyards over more distant ones. In the eighteenth century most wine was shipped new in November and December, the months in which most foreign buyers visited the Bordelais.10 Bordeaux excluded from its port until after Christmas all wines produced outside the sixteenth-century Senechaussee of Bordeaux. Though the vineyards of the immediate Libourne area fell within these boundaries, such nearby Dordogne Valley vineyards as those of Sainte-Foy did not. Consequently these and other vins de haut pays could not be traded at Bordeaux during peak market periods, and their producers sought another outlet for their product. That outlet was Libourne whose regulations permitted shipment of vins de haut pays to the port as early as Saint Martin’s Day (November ll).10 Other factors also contributed to Libourne’s commercial importance. In 1758 the crown granted Libourne merchants the privilege of trading directly with the French West Indies. River trade was also a key part of the town’s commercial prosperity. Since both

5 Libourne and Bazas the Isle and Dordogne were navigable only by river craft upstream from Libourne, the port was the major trans-shipment point. Coasting vessels transported Breton and Poitevin grain and salt from the marshes of Poitou, Re and Oleron to Libourne for trans-shipment into shallow-draught barks bound for upstream markets along the Isle and the Dordogne. Upstream areas conversely despatched a variety of products to Libourne. Produce, forest products, swine and iron goods from the Perigord, textiles from the Dordogne Valley towns like Castillon and Sainte-Foy and cheeses from the Auvergne were transferred into coastal or ocean-going vessels at the port. Some of the river barks, especially the ar gen tats carrying wood, were themselves offered for sale as lumber on the Libourne market, because the Dordogne's strong current made it necessary for such craft to be pulled back upstream by teams of oxen or men.17 Port activity was seasonal, however. Trade was interrupted by flooding of the Dordogne in late winter and by the low water levels during the dry summers. Port activities consequently were most intense in the weeks between late summer and December, when freshly-harvested agricultural goods and new wine were shipped; and in late February and March, when goods destined for the spring Bordeaux fair were shipped. But the town did not languish in periods of reduced port activity. A number of small industries flourished, including a glassworks established in 1750 as a manufacture royale and a short-lived pottery. Milling and textile manufacture for local consumption also provided employment; but the largest employers were the trades supporting port activities. In the last decades of the Old Regime, one-half of Libourne's apprentices served in the barrel-making and ship-building trades. Rope-making shops also were numerous in Libourne, and the occupation in port activities spilled over into neighbouring parishes: at Branne, Vignonet, Cabara and other towns along the meanders of the lower Dordogne, boat-building employed twice as many hands as at Libourne.18 In addition to its importance as a port, Libourne was the administrative centre of the lower Dordogne Valley. The town housed the Senechaussee and Presidial courts and was the seat of a subdelegue of the Intendant of Bordeaux. These officials were charged with informing the Intendant of local conditions and with representing his authority in the district. A bureau de controle of the Royal General Farms was located at Libourne after 1758 to oversee tax collection in the region. Detachments of the royal army and the rural police, the Marechaussee, also were headquartered in the town. Libourne had been a garrison town since the early eighteenth century and these troops, housed since 1772 in permanent barracks, sometimes were used to maintain order in the area. In the late eighteenth century Libourne was a divisional headquarters of the Marechaussee and troopers commanded from Libourne maintained order in 457 parishes of the lower Dordogne Valley region. In 1784 the headquarters of the prevot general, Marechaussee commander for the Generality of Bordeaux, was transferred from Bordeaux to Libourne.18 Travellers moving upstream on the Dordogne from this commercial and administrative centre passed through two other key

6 Libourne and Bazas towns of the Senechaussee. The first of these was Castillon, the site in 1453 of the last great battle of the Hundred Years War and a commune of about 2,500 persons in the late eighteenth century. Castillon was the seat of a seigniorial court, as well as a river port for wines produced on the nearby Cotes de la Dordogne and for local textiles.20 Further upriver the traveller reached Sainte-Foy, a town founded like Libourne as a bastide. With a population of some 2,800 residents, Sainte-Foy was the second largest town in the Senechaussee and an administrative centre; it provided a seat for both a royal prevote court and a subdelegue. It too was a prosperous river port, receiving grain cargoes from Libourne and shipping local wines downstream. Though most of its residents engaged in agriculture, there were a number of weavers and tanners producing their goods for consumption in the Dordogne Valley.21 In the northern reaches of the Senechaussee, Montpon, with about 1,500 residents in the late eighteenth century, was another centre of commercial and administrative importance. The town was the seat of both a subdelegue and of a seigniorial court and its location on the Isle River made it a major local market. The poor condition of the roads of the western Perigord forced residents of the region to send their forest products and livestock to market by river transport on the Isle, often by way of Montpon which held eight trade fairs a year.22 The last of the important towns of the Senechaussee, Guitres, was also a river valley town situated on the Isle River near its juncture with the Dronne. Guitres had a population of about 900 persons in the late eighteenth century. Its seigniorial court district, one of the dependencies of the Senechaussee of Libourne, was a kind of judicial enclave entirely surrounded by territory of the Senechaussee of Bordeaux. About two-thirds of the soil of this enclave was sown in vines, but their produce was used in production of brandy rather than of wine. The remaining land in the district was sown in wheat or was left as untilled meadowland.23 The region’s social structure reflected agriculture and the shipment of agricultural products as the chief economic activities of the entire Senechaussee of Libourne. Peasants were the largest single societal group in the Senechaussee. In many villages they constituted as much as 80 or 85 per cent of the population, though in larger communes like Montpon, their share of the population was about 60 per cent.24 Disparities of wealth existed within the peasantry of the Senechaussee despite the possession of at least a small parcel of land by many peasant households in the region. In Libourne and its surrounding parishes a small peasant elite flourished, its wealth derived from vines and the market economy they spawned. Such peasant families negotiated three marriage settlements in excess of 1,000 livres in the period 1750-9 alone, but the material circumstances of the majority of the peasants of the Senechaussee were hardly as prosperous. The vast majority of peasant holdings were extremely small, usually less than five hectares; consequently many peasants leased additional land as sharecroppers (metayers) or earned scant supplemental wages as day labourers (journaliers).20 In the eighteenth century metayage was widespread in the

7 Libourne and Bazas

Castillon area, the western Perigord and the Entre-Deux-Mers, and this system still pervaded these regions a century later. Sharecroppers worked the major part of the arable land around Montpon in the 1770s, and in Gardegan near Castillon forty-four of sixty households were metairies. With one-quarter and sometimes one-half of his harvest due the landowner, the metayer realized only a portion of the results of his labour. The lot of the journalier was even more precarious because his wages barely provided subsistence even when he found work. The journaliers in the Montpon area in the early 1770s earned 20 or 25 sous per day, at a time when a livre of bread cost from 1 sou 6 deniers to 2 sous 6 deniers and perhaps four to six livres of bread per day were necessary to feed a family. This group was so poor that it rarely had sufficient property to require the services of a notary in arranging marriage settlements and testaments, and it seldom figures in notarial records. When more affluent journaliers made their rare appearances in such records, researchers have found that only about 8 per cent of their marriage settlements exceeded 800 livres, and most were less than 100 livres in value; entire estates sometimes amounted to less than 60 livres.26 Other factors exacerbated the poverty engendered by the division of most peasant lands into very small holdings. Peasants, particularly those in villages remote from the communications routes of the river valleys, were suspicious of innovations; they especially were reluctant to adapt new agricultural techniques. One observer, writing in 1804, noted of the Dordogne Departement constituting much of the Senechaussee:

There are few departements where the people are as attached to their habits and prejudices as in that of the Dordogne. Ideas for improvement contrary to customary usage are spurned there as dangerous innovation and the art of husbandry makes no progress there.27

Agriculture therefore remained unproductive, and as late as 1789 peasants in the impoverished Double resisted the introduction of a new crop like the potato on the grounds that it was fit only for feeding to pigs. At Montpon peasants seldom fertilized fields, and elsewhere new fields were not cleared because of rural fears that increased production would result in higher tithes and taxes. Malnutrition was widespread among a peasantry sometimes forced to supplement its diet with chestnuts gathered in local forests. When harvests failed entirely, famine accompanied by disease produced demographic crises which can be traced in parish registers where cures recorded more burials than baptisms. Such crises persisted throughout much of the southwest of France in the eighteenth century while, elsewhere in the country, improved agricultural methods and transportation diminished their frequency and intensity. The impact of these persistent crises can be gauged in several ways; average male life expectancy was as low as twenty-eight years in some parishes of the region; there was also deep-seated peasant anxiety about bad weather, fire or vagabonds endangering the harvest.28

8 Libourne and Bazas

Other groups shared the poverty of the poorer peasants of the Senechaussee. Those involved in the transportation occupations were numerous, sailors alone making up 4 per cent of the population of the town of Libourne at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Those occupied in these trades, however, were fully employed only in the months of peak river transport. The result of the unemployment or under-employment of much of this group for the rest of the year is plain in its marriage settlements and wills which reveal a poverty comparable to that of many journaliers.20 Domestic servants also were numerous and impoverished, though their compensation typically included room and board. Accounting for about 5 per cent of the residents of the commune of Libourne in the eighteenth century, domestics’ marriage settlements never exceeded 400 livres.30 Materially more favoured were the artisans and retail merchants who made up as much as 25 or 30 per cent of the population in some areas. Certainly apprentices and journeymen were much poorer than their masters; at Libourne many journeymen’s marriage contracts were in the 50-200 livres range. But their masters as a group enjoyed a certain affluence, with a median marriage settlement of 2,560 livres in mid-eighteenth-century Libourne. Many retail merchants in Libourne and the lower Dordogne Valley shared in the affluence of master artisans, and not a single marriage contract valued at less than 400 livres has been found for them in the middle years of the eighteenth century.31 Wealthy wholesale merchants, practitioners of various professions like notaries, judges, avocats and procureurs, as well as government officials, constituted the dominant group in the life of many communities in the region. Perhaps accounting for no more than 5 or 6 per cent of the population of the Senechaussee, this group had local power and great wealth, and constituted what one historian called ’a sort of aristocracy’.32 In the mid-eighteenth century the only marriage settlements for this group valued at less than 1,000 livres and negotiated at Libourne were those of the lower level of professional people—huissiers, praticiens and physicians. Most contracts for this group involved substantially more property, and one contract was valued at 35,000 livres. At the summit of this group were the wealthy magistrates, conseillers and avocats of the Senechaussee of Libourne who often purchased their positions with wealth acquired in the wine trade and in extensive landholdings in the surrounding vineyards.33 The first two estates of Old Regime society were not represented in the Senechaussee by large numbers. Secular and regular clergy of the Roman Catholic Church made up less than 1 per cent of France’s population in 1789, and there is no evidence that there was a greater percentage of clerics in the Senechaussee of Libourne. Clerics were most numerous in several of the larger towns of the Senechaussee like Libourne and Saint-Emilion. Before the Revolution there were four religious communities in Libourne and in 1709 that town numbered 121 clerics among its residents, 2.7 per cent of its population. In nearby Saint-Emilion the Collegial Church had a large chapter, but away from the larger towns clerics were far less numerous and there are

9 Libourne and Bazas

indications of a shortage of secular clergymen in the countryside.04 These priests, moreover, served a Church in the Libournais whose wealth was not great. The wealth of the pre-revolutionary Church has been estimated at perhaps as much as one-sixth of all land nationally. But during the Revolution sales of clerical property totalled only 1,148 hectares in the District of Libourne, a jurisdiction which comprised all of the Gironde lands of the Senechaussee of Libourne. It has been estimated from these sales that the pre-revolutionary Church controlled only about 1 per cent of the land area of the Libourne district.05 Nationally noblemen made up about 1 per cent of France's population in 1789, but evidence for the Libournais suggests that noblemen accounted for a smaller portion among the population of the Senechaussee. In 1690 the Senechaussee counted only 130 noble heads of households, and notarial records in the town of Libourne seldom include noble marital or testa tor y records. Nevertheless local nobles controlled extensive properties in the Senechaussee, particularly around Libourne and in the western Perigord. The largest landowner in the region was the Due de Richelieu who possessed almost 1,300 h ecta res.00 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the society of the Senechaussee of Libourne was theologically and linguistically diverse. The presence of several concentrations of the Huguenot minority channeled a great deal of the Libourne court's efforts towards enforcement of the religious settlement imposed by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Protestant presence in the Dordogne Valley dated from the earliest days of the Reformation in France; before revocation of the edict, Protestant congregations in that region constituted the major portion of the 25,000-member Colloquy of the Bas-Agenais. The largest Huguenot congregation in the valley was that of Sainte-Foy with two pastors serving 2,000 communicants in 1660. The temple at Libourne had 200 members, and other congregations flourished before 1685 at Castillon, Montcaret, La mothe-M on travel, Ponchapt, Le Fleix, Eynesse and Pujols. In the northern part of the Senechaussee there were smaller congregations at Montlieu, Montguyon and La Roche-Chalais. Despite persecution after 1685, the Huguenot presence in the Senechaussee persisted into the eighteenth century. The region of Sainte-Foy in the southeastern corner of the Senechaussee continued to be the major centre of Huguenot strength. Registers of Huguenot baptisms there show an average of 220 baptisms per year from 1757 through 1760, suggesting the presence of as many as 7,700 Protestants.07 The population of the Senechaussee was also linguistically heterogeneous in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Senechaussee was a zone of linguistic transition from langue d'oc to langue d' oil dialects. Gascon, a langue d'oc dialect, originally was the language of Libourne, Saint-Emilion, Castillon, Sainte-Foy and much of the Dordogne Valley. By the eighteenth century, however, Gascon was no longer a literary language and French evolved as the language of the middle and upper classes. Gascon remained the language most widely used by society's lower strata in both rural and urban areas

10 Libourne and Bazas during the eighteenth century, and parish priests throughout the Libourne region found it necessary to deliver sermons and catechetical instruction in Gascon.88 In the northern reaches of the Senechaussee other dialects were in use. In Saintonge and in the Dronne Valley the spoken language was the Saintongeois patois, a langue d' oil dialect bearing some similarities to the langue d'oc. Perigourdin, a langue d'oc dialect, was spoken by the residents of western Perigord and part of the Double Forest. The language situation in the Senechaussee was complicated further because the line of demarcation between the langue d'oc and the langue d' oil was unclear. There were enclaves of langue d' oil speakers in areas in which a langue d'oc dialect was the primary tongue. Such enclaves in the area just north of Libourne and in the Entre-Deux-Mers were common as a result of immigration after the population losses caused by the Hundred Years War. At war’s end, the new settlers from Poitou and Saintonge brought with them their Saintongeois patois. They were not, however, always well received by their new Gascon neighbours who named the Sain ton goneois and Poitevin settlers Gavaches, meaning 'cowards’. The new settlers consequently established their own linguistic islands of Gavacherie at Guitres, Saint-Denis-de-Pile and throughout the Entre-Deux-Mers where, in 1823, 20,000 persons still spoke the Saintongeois dialect.89 The impact of this dialectical diversity upon social relations and especially upon crime in the Senechaussee is difficult if not impossible to assess precisely. Court records were kept in French and there is no notation in them of whether testimony was given in French or in one of the regional dialects. It is probable that lower court officials, as in Languedoc, were bilingual, transcribing testimony spoken in local dialect into written French.40 There are only passing references in the records to the use of spoken patois and one surprising reference to the use of written Gascon.41 But with no other indicators of the dialects of the principals in court cases, only hypotheses regarding the impact of language differences are possible. Language differences among close neighbours seldom breed an atmosphere of goodwill, as the nickname applied by the Gascons to Saintongeois settlers illustrates. Conflicts arising out of mistrust between persons of different dialects, therefore, were probable. At the very least language differences probably served to isolate some villages from neighbouring communities. Moreover, the widespread use of several patois in the Senechaussee of Libourne also may have contributed to the well-documented and extreme reluctance of peasants to deal with representatives of judicial authority who may have been proficient in local dialects but were obliged to conduct proceedings in French.42 A high rate of illiteracy forced many persons to rely on the spoken word as their source of information in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and magnified the importance of language differences. Studies of signatures on marriage documents as well as on court transcripts of witness testimonies suggest that the majority of the population of the Senechaussee and its region were illiterate.

11 Libourne and Bazas

Of course the ability of an individual to sign his name cannot be accepted as prima facie evidence of literacy. Some illiterates carried written models of their signatures to be copied crudely; others mastered a primative signature but no other writing skills; and sometimes persons were under great pressure, as were witnesses in court cases, to produce any mark, however unintelligible it might be. The number of literate persons in a group was, therefore, quite probablv less than the number of persons who were able to sign their names.43 Nevertheless the rate of signatures in the Senechaussee of Libourne is useful as suggestive of the level of education. The literacy rate clearly was higher in urban centres like Libourne, where 38.2 per cent of grooms and 24.3 per cent of brides signed their marriage documents, as well as in Protestant areas like Sainte-Foy, where 50.7 per cent of the males and 29.5 per cent of the females signed at marriage. Outside of such areas, however, the marriage signature rate fell precipitously. From 1742 through 1751 only 21.5 per cent of all bridegrooms and 15.7 per cent of their brides could sign their marriage documents at Montpon; in the Entre-Deux-Mers only 10 per cent of all grooms and 5 per cent of their brides could sign.44 A sample of 2,870 witnesses who testified before the Senechaussee of Libourne corroborates these findings (See Table 1.01). From 1696 through 1700, for example, only 3.2 per cent of peasant males could sign their names to transcripts of their court testimonies; by 1784-8 that figure had advanced to only 19.9 per cent. Because the illiterate majority of the Libournais depended upon friends, neighbours and co-workers for information, regular market days, Sunday masses, festivals and other occasions for gatherings were well attended because they provided important opportunities for rural residents to exchange news and, as it happened, to engage in conflict. In this as in other aspects of their behaviour, residents of the Libournais were very similar to their neighbours elsewhere in southwestern France. Bazas, the seat of the Senechaussee of Bazas from the fifteenth century until 1790, lies fifty-five kilometres almost due south of Libourne. The jurisdiction of this former Senechaussee extended along both banks of the Garonne River and included 37 lower court districts in three modern Departements; the Gironde, the Lot-et-Garonne and the Landes (See Figures 1.01 and 1.03). At the end of the eighteenth century the Senechaussee had a population of approximately 70,000 persons. They inhabited a region on the whole less prosperous than the Libournais, but one that was also divided into four distinct topographical zones.40 The first of these was the valley cut by the Garonne River through the region’s limestone plateau. Like the Dordogne, the Garonne was a major avenue for the movement of people and goods during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Most of the larger communes of the Senechaussee developed along its banks. Viticulture was extensive around Saint-Macaire and Langon; these, by virtue of their location within the medieval boundaries of the Senechaussee of Bordeaux, enjoyed the right to ship their white wines to Bordeaux during the peak annual market period before Christmas. Langon, at

12 Table 1.01.— Witnesses Who Signed Testimony Transcripts by Social Group, Sex and Period in the S£n£chauss<5e of Libourne.a

1696 -1700 1738 -1742 1770 -1774 1784 -1788 Males Females Males Females Males Females Males Females

Clergy 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Nobility 100.0 100.0% 100.0% 100.0 100.0% 100.0 100.0% Army officers 100.0 100.0 100.0 Officials 94.7 100.0 100.0 75.0% 93.9 88.5 38.5 Commercial classes & liberal professions 96.7 75.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 77.4 98.0 76.1 Artisans & tradesmen 38.9 21.6 46.3 30.4 45.7 15.7 49.6 19.0 Transport trades 16.7 12.1 6.3 22.9 4.2 Peasants 3.2 1.7 17.1 2.3 19.9 Soldiers 100.0 64.3 Domestics 10.0 10.0 5.9 3.4 Unspecified 48.5 10.0 33.3 30.8 35.7 12.5 50.0 22.2 aWitnesses cannot represent a scientifically random sample because their presence in the courtroom is dictated by the accident of witnessing a crime. Old Regime witnesses were even less

representative because jurists preferred wealthy, and presumably more literate, witnesses to poorer Bazas and Libourne ones. Franjois Serpillon, Code criminel ou commentaire de l'Ordonnance de 1670 (4 vols.; Lyon: les Fr&res Perisse, 1767), I, 461 noted the principle which guided the selection of witnesses: "...a rich witness is more upright and consequently merits more trust than a poor man..." Thus at Libourne wealthy witnesses were numerous. The above sample represents 2,870 witnesses, 17 per cent of whom were drawn from the prosperous group engaged in commerce or the professions. Other wealthy groups were similarly over-represented. For this reason no attempt to present total signatures for all groups for each period has been made; to do so would lead to an overstatement of the actual number of those able to sign their names in the Libournais. Libourne and Bazas

. B I asimon ' 1 ’ v__ \ Ocaumont k /Sauveterre Duras j St-Ferme t— <1 I w ‘St- Sulpici ' dropt RIVER \

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S* “ ‘ -n / ,/ Caudrot ‘ -S\ ‘ ’ A ^ St - M acaire Castelnaud-sur-Gupie • B a rie • I / \ Castets-en-Dorthe • Langonj St- Pardon / 7 G UPIE RIVER * Brannens j • RoquetaiMade "sa vig n a c d Auros / W /Roaillom Auros Couthures

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^Sauveterre Royal court CIRON RIVER ]L a Reole Seat of s u b d £ l£ q u ^ Bazas Headquar­ ters of Ma- r^chauss^e Figure 1.03.--Map of the S£n6chauss6ei of Bazas

14 Libourne and Bazas the upstream limit of the high tide, was the port for the trade in wines; with its mid-eighteenth-century population of about 2.500 persons, it was the third largest commune in the Senechaussee.40 In the rest of the Garonne Valley, outside the parishes of Langon and Saint-Macaire, vines were not cultivated as extensively. Because such areas could send wine to Bordeaux only after Christmas when foreign buyers had left that city, they cultivated other agricultural products. Rich alluvial soils sustained extensive wheat production in these upstream areas, and shipment of grain and other agricultural products made La Reole a busy river port. With a population of about 2,600 in 1760, La Reole was the second largest urban centre in the Senechaussee of Bazas.4^ Atop the plateau north of the Garonne is the Pays de Benauges, second of the zones of the Senechaussee and the southern limit of the Entre-Deux-Mers region. This was a region of general farming with vineyards scattered among natural pastures and fields sown in cereals. The alluvial soils of the Dropt River Valley were especially fertile.43 During the eighteenth century travellers departing from the Garonne Valley for the journey southward to Bazas entered a third zone between the valley to the north and the landes to the south. In the northern part of this intermediate zone the soil was typical of the slopes and low plateaux of southwestern France. It was clayish, mixed with limestone or gravel and supported subsistence agriculture and pine forests.49 Descriptions by eighteenth-century travellers capture the dreariness of the area between Langon and Bazas: ’One travels through waste land, pine forest, a few arable lands, very few vineyards. One sees a few hamlets on the right and left.’00 Peasants cultivated wheat, rye, beans and corn and exploited the native pine forests by extracting resin to be sold at Bazas and cutting wood to fuel a glass works at Bazas and a pottery at nearby Saint-Michel. They also raised sheep, pigs and cows. These livestock were a mainstay of the local economy. Something like 900 cows and 2,000 sheep were slaughtered annually in the district during the eighteenth century and four tanneries in Langon and three in Bazas processed the hides. The livestock also generated business for local courts. In a region in which simple ditches customarily delineated property boundaries, these animals wandered freely in search of pasturage. Their ramblings produced a number of court cases resulting from property damage done by the beasts.01 The town of Bazas is set in the centre of this intermediate zone. Before the Revolution it was an administrative centre of considerable importance, with a population in 1760 of about 3,000. In addition to the Senechaussee and Presidial tribunals, the town housed a brigade of the Marechaussee and a subdelegue and was the seat of the Bishop of Bazas who presided over a diocese extending from the Dordogne River in the north to the landes in the south. Located, as it was, in the midst of an area of subsistence agriculture, Bazas was far from grand in appearance. Eighteenth-century travellers described it as poorly built and dirty.02 South of Bazas, the soil of this zone shaded into the unproductive and sandy soil typical of the landes, and travellers consequently

15 Libourne and Bazas recorded a decline in both population density and in the extent of arable land and pine forests as they travelled southward.50 Journeys of any distance south or west of Bazas brought travellers to the fourth zone of the Senechaussee, the landes. With its poorly drained, sandy soil, this region of 15,000 square kilometres extended from the Bazadais to the Atlantic Coast. It was neither populous nor productive during the eighteenth century. To the south and west it was marshy and sandy, suited only for limited pasturage of livestock; before nineteenth and twentieth century efforts at reclamation and forestation this area was a virtual wasteland. The northern reaches of the landes within the Senechaussee of Bazas were more valuable. Pine forests there produced resin, tar and other forest-related products like honey and beeswax. In clearings the peasants raised meagre yields of rye and m illet.54 Outside of Bazas (the administrative centre) and Langon and La Reole (the riverports), there was little non-agricultural activity. Society was oriented around small and often isolated villages. According to the 1801 census, the average commune in the Senechaussee numbered 579 inhabitants, more than 100 persons fewer than the average for the Libournais. Studies of several Bazadais parishes reveal a society composed overwhelmingly of peasants, even in larger communes like Uzeste with an eighteenth-century population o f about 900. During the eighteenth century, fully 69.55 per cent of the non-nobles in Uzeste were peasants; 26.43 per cent of the population were artisans, and only 4c02 per cent of the population classified as 'bourgeois' by status or by profession. The peasantry of the Bazadais, moreover, was largely landless. At Uzeste, two thirds of the peasants worked only the land of others in the metayage arrangements that dominated the agriculture of the Bazadais until the twentieth century. Relying on subsistence agriculture and livestock husbandry, without the wealth generated by the extensive viticulture of the Libournais, the Bazadais was considerably poorer than much of the Senechaussee of Libourne. Analyses of parish registers consequently report numerous subsistence crises with burials exceeding baptisms, and no real population growth even late in the eighteenth century.55 The Bazadais shared much of the ethnic but little of the religious diversity of the Libournais. A few Huguenot congregations existed in the Benauges in 1660 at Monsegur, Castets and Gironde, as well as at Bazas, but Protestants were not numerous in the Bazadais.50 The linguistic diversity of the Senechaussee was more pronounced and doubtlessly heightened the isolation imposed by geography on many rural communities. Even in the late nineteenth century, many peasants on the south bank of the Garonne spoke Gascon, whose dialectal patterns remain discernable in local speech. North of the Garonne, in the Pays de Benauges, a langue df oil dialect was spoken. It had been introduced to the region along the Dropt River during the early sixteenth century by numerous settlers from the Saintonge region. Consequently, the parishes around Monsegur, Sainte-Ferme, Duras and other areas of the Gascon Benauges became outposts of the langue d' oil d ia lect.57

16 Libourne and Bazas

The Libournais and the Bazadais were diversified geographically, theologically and linguistically. Their bisection by the Dordogne and the Garonne, major transportation routes in the Old Regime, served only to increase that pluralism by the constant movement of people through the Senechaussees. Such regions might prove difficult to administer in any century, and the task of dispensing justice to the people of the Senechaussees proved difficult indeed. The magnitude of the task of maintaining public order in the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas can be appreciated by examining the Old Regime judicial system, and the resources of the Libourne and Bazas courts.

NOTES

1. While not precisely denoting the areas of the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas, the terms ’Libournais1 and ’Bazadais’ will be used interchangeably with ’Senechaussee of Libourne’ and ’Senechaussee of Bazas’ in the interest of brevity. 2. Raymond Guinodie, Histoire de Libourne et des autres villes et bourgs de son arrondissement (3 vols.; 2^ ed.; Libourne: chez l’auteur, 1876), I, 206-07. The lower courts of the Senechaussee were; the tribunal of the Libourne Jurade or town council; the royal prevotes at Saint-Emilion and Sainte-Foy; and the seigniorial courts at Castillon, Guitres, Blagnac, Rigau, Civrac, Pujols, Rauzan, Le Fleix, Gur$on, Saint-Meard-de-Gur^on, Lamothe-Montravel, Montpon, La Roche-Chalais, Montguyon, Montlieu, La Barde, Ponchapt, Montazeau and Saint-Aigulain. In the absence of eighteenth-century census figures, the population is estimated on the basis of the census of 1801 in AN, F293972 (Dordogne census of 28 Fructidor, An VIII; Charente-Inferieure census of 6 Pluviose, An IX; Gironde census of 25 Germinal, An IX) which showed that the areas of the Senechaussee had a population in 1801 of 100,969 persons. 3. Francis J. Monkhouse, A Regional Geography of Western Europe (New York: Praeger, 1967), p. 314. 4. Map sources; Armand Brette, Atlas des bailliages ou juridictions assimilees ayant forme unite electoral en 1789 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1906); Franpoise Arduin, ’Un subdelegue de Libourne au XVIIIe siecle; Leonard Bulle (1748-1773),’ RHBx.G, XVI (1923), 31; Louis Desgraves, ’Les subdelegations et les subdelegues de la Generalite de Bordeaux au XVIIIe siecle,’ An. Midi, LXVI (1954), 143-46; and ADG, 11B2(13), ’Role general de la compagnie de la Marechaussee de Guyenne,’ 23 September 1780. 5. ADG, C326, ’Carte generale des villes et paroisses qui compozent la subdelegation de Libourne, qualite de leurs fonds et ressources et autres renseignements,’ 1770; C1316(127), Leonard Bulle, Subdelegue, ’Responses aux demands de M. l’Entendant sur les paroisses de la subdelegation de Libourne,* 14 October 1760; Paul Arque, Geographie du Midi aquitain (Paris: Editions Rieder, 1939), pp. 214-15; Paul Butel, ’Defrichements en Guyenne au XVIIIe siecle,’ An. Midi, LXXVII (1965), 199-201; Paul Butel and Philippe Roudie, 1La production et la commercialisation des vins du Libournais au debut du XIXe siecle,’ An. Midi, LXXXI (1969), 380-82, 408; Henri Enjalbert,

17 Libourne and Bazas

Les pays aquitains. Le modele et les sols (2 vols.; Bordeaux: Biere, I960), I, 121-33, 182-83; and Monkhouse, p. 320. 6. Fran?ois-Georges Pariset, et al., Bordeaux au XVIIIe siecle (Bordeaux: Federation Historique du Sud-Ouest, 1968), pp. 167-74; Arque, pp. 214-15; Enjalbert, Les pays aquitains, I, 131; and Robert Boutruche, TLes courants de peuplement dans l'Entre-Deux-Mers. Etude sur la brassage de la population rurale,' Annales dliistoire economique et sociale, VII (193 5), 126-34. 7. ADG, C432, 'Etat des paroisses de la subdelegation de Monpon, avec des observations sur leur degre d'aizance ou de gene, la qualite de leur sols et le plus ou moins de ressources dans leur commerce ou industrie,' 1771; C1316(61), Delpy de la Roche, Receveur des Tailles, 'Memoire concernant l'Election de Perigueux,' 16 August 1743; Abbe Bellet, 'Documents statistiques sur la Generalite de Bordeaux au XVIIIe sie c le ,’ AHDG, XL VIII (1913), 48; Richard Beaudry, 'Subsistances et population en Perigord au XVIIIe siecle, 1740-1789' (unpublished memoire for the DES; University of Bordeaux, 1970), ppc 12-30; Francis Petitpre, 'Recherches sur la population de Montpon au XVIIIe siecle, 1736-1801' (unpublished TER; University of Bordeaux, 1971), pp. 5-8. 8. ADG, C1316(61), Delpy de la Roche, 'Memoire,' 16 August 1743. 9. Ibid.; Arque, p. 136; Pierre Buffaud, 'La Double du Perigord: etude historique et economique,' Bulletin de la Section de Geographie du Comite des Travaux HistoriqUes et Scientifiques, XXXV (1920), 163-69: Emile Dusolier, 'Les anciennes verreries de la Double,' BSP, LXVII (1940), 194-215, 285-301, 360-75, 439-49; Henri Enjalbert, et al., Visages de l'Aunis, de la Saintonge et de l'Angoumois (Paris: Horizons de France, 1952), pp. 39-40; G. Livet, 'La vie paysanne avant la Revolution dans la Double du Perigord,' BSP, LXIX (1942), 126-35; Anne-Marie Pinaud, 'La foret du Perigord et son poids economique,' RGPSO, XLVII (1976), 67; and Ian Scargill, The Dordogne Region of France (London: David and Charles, 1974), p. 140. 10. AN, F°°397^; Anne-Marie Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve et des hommes. Les gens de la Dordogne au XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Taillandier, m i), Pp7 J'KJ-Ti.------11. Bellet, pp. 5-7; Butel and Roudie, 'Vins du Libournais,' pp. 394-95; Charles Higounet, et al., Histoire de l'Aquitaine (Toulouse: Edouard Privat, Editeur, 1970] pp. 207-08; Marcel Marion, 'Une famine en Guyenne (1747-1748),' RH, XLVI (1891), 241-87; E. Bourgouin, 'Une disette en Guyenne- T la fin de l'Ancien Regime, 1777-1778,' RHBx.G, XI (1918), 143-61, 208-29; XII (1919), 98-115, 178-82; William Doyle, The Parlement of Bordeaux and the End of the Old Regime (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1974), p. 86; and Edouard Feret, Statistique generate, topographique, scientifique, administrative, industrielle, commerciale, agricole, historique, archeologique et biographique du department de la Gironde (2 vols.; Bordeaux: Feret et fils, 1878-1889), I, 287. Feret presents figures showing that the Arrondissement of Libourne, much of which is composed of Dordogne Valley lands, was the most densely populated of the six arrondissements of the Gironde Departement. 12. AN, F203972; AML, FF25, 'Procedures devant le maire et le

18 Libourne and Bazas jurade,’ 9 July 1709, contains a census commissioned by the Intendant of Bordeaux showing a population of 4,568 persons. 13. Higounet, Histoire de rAquitaine, pp. 207-10; Jean Royer, ’Libourne; etude devolution de ville,’ RHBx.G, XVII (1924), 71; Odon de Saint-Blanquart, ’Les bastides du sud-ouest de la France,’ An.ESC, IV (1949), 278-89. 14. ADG, C1316(127), Bulle, ’Les paroisses de Libourne;’ Butel and Roudie, ’Vins du Libournais,’ pp. 389-90; Higounet, Histoire de 1’Aquitaine, pp. 324-25; Royer, pp. 57-61. On Holland and the Bergerac wines see Andre Jouanel, Bergerac et la Hollande (Bergerac: H. Trillaud et cie., 1959) and Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve, pp. 224-49. 15. Butel and Roudie, ’Vins du Libournais,’ pp. 385-86, 390, 396. 16. ADG, C3838, ’Memoire sur l’Election de Bordeaux;' Butel and Roudie, ’Vins du Libournais,’ pp. 390-92; R. Dion, ’L’ancien privilege de Bordeaux RGPSO, XXVI (1955), 223-36; and G. Martin, ’Les Intendants de Guyenne au XVIIIe siecle, et les privileges des vins bordelais,’ RHBx.G, I (1908), 461-70. 17. ADG, C1316(61), Delpy de la Roche, ’Memoire,’ 16 August 1743; C1316(62) ’Election de Perigueux en trois subdelegations; Perigueux, Nontron, Bergerac,’ circa 1760; C1316(127), Bulle, ’Les paroisses de Libourne;’ Bellet, pp. 5, 28, 48-49; Frangois-de-Paul Latapie, 'Journal de ma premiere tournee dans les differentes parties de mon departement en qualite d’inspecteur des manufacteurs de Guienne,’ AHDG, XXXVIII (1903), 479-92; Fran^ois-de-Paul Latapie, ’Notice sur la Generalite de Bordeaux, 1786,’AHDG, XXXIV (1899), 287; Arque, p. 63; Beaudry, pp. 12-13, 35-38, 81-83; Butel and Roudie, ’Vins du Libournais,’ p. 394; Martial de Pradal de Lamase, ’Au XVIIIe siecle; le flottage des bois sur la Dordogne,’ Bulletin de la Societe Scientifique, Historique et Archeologique de la Correze, LXVII (1965), 106-16; Rene Pijassou, ’L’ ancien Industrie du fer aans le Perigord septentrional,’ RGPSO, XXVII (1956), 247-68; Royer, pp. 61, 158. Southwestern France, including the Libournais, was one of the pays redimes des gabelles and thus was not subject to the gabelle. An ordinance of 1680 regularized salt distribution in the pays redimes by establishing forty regional salt distribution depots in these areas. Libourne was one of these depots. See George T. Matthews, The Royal General Farms in the Eighteenth Century (New York; Columbia University Press, 1958), pp. 102-06. See Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve, pp. 80-86, for a description of the boats in use on the Dordogne in the eighteenth century. 18. Ernest Labadie, ed., ’Documents concernant l’etablissement d’une verrerie et d’une faiencerie a Libourne (1748-1760),’ AHDG, XLIII (1908), 91-165; Latapie, ’Ma premiere tournee,’ pp. 491-92; Butel and Roudie, ’Vins du Libournais,’ p. 390; Monkhouse, p. 320; and Royer, pp. 42, 156-57. See also Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve, pp. 137-39, on apprenticeships. 19. Desgraves, pp. 143-46; Arduin, pp. 30-32, 107-10; Royer, p. 158; Lieutenant Colonel Lewden, ’Les casernes de Libourne et les corps de troupe qui y ont tenu garnison,’ RHBx.G XII (1919), 75-76, 157; ADG, C3120, ’Registres des marechaussees de Libourne,

19 Libourne and Bazas

Perigueux, Agen,1 1787; and Armand Brette, ed., Recueil de documents relatifs a la convocation des Etats Generaux~de 1789 (4 vols.; Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1894-1915), I, 420. 20. ADG, C326, 'Carte generale'; AN F203972 (Gironde census of 25 Germinal, An IX); Latapie, 'Notice,' p. 286; Latapie, 'Ma premiere tournee,' pp. 481-82. The standard history of Castillon is Fernand Guignard, Histoire de Castillon-sur-Dordogne (l'une des filleules de Bordeaux) et la region Castillonnaise depuis les origines jusqu'a 1870 (Paris and Laval: E.M. Lelievre, 1912). 21. AN, F263972 (Gironde census of 25 Germinal, An IX); Latapie, 'Ma premiere tournee,' pp. 475-80; Bellet, pp. 28-46. 22. P etitpre, pp. 14, 22-34; D esgraves, pp. 145-56. On the seigneurie of Montpon, see Daniel de Lage, 'La seigneurie de Montpon en Perigord (1344-1789),' BSP, XLIII (1916), 271-81. 23. AN, F203972 (Gironde census of 25 Germinal, An IX); ADG, C326 'Carte generale'; Brette, Atlas; and Guinodie, I, 206-07. 24. Charles Higounet, et aL, Histoire de Bordeaux (Toulouse: Privat, 1980), p. 186 and Petitpre, p. 4. Two other excellent parish studies also found peasants constituting about 60 per cent of the population in the upper Dordogne Valley outside the Libournais. These are F. Florenty, 'Etude demographique d'une paroisse Sarladais: Dorn me, 1770-1820' (unpublished memoire for the DES; University of Bordeaux, 1972), pp. 85-86; and Guy Florenty, 'L'evolution demographique de Saint-Cyprien et de son canton au XVIIIe siecle' (unpublished memoire for the DES; University of Bordeaux, 1974). See also the social classification scheme in Appendix. 25. Marion, 'Etat des classes,' pp. 99-106; Christine Paulhac, 'Recherche sur les structures familiales d'Agen et de Libourne au mi­ lieu du XVIIIe siecle d'apres les contrats de mariage et les testaments' (unpublished TER; University of Bordeaux, 1975), p. 20. 26. Feret, II, 624, 837; Guignard, p. 358;^ Marion, 'Etat des classes,' pp. 462-64; Paulhac, pp. 19-20; Petitpre, pp. 15, 35; Rene Pijassou, Regards sur la revolution agricole en Perigord (Perigueux; Centre Departementale d'Etudes et d'Informations Economiques et Sociales; Federation des Oeuvres Laiques de la Dordogne, 1967), p. 10; and Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve, p. 344. 27. Guillaume Delfau, Annuaire statistique du departement de la Dordogne pour l'an XII de la Republique, quoted in Georges Bussiere, Etudes his tori ques sur la Revolution en Perigord (3 vols.; I-Bordeaux: Lefebvre, 1877; II-Bordeaux: Chollet, 1885; III-Paris: Lechevalier, 1903),I, 111. 28. Beaudry, pp. 60-61, 98-127; Higounet, Histoire de l'Aquitaine, pp. 337-40; Marion, 'Etat des classes,' pp. 453-54; Livet, pp. 126-35; Petitpre, p. 31. Evidence suggests that the tithe was higher in southwestern France, and especially in the Perigord, than elsewhere. See Guy Mandon, 'La dime ecclesiastique en Perigord au XVIIIe sikjle' (2 vols.; unpublished TER; University of Bordeaux, 1970). 29. Paulhac, pp. 19-20; Guinodie, II, 10. 30. Paulhac, p. 19; Guinodie, II, 10. On the wages, wealth and condition of domestic servants see Jean-Pierre Gutton, Domestiques et servateurs dans la France de l'Ancien Regime (Paris:

20 Libourne and Bazas

Aubier-Montaigne, 1981), pp. 23, 121, 186-201; and Cissie Fairchilds, 'Masters and Servants in Eighteenth-Century Toulouse,' JSH, XII (1979), 368-93. 31. F. Florenty, p. 85; G. Florenty, p. 102; Higounet, Histoire de Bordeaux, p. 186; Paulhac, pp. 21-23; and Cocula-Vaillieres, Un fleuve, pp. 342-46. 32. Jean Cavignac, 'La Senechaussee et siege presidial de Libourne,' RHAL, XXXV (1967), 94. For the social structures of several parishes of the region see F. Florenty, p. 85; G. Florenty, p. 102. 33. Butel and Roudie, 'Vins du Libournais,' p. 381; Paulhac, pp. 24-26. 34. AML, FF25, 'Procedures devant le maire et le jurade,' 9 July 1709; Bernard Peyrous, 'La vie religieuse dans le pays bordelais a la lumiere des visites pastorales de ses archeveques durant le XVIIIe siecle,’ L'Information historique, XXXVII (1975), 74-76; Royer, p. 159; and Timothy Tackett and Claude Langlois, 'Ecclesiastical Structures and Clerical Geography on the Eve of the French Revolution,' FHS, XI (1980), 357. 35. Albert Goodwin, ed., The American and French Revolutions, 1763-1793, Vol. VIII of The New Cambridge Modern History (14 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 601; Marcel Marion, 'La vente des biens nationaux dans le district de Libourne,' RPBx.SO, V (1902), 388; and Michel Vovelle, La chute de la monarchie, 1787-1792 (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1972), p. 13. 36. Leo Gershoy, The French Revolution and Napoleon (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1964), p. 35; Beaudry, p. 23; Butel and Roudie, 'Vins du Libournais,' p. 381; Marion, 'La vente des biens nationaux dans le district de Libourne,' p. 388; Paulhac, p. 26; and Pierre Meller, fEtat des gentilshommes et possesseurs de fiefs nobles dans les juridictions dependant des senechaussees de Guienne et de Libourne,' AHDG, XXXVIII (1903), 123-63. The lists in Meller, which include gentilshommes verriers de Libourne, suggest a noble population of perhaps no more than 650 persons, or about .7 per cent of the estimated populations. 37. Guignard, pp. 146-48; Samuel Mours, 'Essai sommaire de geographie du Protestantisme reforme au XVIIe siecle,' BSHPF, CXI (1965), 318-20; Samuel Mours, 'Liste des eglises reformees'; BSHPF, CIII (1957), 57-59, 114-15, 121-22; Anne-Marie Pinaud, 'Les persecutions contre les Protestants a Sainte-Foy de la revocation de l'Edit de Nantes a la Revolution, 1685-1789' (unpublished memoire for the DES; University of Bordeaux, n.d.), p. 118. The estimate of Protestant population is based on the birth rate of 35 per 1,000 suggested by Pierre Guillaume and Jean-Pierre Poussou, Demographie historique (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1970), pp. 168-71. 38. Fernand Brunot, La propagation du frangais en France jusqu'a la fin de l'ancien regime, Vol. VII of Histoire de la langue frangais des origines a 1900 (9 vols.; Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1905-43), pp. 22, 74, 303-06; Michel de Certeau, Dominique Julia, Jacques Revel, 'Une ethnographie de la langue; l'enquete de Gregoire sur les patois,' An. ESC, XXX (1975), 3-41; Albert Dauzat, Les patois: evolution,

21 Libourne and Bazas classification, etude (Paris: Librairie Delagrave, 1927), p. 139. See also the linguistic map in Yves-Marie Berce, Histoire des Croquants: etude des soulevements populaires au XVIIe siecle dans le sud-ouest de la France (2 vols.; Paris and Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1974), II, Appendix. 39. Arque, p. 36; Berce, Histoire des Croquants, II, Appendix; Boutruche, pp. 22-23, 123-35; Auguste Brun, Parlers regionaux: France dialectale et unite frangaise (Paris and Toulouse: Didier, 1946), p. 92; Feret, II, 660, 684, 701, 746; Royer, p. 240. 40. Yves Castan, TVIentalites rurale et urbaine a la fin de l’ancien regime dans le ressort du Parlement de Toulouse d’apres les sacs a proces criminel, 1730-1790,’ in Andre Abbiateci, et al., Crimes et criminalite en France, 17e-18e siecles (Paris; Librairie Armand Colin, 1971), p. 117. 41. Reference to spoken patois is found in ADG, 5B676 (Marie Meytardier) and the written example of patois, placards written in Gascon and posted in Pujols, is found in ADG, 5B676, 5B113, 5B703 (Pierre Gascq Lagrange). 42. See Chapters Four and Six. 43. Jean Queniart, ’Apprentissages scolaires elementaires au XVIIIe siecle; faut-il reform er Maggiolo?’ RHMC, XXIV (1977), 3-27. 44. Franpois Furet and Jacques Ozouf, et al., Lire et ecrire; l’alphabetisation des frangais de Calvin a Jules Ferry (2 vols.; Paris; Editions de Minuit, 1977), II, 309-10; Higounet, Histoire de l’Aquitaine, p. 354; and Petitpre, p. 68. An article suggesting the poor calibre of education in rural areas of southwestern France is Paul Butel, ’L’instruction populaire en Aquitaine au XVIIIe siecle; l’exemple de l’Agenais, RHEc.S, XIV (1976), 5-28. 45. AN, F203972 (Gironde census, 25 Germinal, An IX); F20398 (Lot-et-Garonne census, 16 Frumaire, An IX). Map sources; Brette, Atlas; Dorn Reginald Biron, ’L’ancien diocese de Bazas,’ RHBx.G, XVIII (1925), 78-82; Desgraves, pp. 142-46; ADG, 11B2(13), ’Role general,’ 23 September 1780. The lower court jurisdictions within the Senechaussee included: the royal prevotes at Bazas, Caudrot, La Reole and Sauveterre; the seigniorial courts (ecclesiastical seigniors shown in parentheses) at Auros, Barie, Brannens (Carthusians of Bordeaux), Castelnaud-sur-Gupie, Castets-en-Dorthe, Cocument, Cours (Order of Malta), Couthures (Archbishop of Bordeaux), Duras, Foncaude, Gans (Bishop of Bazas), Grignols, Lados, Langon, Lartique, Lerm (Bishop of Bazas), Masseille (Abbe of Fontguilhem), Mauvezin, Monpouillan, Monsegur, Roaillan, Rocquebrune (Order of Malta), Romestaing, Roquetaillade, Saint-Ferme (Abbe of Saint-Ferme), Saint-Macaire, Saint-Michel-de-Castelnau, Saint-Pardon, Saint-Sulpice, Savignac, Sauvignac, Taillecavat, Uzeste. 46. Georges Dethan, ’Le Bazadais a la fin de XVIIe siecle d’apres le me moire de l’Intendant Louis Bazin de Bezons (1698),’ Actes, 1960: Bazas et le Bazadais: occupation du sol, histoire, art, economie (Bordeaux: Editions Biere, 1961), pp. 132-39; Bellet, pp. 106-15; Pariset, p. 209; Jean-Pierre Poussou, ’Les actes de mariage de Langon, Bazas, et La Reole a la veille de la Revolution (1777-1786) et leurs apports,’ Actes, 1970: Langon, Sauternes, Cernes (Perigueux: P.

22 Libourne and Bazas

Fanlac, 1973), p. 93; Dion, p. 226; M. Curida, 'La criminalite dans le district de Bazas au debut de la Revolution (1789-An IV) et son originalite en Gironde' (2 vols.; unpublished TER, University of Bordeaux, 1973), I, 6; Monkhouse, pp. 319-20. On the physical aspect of Langon see Jean-Bernard Marquette, 'La ville de Langon au debut du dix-huitieme siecle,' Cahiers du Bazadais, XIII (1973), 3-20; XIV (1974), 17-41; XV (1975), 5-30. 47. Dethan, p. 135; Enjalbert, 'Commerce,' p. 31; Feret, II, 770; Higounet, Histoire de l'Aquitaine, pp. 205-06; Laurent Icre, 'L'economie rurale du Bazadais,' RGPSO, XXV (1954), 222; Poussou, p. 93. 48. Pariset, p. 163; Monkhouse, p. 314, 325; Feret, II, 794-95. 49. Feret, II, 24, 53-54. 50. Latapie, 'Ma premiere tournee,' p. 329. Modern research confirms this view of the region's poverty. See Emmanuel Delage de Luget, 'La population des pays du Ciron en Bazadais au XVIIIe siecle. Recherche de demographie historique' (2 vols.; unpublished memoire for the DES, Universtiy of Bordeaux, 1970), I, 18; Feret, I, 287, found the Arrondissernent of Bazas the least densely populated of the six arrondissements of the Gironde in 1877. 51. Bellet, pp. 107-08; Icre, pp. 223-24; Latapie, 'Notice,' pp. 278-80. The custom in the Bazadais was to mark off holdings with ditches about 1.33 metres in width and about .66 metres in depth according to Maurice Lapierre, Les usages du Bazadais: recueil de droit rural et usuel complete par les usages en vigeur dans l'arrondissement de Bazas (Bazas: Henri Lacourriere, 1902). p. 199. 52. ADG, 11B2(13), 'Role general,' 23 September 1780; Biron, p. 72; Desgraves, pp. 142-46; and Poussou, p. 93. 53. Feret, II, 37-38. 54. Bellet, p. 107; Feret, II, 37-38, 83; Higounet, Histoire de l'Aquitaine, pp. 302-03; Icre, pp. 222-24; and Michel Lheritier, L'Intendant Tourny (1695-1760) (2 vols.; Paris: Alcan, 1920), I, 200; and Monkhouse, pp. 360-64. 55. AN, F293972 and F20398; Delage de Luget, I, 18-19, 31, 94-101; Guillaume and Poussou, pp. 144-45, 153-58; Icre, p. 223; Jocelyn Mangin, 'Une paroisse du Bazadais sous l'Ancien Regime: Caudrot. Contribution a l'histoire agraire de la Guyenne' (2 vols.; unpublished TER, University of Bordeaux, 1975), I, 63; and Pousou, pp. 91-103. Icre found 80 per cent of the arable land of the Canton of Bazas in m etayage in 1892. 56. Mours, 'Essai sommaire,' pp. 318-19. 57. Brun, p. 99; Boutruche, pp. 126-27, 143-44; Feret, II, 7, 796, 808; Higounet, Histoire de l'Aquitaine, p. 252. Gascon traits in the spoken French of the region include pronunciation of the final 'N,' 'S' and 'T' as well as pronunciation of 'V' as 'BT.

23 BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

A. Archives Departe men tales de la Gironde

1. Sous-Serie 4B—Le fonds de la senechaussee et siege presidial de Bazas: 4B63-4B67 Registres de sentences, 1738-1790 4B215-4B219 Procedures civiles et criminelles, 1739-1742 4B242-4B259 Procedures civiles et criminelles, 1770-1789 4B266-4B269 Procedures portees en appel devant le Parlement de Bordeaux, 1736-1746 4B283-4B306 — Procedures portees en appel devant le Parlement de Bordeaux, 1771-1789 2. Sous-Serie 5B—Le fonds de la senechaussee et siege presidial de Libourne: 5B46-5B51 Registres des sentences, 1696-1701 5B80-5B84 Registres des sentences, 1738-1742 5B103-5B117 Registres des sentences, 1776-1790 5B239-5B242 Distributions des proces, 1765-1790 5B485 Registre des insinuations de provisions et de declarations de defrichement 5B579 Procedures civiles et criminelles, 1685 5B582 " " " " , 1688 5B589-5B593 1696-1700 5B609 , 1716 5B630-5B634 1738-1742 5B662-5B679 1770-1789 5B680 Procedures portees en appel devant le Parlement de Bordeaux, 1693-1709 5B683-5B684 Procedures portees en appel devant le Parlement de Bordeaux, 1730-1749 5B593-5B704 Procedures portees en appel devant le

187 Bibliography

Parlement de Bordeaux, 1770-1791 3. Serie B—Sacs a Proces, Parlement of Bordeaux: Numbers 4040; 4353; 5147; 7907; 8233; 10087; 10355

4. Sous-Serie 1 IB—Marechaussee de Guyenne 11B1 — Registre d'ecrou, 1771-1790 11B2 — Greffe et personnel 11B4 — Procedures, 1749-1755 11B11 — Procedures, 1740-1750 11B12— Procedures, 1751-1787

5. Serie C—Administration provinciale avant 1790 C326, C432, C1315, <31316, C3838—Correspondence and reports describing the Senechaussees of Libourne and Bazas. C331, C1432, C1435-1438, C1462, C2180, C2181, C3120, C3645, C3728, C3729, C4634, C4 63 6—Correspondence, reports and legal proceedings relating to problems of subsistence, police and the public order.

B. Archives Municipales de Libourne BB37 — Deliberations of the Libourne Jurade, 1772-1778 CC5 — 'Rolle de proportion de la taille, capitation et autres impositions ordonnees etre imposees . . . sur la ville et paroisse de Libourne,' 1741. FF25 — Procedures devant le maire et le jurade, July, 1709.

C. Archives Nation ales F203972 — Charente-Inferieure census of 6 Pluviose An IX; Dordogne census of 28 Fructidor, An VIII; Girdone census of 25 Germinal, An IX. F20398 — Lot-et-Garonne census of 16 Frimaire, An IX; Landes census, undated. E2347 — Decree relating to riot in Saint-Sulpice-de- Faleyrens, 1755.

II. PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS

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