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Copyright and Use of This Thesis This Thesis Must Be Used in Accordance with the Provisions of the Copyright Act 1968 COPYRIGHT AND USE OF THIS THESIS This thesis must be used in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. Reproduction of material protected by copyright may be an infringement of copyright and copyright owners may be entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright. Section 51 (2) of the Copyright Act permits an authorized officer of a university library or archives to provide a copy (by communication or otherwise) of an unpublished thesis kept in the library or archives, to a person who satisfies the authorized officer that he or she requires the reproduction for the purposes of research or study. The Copyright Act grants the creator of a work a number of moral rights, specifically the right of attribution, the right against false attribution and the right of integrity. You may infringe the author’s moral rights if you: - fail to acknowledge the author of this thesis if you quote sections from the work - attribute this thesis to another author - subject this thesis to derogatory treatment which may prejudice the author’s reputation For further information contact the University’s Copyright Service. sydney.edu.au/copyright Potatoes, Peasants and Livelihoods: A Critical Exploration of Contract Farming and Agrarian Change in Maharashtra, India Mark R. Vicol A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Human Geography) School of Geosciences, Faculty of Science The University of Sydney 2016 ii Statement of authorship This work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any other university. To the best of my knowledge and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the thesis itself. All sources have been appropriately acknowledged. Some of the material in this thesis has been published in the journal Die Erde.1 This publication is single- authored by the author of this thesis. This thesis remains a copyrighted work of the author, Mark R. Vicol. Any errors or omissions contained within are the responsibility of the author. Approval from the Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of Sydney for this research was obtained on 18 March 2013, protocol number 2013/123. Mark R. Vicol 1 Vicol, M., 2014. Potato Contract Farming and ‘Privileged Spaces’: Preliminary Insights from Rural Maharashtra, Die Erde, 145(3), pp.142-147. iii iv Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible, or as enjoyable, without the invaluable support and assistance of the following people: First, many thanks to my primary supervisor, Bill Pritchard, for taking me on as a PhD student, introducing me to India, helping me to shape the ideas in this thesis, and supporting my development as an academic and a researcher. Additional thanks to Bill for visiting me in the field, and sharing a few Kingfishers in Pune, Mumbai and Delhi. Thanks also to my co-supervisor Jeff Neilson for his support, advice and helpful discussions about all things agrarian change. At the University of Sydney over the last 3 ½ years I have made many good friends and very much appreciated being a part of the Geosciences community. The friendship and support of the following people in the Madsen building have made my PhD a thoroughly enjoyable journey: Bec, Billy, Bob, Chetan, Craig, Erin, Hiswaty, Ian, Jessie, John, Josh, Lada, Laurence, Leo, Mattijs, Ming, Natalia, Nikki, Olivia, Phil M, Phil H, Rosie, Saviz, Sopheak, Steph, Tim, Tegan, Trina, Tubtim, Yayoi, and Wora. Special thanks to Billy for help with map making! I also spent a productive and very enjoyable one month writing retreat at the University of Copenhagen in early 2015. Many thanks to Niels, Marianne, Frederik, Thomas and Mads in Copenhagen. In Mumbai, I’m very grateful for the help and support of those at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), which became my home away from home. Special thanks to Madhushree, Rajesh, Sandhya and Swapnil. Also thanks to Sukhpal Singh and Sudha Narayanan for their support and advice on the logistics of research in India! In Pune, my research would not have been possible without the dedication and enthusiasm of three interpreters, who not only made life in the field a joy, but also provided useful insights of their own and taught me much about the rich tapestry of Indian society. So, a heartfelt thanks to Sumit, Kishor and Anil. Many thanks to those at the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, particularly Sangeeta Shroff and my good friend Mr. Shahaji Dete. Finally, thank you to Hemant Gaur for all his support and help. I am eternally grateful to the people of Randullabad, Bhushangad and Pawarwadi, for generously giving their time, welcoming me into their homes, and sharing their life stories over many cups of tea. It was a true privilege to be temporarily part of their world. I am acutely aware of and humbled by the fleeting nature of the relationships that I formed in each village, and I hope that my thesis does my participants’ ideas and struggles justice, and that my work may benefit their lives in some small way. v To my family, I cannot express how grateful I am for your love and support over the past 3 ½ years. Thank you Mum, Dad, Anna, Rick, Millar, Baxter and Nicola – this thesis is in no small way yours as well. Special thanks to my Nana for her love and generous support. Many thanks also to my uncle John, who took on the task of editing my thesis with enthusiasm and amazing attention to detail. Finally, this thesis is dedicated to my late Pa, whose generosity of spirit and sense of adventure will always inspire me. vi Abstract The spread of contract farming in rural India in recent years has provoked a polarised and often ideological debate in the literature. The dominant, micro-economic view of contract farming positions it as a ‘win-win’ for rural development, benefitting both agribusiness and small farmers. Critical observers, on the other hand, emphasise the exploitative effects on rural households, viewing contract farming as ‘win-lose’. The critical weakness of both these approaches, however, is a failure to ground interpretations of contract farming schemes in the broader agrarian contexts in which they appear. Little is known about how different households in different contexts come to engage, or not, with contract farming, and what this might mean for future livelihood pathways in spaces where contract farming operates. This thesis punctures these debates through a critical exploration of potato contract farming, rural livelihoods and agrarian change in three villages in Satara district, Maharashtra. The primary research question for this study is: how is potato contract farming incorporated into rural spaces in India, and what does this mean for patterns of advantage and disadvantage? In addressing this question, I make three core contributions. First, mainstream presumptions that contract farming engages with a homogenous, undifferentiated livelihood landscape need to be recast. In Satara, I find that patterns of agrarian differentiation are not characterised by ongoing dynamic processes of agriculture-led differentiation into classes of capitalist farmers and rural labour, as is imagined by a classical understanding of agrarian transition. Rather, the agrarian structure in my study sites is characterised by a diverse group of ‘middle farmers’, or petty commodity producers, who often struggle to reproduce themselves through a combination of on and off-farm activities. Second, I argue that firms use contract farming as an institutional solution to the procurement challenges associated with traditional agricultural markets in India. In Satara, the spread of potato contract farming is symptomatic of changing governance structures in modern agricultural value chains. My third key argument is that patterns of social and economic differentiation arising from contract farming must be understood as co-produced at the intersection of these existing livelihood landscapes and the dynamics of contract schemes. In Satara, this intersection results in a complex mosaic of winners and losers amongst rural households, meaning that contract farming cannot be easily generalised as ‘all good’ or ‘all bad’. Importantly, I argue that potato contract farming is a ‘middle farmer’ activity. However, while many middle farmers accrue some benefits, these are unevenly distributed and truncated by the powerful position of the contract firm. As a result, I argue that for most households, contract farming does not represent a viable accumulation pathway. In fact, contract farming is just one activity among many in a crowded livelihood landscape where accumulation through agriculture is increasingly difficult. Finally, rather than leading to dynamic patterns of accumulation from below, vii contract farming reproduces an agrarian structure of petty commodity producers who lack access to alternative livelihood opportunities. In fact, sites of accumulation and differentiation have moved off the farm, where better-off households ignore contract farming and increase their advantage through high- value non-farm activities. This suggests that agrarian change in Satara district is intimately connected to processes of livelihood diversification and agrarian questions of labour. These findings provide an important counter-note to current hegemonic understandings of contract farming as a ‘win-win’ solution for rural development, emphasising the importance of situating the impacts of such schemes
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