DOCSLIB.ORG

Backdoor Colonialism Or Anchor of Modernity? a Short History of Ideas About European Integration Within the Greek Left

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Backdoor Colonialism Or Anchor of Modernity? a Short History of Ideas About European Integration Within the Greek Left Chapter 8 Backdoor Colonialism or Anchor of Modernity? A Short History of Ideas about European Integration within the Greek Left Kira Gartzou-Katsouyanni During the eurozone crisis, commentators have often portrayed Greece as a traditionally ‘supremely Europhile’ country that turned Eurosceptic due to the EU’s crisis-time policies.1 This is not correct. In January 1981, Greece became a member of the European Economic Community (eec) in a climate marked by the ferocious opposition to the country’s eec accession by the centre-left op- position leader, Andreas Papandreou, who characterised the accession agree- ment as a ‘monument of national subjugation’.2 To the vision of the then Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis that ‘Greece belongs to the West’, Papan- dreou responded: ‘Greece belongs to the Greeks’. Papandreou won the October 1981 national election with an astounding 48.1 percent of the vote. At the same time, it is true that Greece also has a strongly Europhile con- stituency, whose influence has fluctuated significantly during the four decades of the country’s EU membership. Fast forward fifteen years since Andreas ­Papandreou’s remarks, and Greece’s new Prime Minister in 1996, who led the same party as Papandreou, was describing Greece’s accession to Economic and Monetary Union (emu) as a central aim of his government’s programme. Con- trary to Andreas Papandreou’s portrayal of Greece’s participation in the project of European integration as something that had resulted in a loss of national sovereignty, Costas Simitis painted a picture of Greece’s membership in emu as a condition sine qua non for projecting the country’s influence in the economic and political domains: ‘The nucleus of emu will be a new centre for decision-­making (…) The dilemma is perfectly clear. Let us have the bravery to look at it square in the eye: Do we or do we not want to be able to define the fortune of our country, the future of our children, our own historical continuity?’3 1 Costas Douzinas, Philosophy and Resistance in the Crisis (Cambridge: UK, Polity, 2013), p. 1. 2 Campaign speech of Andreas Papandreou in Ioannina, as reported in the newspaper Eleftherotipia, 28 September 1981, p. 15. 3 Costas Simitis, For the joint meeting of the Central Committee and the Parliamentary Team, speech delivered in 1996, available at the online archive of the Constantinos Simitis © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004421257_010 Backdoor Colonialism or Anchor of Modernity? 165 It has recently become increasingly common to argue that the politics of European countries can no longer be understood solely through the prism of the traditional left-right cleavage: a second pro-/ anti-globalisation cleavage has also emerged, bringing about momentous change in European party sys- tems. Hooghe and Marks call this second cleavage the ‘transnational cleavage’, and trace its origins in ‘a series of major reforms in the early 1990s that ­diminished the cost of international trade and migration’, such as the Maas- tricht Treaty.4 The recent eurozone and migration crises, it is argued, can be seen as a critical juncture that is rendering the transnational cleavage the dom- inant one in European politics.5 In fact, in Greece this ‘second cleavage’ has exerted a major influence in national politics since at least the late 1970s, when Greece signed the Accession Agreement with the eec6 – and in its more gen- eral form of a division between politicians with a pro- or anti-Western orienta- tion, it has surely existed for far longer. This chapter explores the historical roots of Euroscepticism and Europhilia within the Greek left from the late 1970s to 2015. Eurosceptic discourse has tra- ditionally been more common within the Greek left than the Greek right. Con- trary to Hooghe and Marks’s argument that it is due to the “distributional fram- ing of the euro crisis” that contemporary Southern European Euroscepticism is expressed by the far left rather than the radical right,7 the link between Euro­ sceptic and left-wing political discourses actually has a far longer ­historical pedi­ gree in Greece, the nature of which is analysed in the chapter. At the same time, as shown by the juxtaposition of the statements of Andreas Papandreou and Costas Simitis about European integration, the question of Europe has been highly divisive for the Greek left for many decades. Greece was also governed by left-wing parties during key moments for the history of its relationship with the EU, from the first years of eec membership, to emu accession, and to the dra- matic standoff with the EU following Syriza’s rise to power in 2015. For all these ­reasons, studying the history of ideas about the EU within the Greek left is par- ticularly interesting. The analysis in this chapter relies on material drawn from ­Foundation, identifier A1S5_OikPol_F2T12, http://repository.costas-simitis.gr/sf-repository/ handle/11649/11168?locale=en, p. 7. 4 Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks, ‘Cleavage theory meets Europe’s crises: Lipset, Rokkan, and the transnational cleavage’, Journal of European Public Policy, 1 (2018), p. 113. 5 Hooghe and Marks, ‘Cleavage theory meets Europe’s crises’, p. 116. 6 The eec was one of the central issues discussed in the 1981 election campaign. According to a magazine article at the time: ‘Before we entered in the eec, the eec entered in Greece and became a political reference point, a programme, an ideology, a slogan, a way of life, a way of production and consumption, an advertisement, a big idea. There was never a problem that dominated as much our thought, our perception, our daily life’. Makis Cavouriaris, ‘eec: the conversation that we never had’, Politis, 27 (1979), p. 2. 7 Hooghe and Marks, ‘Cleavage theory meets Europe’s crises’, p. 125..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Report from Greece
    Reprinted fro~ THE AMERICAN Scuo~, Volume 119, Number 11, Summer, 1970 Copynght@ 1970 by the Umted Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. REPORT FROM GREECE Under the Junta NICHOLAS GAGE and EUAS KULUKUNDIS The hold of Greece's military dictator­ arrested for insulting a representative of ship on the average Greek citizen might the regime, condemning the coup or other be compared to the effect of a choke col­ such offenses. But they have been held lar on a dog. The colonels hold the leash only briefly and then released. In one vil­ carefully-the repression, the controls are lage in the northwest corner of the coun­ there-but the leash is so long that it is try, for example, a merchant was arrested not felt until someone forgets and steps for calling the new junta-appointed mon­ too far, and is brought to the realization arch of the province a thief, in the heat of that the initiative for his actions is not his a debate with fellow villagers. He was own. arrested, imprisoned for a month and The regime has an unusually good sense then tried and acquitted. The purpose of of when to pull and when to give rein. such arrests is to cut off open criticism At the funeral of the late Premier George by making the threat of imprisonment Papandreou, the junta did not use its real in every village. People are made an full police power to scatter the huge example of, and then freed to create the crowd that had gathered. Had it done so, impression that the regime is not arbitrary it probably would have caused further and oppressive but capable of compas­ demonstrations that would have been sion and even justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Parliament and Greece's Accession to the European Community
    BRIEFING European Parliament History Series The European Parliament and Greece's accession to the European Community SUMMARY Enlargement of the European Communities (EC) to the south represented one of the most profound changes in European politics of the 1980s. It dramatically altered political, economic and social structures not only in the EC and the then Member States, but also in the three accession countries: Greece, Portugal and Spain. This year marks the 40th anniversary of Greece's accession to the European Communities (now Union). Greece became the tenth EC Member State in 1981, following its transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic system of government. Importantly, Greece’s EC accession was connected with the consolidation of the country’s emerging democratic system, starting with the transitional government under Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis from July 1974 on. Although in the mid-1970s it was not formally involved in deciding on EC membership, the European Parliament saw itself politically obliged to discuss the major guidelines of EC accession and to assert the need for democratic conditions in Greece. Against this background, this Briefing looks at the democratisation process in Greece and the country's EC accession from the perspective of the European Parliament. First, it demonstrates that the Parliament demanded the fulfilment of fundamental democratic criteria before accepting any rapprochement between Greece and the Community. Resting on the basic understanding of democracy, the core demand was the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Second, it shows that, following the establishment of democratic structures, the European Parliament quickly developed relations with Greece, for example with the Greek Parliament in the form of a joint parliamentary committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Election and Aftermath
    Order Code RS20575 Updated June 9, 2000 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Greece: Election and Aftermath (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Prime Minister Simitis of Greece called an early election for April 9, 2000 because he believed that his government’s achievement in meeting the criteria for entry into the European Monetary Union (EMU) would return his PanHellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) party to power. PASOK’s narrow victory endorsed Simitis’s decision, but the opposition New Democracy’s (ND) strong showing also validated Costas Karamanlis’s leadership of that party. The election continued a trend toward bipolarism, as votes for smaller parties, except for the Communists, declined appreciably. Simitis reappointed most key members of his previous government, and brought in close allies and technocrats to carry out a revitalized domestic agenda. In foreign policy, the government will try to continue the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, to help stabilize the Balkans, and to move closer to Europe through the EMU and the European Security and Defense Policy. Greek-U.S. relations are warm, but intermittently troubled by differences over the future of the former Yugoslavia, terrorism and counterterrorism in Greece, and minor issues. This report will be updated if developments warrant. Introduction1 On February 4, 2000, Prime Minister Costas Simitis called an early election for April 9, six months before his government’s term was to expire. On March 9, parliament reelected President Costas Stephanopoulos and Greece applied for membership in the European Monetary Union (EMU) single currency zone.
    [Show full text]
  • 7. Political Development and Change
    F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Britain and the Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944
    VOL. XV, Nos. 1 & 2 SPRING-SUMMER 1988 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: MARIOS L. EVRIVIADES ALEXANDROS KITROEFF PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Managing Eidtor: SUSAN ANASTASAKOS Advisory Board: MARGARET ALEXIOU KOSTIS MOSKOFF Harvard University Thessaloniki, Greece SPYROS I. ASDRACHAS Nlcos MOUZELIS University of Paris I London School of Economics LOUKAS AXELOS JAMES PETRAS Athens, Greece S.U.N.Y. at Binghamton HAGEN FLEISCHER OLE L. SMITH University of Crete University of Copenhagen ANGELIKI E. LAIOU STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS Harvard University Baruch College, C.U.N.Y. CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS University of Athens The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora is a quarterly review published by Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and December. Copyright © 1988 by Pella Publishing Company. ISSN 0364-2976 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS DAVID GILMORE is professor of anthropology at the State Uni- versity of New York at Stony Brook . MOLLY GREENE is a doc- toral candidate at Princeton University . CLIFFORD P. HACKETT is a former aide to U.S. Representative Benjamin Rosenthal and Senator Paul Sarbanes. He is currently administering an exchange program between the U.S. Congress and the European Parliament and is also executive director of the American Council for Jean Monnet Studies . JOHN LOUIS HONDROS is professor of history at the College of Wooster, Ohio ... ADAMANTIA POLLIS is professor of political science at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Re- search . JOHN E. REXINE is Charles A. Dana Professor of the Classics and director of the division of the humanities at Colgate Uni- versity .
    [Show full text]
  • 'A Success for Konstantinos Karamanlis' from Le Figaro (11 February 1976)
    'A success for Konstantinos Karamanlis' from Le Figaro (11 February 1976) Caption: On 11 February 1976, the French newspaper Le Figaro comments on Greece's reaction to the decision of the Council of Ministers of the Nine to accept the Greek application to join the European Communities without the requirement of a pre-accession probation period. Source: Le Figaro. 11.02.1976, n° 20 346. Paris: Le Figaro. "Un succès pour Constantin Caramanlis", auteur:Gerson, Harry , p. 3. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/a_success_for_konstantinos_karamanlis_from_le_figaro_11 _february_1976-en-19074d97-efda-45e1-b956-931833bb89c7.html Last updated: 06/07/2016 1/2 The Common Market says ‘Yes’ A success for Konstantinos Karamanlis During their meeting on Monday, the Foreign Ministers of the Nine decided that negotiations for Greece’s accession to the Common Market would be opened as soon as possible. They rejected any political precondition as well as any idea of a ‘probationary period’, thus contradicting the opinion of the Commission, which had wanted to delay Greece’s entry until that country’s economy was better able to cope with all the consequences of entry. As always, the negotiations that are to be opened with Greece will be fairly lengthy. Nonetheless, the Nine do not want them to be extended unnecessarily.
    [Show full text]
  • 1055315.En Pe 553.776
    Question for written answer E-004628/2015 to the Commission Rule 130 Eleftherios Synadinos (NI) Subject: State and European aid for foundations established by former Greek Prime Ministers According to recent articles,1 2 3 six foundations established by former Greek Prime Ministers, namely Eleftherios Venizelos, Georgios Papandreou, Konstantinos Karamanlis, Andreas Papandreou, Konstantinos Mitsotakis and Kostas Simitis, are currently operating in Greece. These foundations have always enjoyed absurd privileges totally out of keeping with their (non- existent) work, especially as the founders’ progeny sit on their boards of directors. One of those privileges is that they are ‘administratively and financially independent’, meaning that they can be paid government grants but are not obliged to render account or report financial data to the Greek Government. They also enjoy what can only be described as insulting tax immunity under an unprecedented and unfair system of tax relief at the Greek people’s expense. Finally, the Greek State has handed over property and land to these foundations absolutely free of charge under a completely non-transparent system. In view of the above, and given that these foundations are entitled to participate in Community programmes funded by the EU (80 %) and from national resources (20 %), will the Commission say: – whether it intends to request official figures on the amount and method of funding of these foundations and financial statements for reasons of transparency and to inform the public? 1 http://www.newsbomb.gr/ellada/apokalypseis/story/277964/lefta-gia-to-lao-haristikan-se-idrymata-proin 2 http://www.newsbomb.gr/ellada/apokalypseis/story/277645/harizoyn-ellada-kai-se-pethamenoys- prothypoyrgoys 3 http://elevengr.blogspot.be/2013/09/blog-post_9.html 1055315.EN PE 553.776 .
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Change in Greek Policy on EU-Turkey Relations 1996-1999: the Prime Minister’S Leadership Style and the Formulation of the Helsinki Strategy
    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science Explaining Change in Greek Policy on EU-Turkey Relations 1996-1999: The Prime Minister’s Leadership Style and the Formulation of the Helsinki Strategy Kyriakos Moumoutzis A thesis submitted to the European Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2009 UMI Number: U615703 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615703 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 -11 j* j i i y & M ) : ? -a - +x 'S -< -1 12.155M- 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made.
    [Show full text]
  • King's Research Portal
    King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2014.1002293 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Chryssogelos, A. (2015). Foreign policy change in a polarized two-party system: Greece and Turkey’s EU candidacy . Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 15(1), 19-36. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.1002293 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Tsipras and Schauble
    The inevitable European showdown has arrived – between Tsipras and Schauble blogs.lse.ac.uk/greeceatlse/2014/12/29/the-inevitable-european-showdown-has-arrived-between-tsipras-and- schauble/ Ismini 2014-12-29 Demades By Kevin Featherstone The Greek Parliament has just had three rounds of voting for a candidate whose credentials mattered to very few and for a post that is, in itself, of little consequence. Moreover, the outcome – fresh parliamentary elections because no President of the Republic was agreed upon – is one that the majority of Greeks, according to the opinion polls, do not want. So, Greece now stumbles towards national elections on January 25 th amidst a climate of tremendous uncertainty at home and renewed jitters across the euro-zone. Once again, a small partner threatens to shake the system as a whole: akin to Connecticut risking plunging the USA into a full-blown crisis. The international financial markets have been worried and the euro exchange rate has immediately fallen. If the Greek Parliament has proved unable to deliver what most – in and out of Greece – have preferred there is, however, an inevitability about the looming clash that voters face. Since Greece secured its bail-out in May 2010, it has been governed by a succession of leaders that have shared an overriding commitment to the nation’s participation in both the EU and the euro. These are totemic issues for the country’s mainstream elite and have defined agendas of ‘modernisation’ as advanced by Costas Simitis who took Greece into the euro. It has been a political elite that has proved unable to weather the crisis, however.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
    The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • No 60 / January 2020
    The Greek-American partnership: What next? by Dr George N. Tzogopoulos ELIAMEP Research Fellow, US Department of State IVLP alumnus January 2020 Policy Brief No. 60/2020 HELLENIC FOUNDATION FOR EUROPEAN AND FOREIGN POLICY 49, Vas. Sofias Avenue, 10676, Athens Greece Tel. +30 210 7257 110, Fax +30 210 7257 114, E-mail [email protected], www.eliamep.eu Copyright © 2020 Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) 49, Vas. Sofias Ave, 106 76 Athens, Greece Tel.: +30 210 7257 110 | Fax: +30 210 7257 114 | www.eliamep.gr | [email protected] All Rights Reserved The Greek-American partnership: What next? by Dr George N. Tzogopoulos Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is ELIAMEP Research Fellow as an expert οn media, international relations and Chinese affairs. He is also the Director of EU-China Programs at the Centre international de formation européenne (CIFE) and Lecturer in International Relations at the Department of Law of the Democritus University of Thrace. Furthermore, George has joined the Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (BESA) as a Research Associate, where he is, inter alia, organizing its online debates on several international themes. He is also the Co-convener of the recently established Israel-Hellenic Forum under the umbrella of B’nai B’rith International. In the summer of 2017 George was selected as ‘young leader’ by China’s Diplomatic Academy and in spring 2019 he was an International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) Fellow of the US Department of State. He is the author of three books: US Foreign Policy in the European Media: Framing the Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism (IB TAURIS), The Greek Crisis in the Media: Stereotyping in the International Press (Ashgate) and Understanding China (Sideris, forthcoming, in Greek).
    [Show full text]