Of Embryos and Criminals: (Mis)Representations of Human Trafficking in Polish Media

THESIS

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Karolina Chimchenko

Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies

The Ohio State University

2016

Thesis Committee:

Yana Hashamova (Advisor)

Denise Bronson

Daniel Pratt

Copyrighted by

Karolina Chimchenko

2016

Abstract

The development of the human trafficking phenomenon in Poland has repercussions that span throughout the European Union (EU). Because of Poland’s geographic location as the second largest country of the EU’s eastern border, the country plays a critical role in curbing human trafficking throughout the region. As migration and labor policies supported by the media and political actors affect trends in trafficking, the ways in which the media represents trafficking is imperative to society’s understanding of and reaction to trafficking. By performing a research and content analysis on articles available through three news publications’ online websites, I argue that the manner in which Polish media sources report on human trafficking not only affects the public’s understanding but also how society and the government react to it.

This study addresses how Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, and Gazeta Polska

Codziennie formulate human trafficking discourse by the use of agenda setting, framing, bandwagoning, and omission techniques. The media uses these techniques to present trafficking in a way that conforms to fit the ideological and political agendas of agencies and actors, constructing a particular (mis)representation the phenomenon. The

“criminalization” frame is used by publications in order to convey trafficked persons are helpless and vulnerable, while the “immigration” poses the trafficking issue as merely a matter of border control. This analysis also demonstrates how the issue of human trafficking has become entrenched within a political battleground for influence and has ii

become associated with, or “bandwagoned to”, other contested issues in Poland, in particular, in-vitro fertilization and immigration, in order to support right-leaning parties’ conceptions of a true Polish-Catholic identity. The omission of information mitigates the complex socio-economic conditions such as violent conflict and poverty that push many trafficked persons to seek a chance for safety and stability abroad.

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Dedicated to my mother and father,

who taught me the value of education and lifelong learning.

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Acknowledgments

I wish to thank the Center for Slavic and East European Studies at The Ohio State

University for awarding me the Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship. Without the financial support provided by the Center, this project would not have been possible. I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to Dr. Joseph Brandesky, Dr. Yana

Hashamova, Eileen Kunkler and Maryann Walther-Kiesel for their personal guidance and dedication to the Center and throughout my years at Ohio State.

As my advisor, Dr. Hashamova openly shared her time and extensive knowledge of human trafficking with me and has greatly shaped the contents of this work. Dr. Denise

Bronson and Dr. Daniel Pratt have also challenged me in formulating this project proposal, helping to expand my thoughts regarding social services and Polish politics, respectively. I wish to thank the entire committee for their time, insights, and encouragement during all stages of this project.

Finally, without the support and love of my family and friends, I would have not have reached this point in my academic career.

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Vita

2008...... Padua Franciscan High School

2013...... B.A. Linguistics, B.A. Russian,

The Ohio State University

2016...... M.A. Slavic and East European Studies,

The Ohio State University

Fields of Study

Major Field: Slavic and East European Studies

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Table of Contents

Abstract...... ii

Dedication...... iv

Acknowledgments...... v

Vita...... vi

Table of Contents...... vii

List of Acronyms and Abbreviations...... ix

Introduction: Instruments that Carve Human Trafficking: Migration, Labor and Catholic Policies...... 1

Defining Human Trafficking...... 5

Regional and State Anti-Trafficking Initiatives...... 11

Changing Boundaries, Changing Trends...... 20

The (Catholic) State Family Policies...... 29

The Political Side of Media and the Efficacy of Agenda Setting...... 34

Human Trafficking: Framed...... 39

Media (Mis)representations and Politicization of Human Trafficking...... 47

Methodology...... 48

Website and Search Engine Layout...... 51

In-vitro Fertilization, Surrogacy, and Human Trafficking...... 54

Immigration and the “Criminalization” of Trafficked Persons...... 59

Conclusion...... 62 vii

References...... 65

Appendix: List of Surveyed Articles...... 72

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List of Acronyms and Abbreviations

BGH: Border Guard Headquarters CECATHB: Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings EEA: European Economic Area EU: European Union IOM: International Organization for Migration MI: Ministry of Interior MFA: Ministry of Foreign Affairs MLSP: Ministry of Labor and Social Policy NAP: National Action Plan Against Trafficking in Human Beings NCICVT: National Consulting and Intervention Center for Victims of Trafficking NGO: Non-governmental organization NLI: National Labor Inspectorate OSCE: The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe PGO: Prosecutor’s General Office PiS: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość PO: Platforma Obywatelska PoMOC: PoMOC Mary Immaculate Association PUWP: Polish United Workers Party SLD: Sojusz Lewicy Democratycznej UN: United Nations UNCTOC: United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

List of Newspaper Abbreviations

GP: Gazeta Polska GPC: Gazeta Polska Codziennie GW: Gazeta Wyborcza RP: Rzeczpospolita

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Introduction: Instruments that Carve Human Trafficking: Migration, Labor, and Catholic

Policies

Political ideologies, media representations, and migration and labor policies have critical implications for the development of human trafficking in Poland and for the

European Union (EU) itself. The complex nature of human trafficking and its intricate relationship with regional political, economic and social factors ensures that the phenomenon is not perceived or treated the same in every part of the globe. In recent years, Poland has been labeled as a poster child for post-Communist countries “in transition” to capitalism, an anomaly for its highly religious population, and, more recently, a democracy in crisis. In 2015, western governments and international organizations reprimanded the newly elected Polish government for its restrictive policies on press freedom. As the media plays a crucial role in disseminating information regarding human rights violations, the political orientation of media sources affects how the human trafficking phenomenon is portrayed, understood, and dealt with. Techniques such as agenda setting, framing, bandwagoning, and omission are employed by news publications to (mis)represent human rights issues in a way that conforms to favor the ideological and political agendas of agencies and actors.

By performing a research and content analysis on trafficking reports available through electronic versions of newspaper publications, I argue that Poland’s geographic and political positions make the country a critical place for combating human trafficking 1 in Europe, and that political policies and ideologies contribute to a (mis)representation of the phenomenon that affects the way that the trafficking problem is thought about and addressed there. This study also seeks to illuminate the cultural specificities of human trafficking discourse in Poland, specifically in relationship to the “Polish-Catholic” identity in Polish politics and the bandwagoning of human trafficking to the controversial issue of in-vitro fertilization.

In the first section, I assert the prominent role of Poland both as a point of entry into the EU for trafficked persons and a place of strategic importance to anti-trafficking campaigns across the EU, especially campaigns that are migration-focused. This section also reviews recent human trafficking developments in Poland, focusing on migration, labor, and Catholic Church policies, changes in the legal definition of human trafficking since the collapse of the Communist regime, and their overall effect on the trafficking problem. This section also demonstrates how governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) frame trafficking and how these ways of understanding the issue influence the types of anti-trafficking measures and services implemented by these institutions.

As policies have an effect on who is trafficked, what kind of labor a person is forced into, and how many persons become trafficked in the country, both the political actors who draft and implement these policies and the media sources that echo political ideologies influence how human trafficking continues to evolve within Poland. Here, I present the recent emergence of the two majority-ruling political parties, Prawo i

Sprawiedliwość (PiS) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO), and the development of the

Polish press with a focus on the three newspaper publications used in this study’s media 2 analysis. Alternating between each other as the governing party, the members of PiS, a national conservative right party, and PO, a centrist party, have held significant control over implementing legislation in the country since 2005. Developments in the Polish press during the late 1980s, the fall of Communism, and the initial years of democratic rule set the stage for the (re)emergence of the two most widely circulating daily newspapers today, Rzeczpospolita (RP) and Gazeta Wyborcza (GW), and a less circulated father-right leaning weekly, Gazeta Polska (GP). Founded in 1920, RP was the official newspaper of the communist government from 1944 to 1950, and once again emerged as a governmental organ in 1982. In recent years, RP has developed a more conservative right-leaning political stance corresponding to a rising right-wing political presence in Poland following the Smoleńsk plane crash in 2010. GW began publishing in

1989 as an oppositional magazine against the ruling communist government and has since supported free-markets, a limited welfare state, and liberal social ideologies. GP, the weekly variant of Gazeta Polska Codziennie (GPC), began publishing in 1991 during the rapid expansion of the press following the dissolution of the state-owned publication and distribution monopoly and reflects farther-right leaning political stances. By analyzing the ways in which human trafficking is discussed by these publications, I argue that media sources affect the public’s understanding of human trafficking and of the harsh realities that trafficked persons face, and what society and governments perceive to be effective ways to ameliorate the problem.

The final section of this study discusses the theoretical framework and critically analyzes the ideologically opposing news publications RP and GW and the farther-right leaning GPC. Agenda setting techniques utilized by the media tell the audience not only 3 which topics to think about, but also how to think about topics. How topics are discussed, or framed, persuades the audience that the manner in which a topic is presented constitutes the appropriate way to understand and treat it. Bandwagoning, the process by which a less salient movement borrows resources, activities, and discourses from a more salient movement in order to gain a social or political advantage, is one way that the media influences the way human rights issues are framed (Nicholson & Chong, 2011).

Using the outlined framework and methodology, this analysis demonstrates how the issue of human trafficking has become entrenched within a political battleground for influence and has become associated with other contested issues in Poland, in particular, in-vitro fertilization and immigration. Publications use a framing category that I call

“criminalization” to construct the readership’s mental schema to view trafficked persons as helpless victims and to stress stricter border controls. My analysis also brings to attention the omissions purposefully made by media and the misuse of trafficking and smuggling definitions that takes sympathy for trafficked persons away and focuses attention on the criminalization of traffickers, highlighting the need for tighter border controls, yet glossing over the harsh realities that pushed trafficked persons face to leave their home country.

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4 Defining Human Trafficking

Definitions of human trafficking as established by the United Nations and Poland shape how the country perceives and treats the problem within its legislative bodies.

Because the three factors used to determine trafficking (force, coercion, or deception) are nebulous in meaning and are situation-dependent, it is difficult to determine “trafficked person status,” and although the debate over whether all prostitutes should be considered trafficked persons rages on among activists and academics alike, for the purposes of this paper, it will not be explored in depth. Nevertheless, the definitions of human trafficking that I hold the selected publications accountable for representing are found in the United

Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNCTOC) and in the Polish

Penal Code, which reflect the government’s official stance on which criteria must be met in order for a crime to be considered trafficking in persons.

The 2000 UNCTOC and two of its protocols currently present the international standard for defining and combating trafficking in persons (King, 2013). The first protocol, titled Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, defines human trafficking as:

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(a) The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs... The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended exploitation set forth [above] shall be irrelevant where any of the means set forth [above] have been used. (b) The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended exploitation set forth in subparagraph (a) of this article shall be irrelevant where any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) have been used; (c) The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation shall be considered “trafficking in persons” even if this does not involve any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) of this article; (d) “Child” shall mean any person under eighteen years of age (UNCTOC art. 3, para. a-d).

The protocol, effective since December 2003, has 117 signatories and has been ratified by 169 parties as of April 2016 (UNTC, 2016). In addition to providing a definition for human trafficking, the protocol also states that trafficked persons are not to be prosecuted for breaking laws relating to prostitution or immigration, that trafficked persons are not to be deported to their country of origin if it poses a safety threat to them or their family, and that traffickers are to receive punishments for the crimes committed. Together with the second protocol, titled Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and

Air, the Trafficking Protocol presents a distinction between smuggling and trafficking.

Unlike those who are smuggled, trafficked persons do not consent to be trafficked. The

Trafficking Protocol also stipulates that a person does not need to be directly threatened or forced into trafficking in order to be considered a trafficked person. This allows the protocol to take on a broad definition of trafficking. The Trafficking Protocol is unique in that it was created as an instrument of law enforcement, which, in theory, gives it more 6

legal teeth than aspirational agreements. Therefore, if a state or party has ratified the UN

CTOC, it is obliged to create domestic laws that support the expectations outlined in its

Convention and Protocols.

Since its inception in 1997, the Polish Penal Code (Kodeks Karny) has directly criminalized human trafficking (Madler, 2010). Particularly significant is Article 253, which forbids trafficking in humans. Other articles of significance include Articles 203 and 204, which penalize the coercion into prostitution domestically or abroad, and

Articles 189 and 191, which forbid the deprivation of individual liberty and the use of violence or threats to force the completion of an act. However, until September 8, 2010,

Poland had to rely on the UNCTOC’s definition of ‘human trafficking’ as there was no legal definition of trafficking stipulated in its penal code.

In 2010, Poland added a definition for human trafficking to its penal code.

According to Article 115, Section 22, human trafficking is defined as:

the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons by means of: 1) violence or unlawful threat, 2) abduction, 3) deception, 4) misleading, the exploitation of a person's mistake or their inability to properly comprehend the action being undertaken, 5) the abuse of a relation of dependence, taking advantage of a critical situation or state of helplessness 6) giving or receiving of payments or benefits or its promise to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation, even with the person's consent. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others, pornography, or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, beggary, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of cells, tissues, or organs against the regulations of the article. Should the perpetrator's behavior concern a minor, it shall be considered ‘trafficking in persons’ even if this does not involve any of the means set forth in points 1-6 of this article.

Prostitution is legal in Poland (Jackson, 2006). However, profiting off of someone’s prostitution and/or receiving profit in exchange for hosting prostitution in a given place 7

(ex. hotels, streets, highways, massage parlors) is illegal. Individuals who profit off of prostitution, known as pimps, are subject to criminal punishment according to the UN

CTOC and the Polish Penal Code. Because the Polish government does not recognize prostitution as legitimate work, prostitutes are not taxed and do not receive social benefits such as social security and disability benefits and pensions. Historically, different types of legal systems have regulated prostitution in Poland including prohibition, regulation, semi-regulation, abolition, and legalization.

Today Poland is a country of origin, transit, and destination for sex trafficking

(Jolluck, 2012). Sex trafficking is the most common form of trafficking in Poland, constituting over eighty percent of cases (Buchowska, 2014). Since gaining EU membership, Poland has become mostly a transit and destination country as it continues to exhibit more characteristics of such places. Typical destination countries are wealthy, industrialized, and can support a large commercial sex industry. Although a typical destination country is wealthy and Poland has indeed grown economically since EU accession, the wealthier countries that it borders such as Germany still attract traffickers and foreign women, which reify its status as a place of transit. The most serious cases of local women being trafficked abroad were reported in 1997 and 1998 by the Voivodeship

Prosecutor’s Office in Szczecin, suggesting that the country’s role as a place of origin has subsided since the late 1990s (Ministry of Interior and Administration, 2008). According to the Ministry of Interior and Administration (2008), areas around the Germany-Poland border, Szczecin, Poznan ́ and Gorzów Wielkopolski, reported the highest amount of criminal activity in recruiting women to work in Western Europe. These women responded to advertisements for housekeeping jobs in Germany. When the women 8 arrived in Berlin, their passports were taken away and they were forced into prostitution.

Poland is also transit country especially for people from Lithuania, Latvia and Moldova and are subjected to forced labor and prostitution (U.S. Department of State, 2009).

These persons are trafficked from Swinouj́ scié and Szczecin into Germany (Ministry of

Interior, 2008). An approximate border dividing Poland as a country of origin from a country of destination can be drawn along the Oder and the Lusatian Neisse.

The NGO La Strada International reported that nearly ninety percent of trafficked clients assisted from 2002-2010 were women (Buchowska, 2014). Children trafficked into Poland come primarily from Eastern European countries such as Ukraine, Bulgaria,

Romania, Belarus, Moldova and Russia (Sajkowska, 2005). Romani children are especially vulnerable to trafficking in Poland. In 2005, Monika Sajkowska, director of

Nobody’s Children Foundation, reported that the majority of Polish girls who are trafficked internally come from the southeast region of the country. The highest activity of criminals dealing in trafficking in women is concentrated in Central Poland (Warsaw,

Płock, Żyrardów and Radom) and eastern Poland (Rzeszów and Białystok) (Ministry of

Interior and Administration, 2008). Bulgarian women were routinely forced to perform roadside prostitution, while Ukrainian women were sold to escort agencies to prostitute themselves.

Poland is also an origin, transit, and destination country for labor trafficking. Both male and female Polish nationals are trafficked to western and northern European countries, including Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Greece, Austria,

Scandinavian countries as well as Australia and the United States. The average ages of trafficked women assisted from 2004-2006 were between twenty-one and twenty-five. 9

Because of the covert nature of the crime, the exact number of trafficked persons currently working in Poland is unknown.

International, governmental and non-governmental organizations that aggregate and release such reports and data play a vital role in not only assessing current trafficking trends, but also conducting anti-trafficking efforts throughout Poland and the region in order to curb instances of trafficking and to provide social, legal, and medical services for trafficked persons.

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Regional and State Anti-Trafficking Initiatives

No country is immune to the transnational crime of the exploitation of human beings known as human trafficking. Although the U.S. Department of State has consistently ranked Poland in the highest tier for its compliance in adopting anti-human trafficking measures since 2002 in terms of its social and political efforts to fight human trafficking within its borders, trafficking very much remains a problem in the country.

According to King (2013), the enforcement of anti-human trafficking international legislature is the most effective and efficient when it is incorporated into regional and domestic legislation. In addition to the UNCTOC and Polish Penal Code, other regional and domestic instruments that currently play key roles in the prevention and elimination of human trafficking in Poland are the Council of Europe Convention on Action against

Trafficking in Human Beings and the National Action Plan against Trafficking in Human

Beings.

The Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human

Beings (CE CATHB) was adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the European

Council in May 2005 in Warsaw and promotes a human rights-based approach in the creation, implementation and assessment of anti-trafficking programs (GRETA, 2013).

The fulfillment of provisions set by the Convention is monitored by the Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA), an independent monitoring body that guarantees parties’ compliance with the Convention. The CE CATHB echoes 11 the definition of human trafficking as stated in the 2000 UN CTOC and puts emphasis on assisting trafficked persons regardless of whether the crime was committed within or outside national boundaries, whether it is related to organized crime, labor or sex trafficking, and regardless of the gender or age of the trafficked person (Council of

Europe, 2016a). The CE CATHB calls for the liquidation of the social-economic causes of trafficking, the execution of prevention activities addressing at-risk groups, the safety and control of identity and travel documentation, the availability of protection resources, advocating for the rights of trafficked persons, the equality of sexes in the existence of qualified specialists trained in identifying and assisting trafficked persons in the context of specific situations while ensuring their rights, protecting their identity, and assuring that psychological, educational, social and professional reintegration measures and repatriation efforts are conducted.

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) launched the first National Action Plan Against Trafficking in Human Beings (NAP) in Poland in 2003

(GRETA, 2013). The Plan’s aims are to institute “multi-agency trafficking structures” that implement anti-trafficking policies, to identify and assist trafficked persons, and to expand their awareness and access to rights and protections (OSCE, 2006). The most recently completed NAP, effective from 2013 to 2015, aimed to promote the prevention of at-risk groups, the prosecution of pimps, the spreading of public awareness, the expansion of and improvement of already existing procedures for supporting trafficked persons and training sessions for border and police personnel with the goal of preventing and combating human trafficking in Poland and throughout the region. The Plan also aimed to promote international cooperation and legislative developments. Both 12 governmental and non-governmental organizations assist in carrying out the goals of the

NAP (GRETA, 2013). The Ministry of Interior (MI), Ministry of Labor and Social Policy

(MLSP), Chief Labor Inspectorate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), International

Organization for Migration (IOM), police and Border Guard Headquarters (BGH) and academies, Prosecutor’s General Office (PGO), and National Labor Inspectorate (NLI) work together to combat trafficking within their legal frameworks.

The MI partners with NGOs and other governmental bodies in order to execute some of the plans outlined in the NAP such as holding informational sessions on human trafficking for students and the general public. For example, the MI hosts awareness workshops and distributes informational materials on commercial sexual abuse of children, including trafficking, in collaboration with Nobody’s Children Foundation. The

MI also works in cooperation with other governmental organs, in particular with the

MLSP, BGH, and MFA, to produce instructional films on labor trafficking and leaflets addressed to potential domestic and foreign sex trafficked persons. In cooperation with the MLSP, GPO, BG, NGOs, police, and the IOM, the MI also spearheads changes in legislation that aim to protect and support trafficked persons as well as analyzes ways to improve the coordination of actions by the police, border guard, and PGO. The MI also holds trainings on the identification of trafficked persons for the border guard and police as well as evaluates and proposes changes to the current training system.

Funding for the NAP comes from allocations made by the Polish government, the

EU, and other private sources. These funds are first given to the MI and MLSP, the main data aggregators of the Plan, and are then allocated to organizations for the completion of specific NAP projects. The Polish government earmarked 3,629,000 Zloty 13

(approximately 960,000 USD) in the budget of the MI and MLSP for the implementation of 2013-2015 NAP projects. Funding received by the MI is allocated to police and border guard academies and the PGO in order to facilitate specialized training sessions on identifying and handling trafficked persons. In addition to state sources of funding, the

European Economic Area (EEA) and Norway Grants and the Council of Baltic Sea States provide other sources of financing for several projects included in the NAP. EEA and

Norway Grants are awarded to NGOs in Europe that work to help develop civil society and enhance contributions to social justice and society, and increase citizens’ security through fighting organized crime (EEA Grants, 2016c). From 2009 to 2014, Poland was awarded the most financial aid out of the sixteen participating countries; Polish NGOs were awarded 311.2 million Euro (approximately 354.9 million USD) from Norway

Grants and 266.9 Euro (approximately 304.3 million USD) from EEA Grants (EEA

Grants, 2016a; 2016b).

In addition to the MI, NGOs and other anti-trafficking organizations that support anti-trafficking efforts are also invited to make suggestions on how the state should go about fighting and preventing human trafficking. As part of the 2013-2015 NAP, the following NGOs and anti-trafficking organizations served on the Inter-Ministerial

Committee for Combating and Preventing Trafficking in Human Beings, which monitors and implements the programs laid out in the NAP as well as suggests political, economic, and legislative strategies as well as law enforcement and educational strategies to be considered on a national level (GRETA, 2013; Buchowska, 2014).

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Anti-Trafficking Organizations in Poland

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and organizations supporting anti- trafficking efforts play an important role in spearheading anti-trafficking campaigns in

Poland today. By collaborating with each other, nationally and globally, or with the

Polish government, anti-trafficking organizations work to combat trafficking by providing social services to trafficked persons, advocating for legislation changes, spreading public awareness, and by compiling reports to be submitted to the UN, which assesses to what degree nations comply with the anti-trafficking measures set by the

UNCTOC. For the purposes of this paper, I only list the anti-trafficking NGOs operating in Poland that serve on the NAP’s Inter-Ministerial Committee for Combating and

Preventing Trafficking in Human Beings: La Strada International Poland, PoMOC Mary

Immaculate Association (PoMOC), Nobody’s Children Foundation, The Halina Nieć

Legal Aid Center, Caritas Poland, and The ITAKA Foundation – Missing Persons Center.

Each organization takes a different approach to combating trafficking and differs in which individuals it serves and in the types of services it offers.

In 1996, La Strada Poland (La Strada Fundacja Przeciwko Handlowi Ludźmi i

Niewolnictwu), one of the founding members of the La Strada network, became the first anti-trafficking organization to begin operations in the country (La Strada International,

2013). Located in Warsaw, La Strada Poland plays a prominent role in conducting anti- trafficking campaigns today. La Strada Poland’s strategy is threefold: “Press and Lobby,” 15

“Prevention and Education” and “Social Assistance.” Since its inception, La Strada

Poland has created leaflets geared towards prostitutes and those at-risk for being trafficked, as well as providing educational courses, issuing publications, operating a hotline in Polish and in Russian, and lobbying for social and legal support for foreigners as the organization does not limit itself to helping only Polish citizens. Poland’s state budget funds La Strada’s shelter for adult female trafficked persons, the National

Consulting and Intervention Center for Victims of Trafficking (Krajowe Centrum

Interwencyjno-Konsultacyjne dla Ofiar Handlu Ludźmi) (NCICVT), which is co-operated by PoMOC (GRETA, 2013). The NCICVT seeks to identify trafficked persons, provide preventative counseling, provide consultation for various organizations and maintain trafficking shelters (KCIK, 2016).

Located in Katowice, PoMOC (which also means ‘help’ in Polish) assists female victims of violence including women who are forced into prostitution. PoMOC assists females by streetworking, performing preventive work, preparing shelter accommodation and readaptation housing, and providing legal advising, therapy, and employment assistance. In collaboration with La Strada Poland, PoMOC has run the NCICVT shelter since 2013. It is worth noting that only La Strada Poland and PoMOC receive funding from the state to support the NCICVT. The inclusion of both La Strada and PoMOC as organizers of the NCICVT reveals the importance of having at least one Catholic organization in charge of running the government funded shelter. Initially, La Strada

Poland was the only NGO that submitted a bid to run the NCICVT (Lasocik, Rekosz-

Cebula, & Wieczorek, 2014). This move was criticized, and since 2013 both La Strada

Poland and PoMOC have jointly run the shelter. The rest of the anti-trafficking 16 organizations listed below rely on other sources of funding, such as private donations or local governments, to fund their anti-trafficking programs.

The Nobody’s Children (Fundacja Dzieci Niczyje) is a non-governmental, non- profit organization established in 1991 that offers psychological, medical, and legal assistance to child victims of abuse (Nobody’s Children Foundation, 2016). Since 2004, the foundation has dealt with trafficked and unaccompanied children. Particularly noteworthy is the Program for Unaccompanied Foreign Children and Victims of Child

Trafficking, which interviews foreign children, collaborates with organizations that help unaccompanied children, publishes reports on child trafficking and trains police, border guards, and intervention institutions. Surveys conducted by the foundation among police officers and border guards reported that seventy percent of respondents had encountered situations where foreign children did not have a form of identification or appeared to be under strong pressure of an adult, yet most respondents reported never having encountered a situation of suspected child trafficking (Nobody’s Children Foundation,

2009). The foundation also coordinates the Polish Network against Commercial Sexual

Exploitation of Children, a conglomeration of other child-focused organizations that aim to eliminate child prostitution, child pornography, and child sex trafficking.

Caritas Poland (Caritas Polska) is a Catholic non-profit organization established in 2004 that supports actions to help the poor and disadvantaged worldwide (Caritas,

2015). Caritas Poland is a member of the Christian Organizations Against Trafficking

Network, a global organization of Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox congregations that aims to combat human trafficking by raising public awareness and advocating for victim- oriented policies and offers assistance to trafficked persons. Assistance comes in the form 17 of poverty relief and job assistance programs, phenomena that Caritas Poland believes lie at the heart of what causes trafficking to occur.

The Halina Nieć Legal Aid Center (Centrum Pomocy Prawnej im. Haliny Nieć), which opened in Kraków in 2002, provides free legal assistance to foreigners and monitors detention facilities and border crossing points (Sobczyk, 2015). The center also supports anti-trafficking initiatives such as social campaigns and gives support to trafficked persons’ rights.

The ITAKA Foundation – Center for Missing People (ITAKA - Centrum

Poszukiwań Ludzi Zaginionych) was founded in 1999 in Warsaw to help locate and provide support to families when a person goes missing. Many of its programs are directed at supporting individuals searching for missing loved ones. Those who are trying to locate a person suspected of being trafficked are able to make use of ITAKA

Foundation’s 24-hour helpline, psychological support, legal and social aids, support groups and missing persons databases (ITAKA, 2010).

Despite the existence of NGOs and other organizations offering different types of assistance to trafficked persons, families, and the general public, there are still parts of

Poland that do not have access to any anti-trafficking programs. Additionally, some organizations that offer services to trafficked persons and their family, such as the

ITAKA Foundation in Warsaw or the Halina Nieć Legal Aid Center in Kraków, only have one location in the entirety of the country. This poses a problem to trafficked persons who are looking to benefit from anti-trafficking services but cannot afford relocation or transportation to other parts of Poland. Having one or few locations also poses a problem for producing accurate statistics. As previously mentioned, the director 18 of Nobody’s Children Foundation reported in 2005 that the majority of Polish girls who are trafficked internally come from the southeast region of the country, but the location of the foundation itself is in southeastern city of Kraków, which makes reaching children in the area easier than children in more distant places.

As governmental, non-governmental, and intergovernmental organizations play a role in how the trafficking phenomenon is perceived, thought of, and treated, changes in

Poland’s migration policy and labor policies likewise have helped to steer the course of trafficking trends in the country and region.

19

Changing Boundaries, Changing Trends

Commonly cited catalysts for trafficking include economic, political, and sociocultural factors ranging from corruption, poverty, migration, lack of education, violence and devaluation of women and girls. These factors “push” people to seek opportunities outside of their country (UNODC & GPATHB, 2008). Keeping in mind the interconnected and involved nature of all of the factors listed above, the following section takes into account the geographical significance of Poland’s position in Europe, the effect of what I call “geo-political border changes” that occured in 1989, 2004, and 2007, and the changes in migration and economic trends that subsequently occurred. Although the end of Communism and accession into the European Union did not shift Poland’s physical borders, I argue that the resulting changes in migration policy caused Poland’s borders to morph geo-politically. With its accession to the Schengen area, these geo- political borders once again rearranged, spurring on another movement of people to and from the country. These geo-political changes altered not only the country’s role as primarily an origin to a transit/destination country for trafficked persons, but also who becomes trafficked, where they are trafficked, and how they are trafficked. The year 1989 is also regarded as an important year economically for Poland in that it marks the country’s transition to a free market system, and EU membership in 2004 also helped

Poland’s economy to develop more rapidly and to attract new businesses into the country, including human trafficking. I argue for the importance of geography coupled with 20 migration and labor policy that changed the “firmness” of these borders, which influenced changes in trafficking trends in Poland that transformed the country from an economically unattractive area to a place where traffickers now find lucrative business opportunities.

Although trafficking of human beings is not a new phenomenon in Poland, the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Republics is commonly cited as the cause of the expansion of human trafficking and other transnational crimes in the region (Jolluck, 2012). Changes in governmental structure and policy throughout Eastern Europe brought about new trends in immigration to Poland.

During the communist period, Poland was not accustomed to migrants immigrating to the country. Not only did a lack of economic or tourist incentives dissuade foreigners from visiting Poland during this time, but the government also placed strict travel restrictions on those living in Poland. From 1945 to 1989, the communist regime implemented rigorous passport and exit-visa requirements on citizens, and those that were granted permission to temporarily travel had time limits imposed on their stay outside the country. The harsh economic and political climate in the 1980s also contributed to the emigration of educated Poles (Iglicka, 1998). However, the year 1989 marked the start of a different migration pattern that Poland had not seen previously.

The collapse of the communist regime in Poland in 1989 and later in other Eastern

European countries transformed the geo-political borders of Europe, spurring on a wave of new immigrants to Poland that resulted in a surge in immigration in the immediate post-communist years (Jolluck, 2012). In Poland, the regime’s collapse not only signaled a change in political leadership, but it also left a lacuna in immigration legislation amidst 21 a flock of immigrants who were trying to escape economic and political turmoil. The rearrangement of Poland’s geo-political borders in 1989 ‘softened’ to make immigration easier for foreigners to enter the country both legally and illegally. During the communist period, restrictive travel policies created borders that were difficult to pass. Legal lacunae in the new government’s immigration policy and a lack of funding created ‘soft’ borders between Poland and Western Europe in absence of immigration legislation. In other communist countries, Bulgaria and Romania lifted travel restrictions to Poland, one of the few countries to which Bulgarian and Romanian citizens were now permitted to travel

(Grzymała-Kazłowska & Okólski 2003; Iglicka 2001). In the late 1980s, these foreigners were mostly visitors, but some began to take up profit-making activities such as petty trade and prostitution within the country. These lax border controls made it easier for foreigners to successfully enter Poland at this time. Those from Bulgaria and Romania who wanted to cross the Germany-Poland border had only to exit Poland illegally and sought the help of migrant smugglers, and sometimes traffickers, who helped the migrants gain access to clandestine smuggling routes and passages (Głąbicka 1999;

Okólski 2000 a). Traffickers led Bulgarians and Romanians on what is known as the

‘Balkan Trail’ to and legally through Poland, as a one-month visa-free stay was allotted to them in the country, before illegally crossing the Germany-Poland border.

During the 1990s, labor migration was discouraged through the implementation of restrictive foreign labor policies. Potential labor migrants needed to obtain specific work permits prior to entering Poland (EU and EEA citizens have been exceptions to this policy since 2004). However, hefty fees and bureaucratic red tape dissuaded both potential employers and foreign workers to seek work permits. The majority of foreign 22 workers in Poland in the 1990s were mostly Ukrainian citizens who took advantage of short term, temporary employment opportunities (Grzymała-Kazłowska & Okólski,

2003). Ukrainians were able to cross the Poland-Ukraine border and stay in Poland as

“false tourists,” or those who legally live and work within the country for short spans of time as if they were just visiting the country. Those who travelled farther distances to

Poland (such as migrants from Vietnam, Armenia, Mongolia and China) mostly worked within the realms of the shadow economy by either starting and running their own businesses or by working in companies run by a co-ethnic employer. In contrast to

Bulgarian and Romanian migrants, Asian migrants tend to enter Poland illegally from the

Poland-Lithuania border (Grzymała-Kazłowska, Stefańska & Szulecka, 2008; Halik

2006). Today men and women from Asia (Vietnam, Sri Lanka, the Philippines and

Nepal) make up a percent of foreign nationals that are labor trafficked in Poland

(Ministry of Interior, 2015).

Like the collapse of the communist regime, Poland’s accession into EU and

Schengen area once again transformed geo-political borders. Schengen area accession in

2007 relaxed border controls between Poland and fellow EU member countries, but created more heavily guarded borders between the country and its non-Schengen, non-EU members as increased border security was now needed to keep illegal migrants from entering Poland and having unrestricted access to other relaxed borders in the EU. At its inception, the Schengen Agreement created open borders between Western European and

Central European states that guaranteed, in the EU’s view, the fundamental right of freedom of movement, to all EU citizens. Grabbe (2000) claims that the ‘macro-security’ threat from state-controlled missiles and nuclear weapons from the Cold War Era have 23 been replaced with private, ‘micro-threats’ from individuals. Because of their clandestine nature, private threats such as following the movement of human traffickers are much harder to address within international security framework. Although it has brought the opportunity for citizens to move freely, the accession of Poland into the Schengen area has put additional legal and economic responsibilities on Poland to comply with more strict EU border policies. Grabbe (2000) calls this the ‘softening” and “hardening” of edges, in which newly recognized border-states of the EU are now responsible for blocking illegal migrants and criminals alike access to Western Europe in exchange for the privilege of having ‘soft,’ or open borders, with other EU member states.

The countries on the outer edges of the Schengen area not only have to control traffic through these frontiers more carefully, but they also have to develop a sophisticated infrastructure for keeping data on who and what is crossing their borders, and a legal structure to deal with asylum claims and refugees. Countries forming the new external border thus take on major economic and legal responsibilities as they become the

EU’s front line dealing with transnational population movement. These exterior countries that border non-EU, non-Schengen countries (currently Finland, Latvia, Estonia,

Lithuania, Slovakia, Hungary, Greece, Slovenia, and of course, Poland) must apply the border policy restrictions placed on them by the EU, and also take on international responsibilities for people in transit across their territory, largely trying to stop westward migrants from reaching the old EU member states. For Poland, migration and labor policies coupled with growing economic opportunities in the country have changed its status from a country of just transit for migrants to a country of transit and destination, which makes Poland’s role as an exterior EU border country all the more imperative to 24 combatting trafficking within the region.

Poland’s accession into the EU and the Schengen area and changes in migration and labor policies explain some of the more recent changes in trafficking trends occurring in the country. Since Poland joined the Schengen area, transit from Poland to another

Schengen area state is easier as EU citizens and visa-holders no longer need to show passports to enter Schengen member states as passport controls have been abolished.

Additionally, new forms of exploitation have emerged since EU accession. Polish women are coerced into fictional marriages with foreign men in order to bring these men, who seek to live in the EU, legally into the country (Buchowska, 2014). Today Poland continues to be a place of transit for many migrants and remains a geo-political obstacle for those seeking the more lucrative economic markets and in Germany and other EU- member states. However, more migrants from both the West and the East are choosing to stay in Poland in order to seek economic opportunities that have come with EU integration. As Poland continues to grow economically, it subsequently becomes a more attractive destination for foreign businesses and traffickers alike. It is the wealthier countries that tend to be destination countries for sex trafficked persons as there are more customers in those countries with disposable income that are able to pay for sexual services.

Although Poland has made it easier for citizens in neighboring non-EU member states to work legally in the country in recent years, the new policy still encourages labor trafficking and exploitation to occur. A recent foreign labor policy passed in 2008 now allows migrant workers from Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus to enter Poland without work permits as long as they are employed for six months within a twelve-month period, and 25 that the potential employer sends a “declaration of readiness” to hire foreigners to the local labor authorities in advance. However, the temporary nature of the jobs offered legally to these migrants discourages them from obtaining legal working status. Instead, many illegal migrants take up jobs in the shadow economy in agriculture, construction, and household sectors, leaving them undetected and unprotected by legal mechanisms and therefore vulnerable to labor trafficking and exploitation.

Following a review of changes in migration and labor policy and trafficking trends, the connection between the demographics of trafficked persons reported by agencies La

Strada Poland and the U.S. Department of State to the demographics of those who have immigrated to Poland since 1989 are clearly similar. Even though Poland has not undergone a physical change in borders since 1945, policies implemented during the communist era, immediate post-communist period, and post-EU membership have had an effect on migration and labor policies and trends, which in turn have influenced the trends we see in human trafficking. Poland became a place of transit for both foreign and native Polish nationals as more lucrative opportunities await traffickers just beyond the

‘softened’ Poland-Germany border. As Poland economy continues to grow, Poland also becomes more attractive for traffickers to conduct business within Poland and thus becoming more of a destination country for trafficked persons and less of a source country. Bulgarian and Romanian trafficked persons continue to be served by anti- trafficking agencies, and Ukrainians, Belarusians and Russians continue to be labor trafficked as a result of poor foreign labor policies (U.S. Department of State, 2015).

Today many men and women from Asia (Vietnam, Sri Lanka, the Philippines and Nepal) who work in the realms of Poland’s shadow economy make up a percent of foreign 26 nationals that are labor trafficked in the country (Ministry of Interior, 2015).

In sum, anti-trafficking policy makers and groups that seek to influence it must not underestimate the significance of Poland’s political and geographic borders and their effect on trafficking trends both nationally and regionally. After all, the geographic area of Poland is quite substantive; it is the ninth largest country in Europe and sixth largest in the EU with a total area of 312,685 km2. Poland’s accession into the EU in 2004 meant that its territory now constituted the second largest portion of the EU’s eastern border controlled by one country (second only to Finland). Schengen area membership in

December 2007 caused the country’s border checks with the Germany, the Czech

Republic, Slovakia and Lithuania to lax as passport controls were eliminated between these countries. Meanwhile, Poland’s borders with the non-EU, non-Schengen area countries of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine became ‘hardened.’ Not only does the sheer size of its borders shared with EU and non-EU member states makes Poland a key place for anti-trafficking legislation aimed at securing borders, but its geographic position between more lucrative economic markets such as Germany to the left and less wealthy, more unstable economies of Ukraine and Belarus to the right make Poland a strategic place of transit for traffickers. Poland’s largest non-EU border, the Poland-Ukraine border, is 529 km (329 mi) long, followed by the Belarus-Poland (416 km, 258 mi) and

Polish-Russia (232 km, 144 mi) borders. In total, Poland’s border with non-Schengen, non-EU members is 1,177 km (731 mi). Put in perspective, Poland’s border with non-EU members is longer than U.S. state border between California and Nevada, which is 978 km (608 mi) long (Holmes, 1998).

Changes in migration and labor policy brought on geo-political border shifts in 27

1989, 2004, and 2007 that spurred on the transformation of trafficking trends in the country and in the region. Because the state has some control over the influx and settlement of migrants, it is able to restrict or loosen flows of immigrants into the country using a variety of policy tools available to it. Depending on a variety of factors, particular instruments of migration policy could have an encouraging, restrictive and/or neutral impact on the patterns of the inflows and settlement of migrants. Therefore, political parties play an undeniable role in the shaping of the human trafficking phenomenon in any given area due to their influence on migration and labor policies.

Not only are local and regional organizations and migration, labor and anti- trafficking policies vital to the perception, treatment and manifestation of the trafficking problem in Poland, so too is the influence of the Catholic identity in Polish politics and its influence on family policies, specifically in-vitro fertilization.

28

The (Catholic) State and Family Policies

Today, in a country where approximately ninety percent of the population of about forty million people consider themselves Roman Catholic, Catholicism continues to exert its power and influence in Polish politics, particularly in legislature regarding reproductive decisions. Political figures in the most prominent political parties in Poland today, PiS and PO, to a weaker or stronger degree support Catholicism and Catholic values, but the Polish-Catholic is especially important to political camps on the right side in Polish politics. The argument against the legalization of in-vitro fertilization on the grounds that it will encourage human trafficking also conveniently aligns with Catholic values regarding human sexuality that are supported by political parties on the conservative right. For the purposes of this study, only the formation of the two most widely represented parties in Parliament since 2005, PiS and PO, are discussed in detail.

For centuries, Catholicism has been the dominant religion in Poland, shaping the thoughts and actions of its lawmakers, intelligentsia, and subjects. In more recent history, the role of the Church has been particularly significant in regards to helping topple the communist regime in Poland and in Eastern Europe. The Catholic Church supported opposition movements leading to the fall of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe.

The election of a Polish Pope, Karol Wojtyła from Kraków, in 1978 reinforced a growing bond between oppositionist groups and the Catholic Church. At the time of the Solidarity movement, Catholic Church involvement in the processes that led to the fall of the 29 communist regime was seen as a political victory of freedom of religion rather than a danger to other democratic freedoms (Sila-Nowicki, 1984).

The collapse of the communist system and subsequent EU accession did not stop political actors who identified with Catholicism from asserting ‘Catholic’ dogma in politics, particularly in terms of family values and reproductive decisions (Millard, 2006).

The role of religion in Polish politics became increasingly significant for all parties, especially those on the political right. In order to be a political player in Polish politics, a party must, in a stronger or weaker way, profess their commitment to Catholicism and

Catholic values. Since their inception, the centrist PO and right-wing PiS parties affirmed this commitment to Christianity and Christian values. In contrast, the political left, which evolved over time into what is commonly considered a social democratic movement, places emphasis on values of human and constitutional rights such as social rights, state neutrality in religious matters, and women's rights (including the reproductive rights of women); this influence can be seen in the programs implemented by leftist groups.

During periods when the majority of post-Solidarity parties akin to PiS filled Parliament, new laws that mandated Catholic religious instruction classes in public schools and the tightening over abortion regulations took effect. The more strongly the parties identified themselves with the political right-wing, the greater role Catholic values played in their programs and served as one of the means of reaffirming Polish national interests and at the same time opposing the 'communist' values professed by the socialists, or left-wing political groups. An emerging trend in right-wing political rhetoric is to believe that

Catholic values are synonymous with patriotic values and in complete opposition to socialist, 'post-communist,' and even “European” values, which are sometimes seen as 30 foreign and oppressive.

Political polarization and the brandishing of Catholicism as a political weapon against leftist values become evident within the party system when studying rhetoric from right-wing parties. Right-wing parties began to refer to the political left as 'post- communists', 'heirs of the old regime' and 'enemies' of national and Catholic values

(Koczanowicz, 2008). Polarization was seen in the pre-electoral discourse of 2005.

During their election campaign, PiS used rhetoric that called for the full

‘decommunization’ of the state, which was in reference to Polish social democratic parties that consisted of members who had previously belonged to the former communist apparatus of Poland.

Not only does the Catholic identity play a role in shaping family-oriented policies, members of political parties that draft and implement legislation play a prominent role in shaping policies that affect the way that the trafficking phenomenon is perceived and treated in Poland. The two most represented political parties in Parliament, PiS and PO, reflect not only political divides in the country, but are presented by online media outlets in ways that either endorse or deny the idea that in-vitro fertilization is a catalyst for human trafficking activities.

Founded by Andrzej Olechowski, Maciej Płażyński, and Donald Tusk, the centrist

PO party formed in 2001 from factions of the former party coalition, Solidarity Electoral

Action (Akcja Wyborcza Solidarności) and the Freedom Union party (Unia Wolnośći) following internal disputes (Kopecek & Hloušek, 2013). The PO party supports integration with Europe and emphasizes the need to modernize Poland along patterns outlined by Western European developments (Gwiazda, 2015). The PO party holds 31 conservative views on social and ethical issues, opposing abortion, same-sex marriage, the decriminalization of soft drug use, stem cell research, and the removal of religious symbols from schools. Well-educated voters with high incomes and the urban middle class tend to support PO. Initially, the PO party advocated only for liberal economic policies, but during the 2007 election the party started to advocate for social aspects of liberal economic policy.

Also formed in 2001 mostly from members of the defunct Solidarity Electoral

Action party, the right-wing conservative PiS party was founded by the Kaczyński brothers, Lech and Jarosław. PiS projects a traditional, Eurosceptic image (Gwiazda,

2015). According to the PiS party’s official website, the party’s ideological foundation lies in the respect for the inherent and inalienable dignity of human beings, including the right to life (PiS, 2014). Like the PO party, the PiS party also opposes abortion, same-sex marriage, the decriminalization of soft drug use, stem cell research, and the removal of religious symbols from schools, but to a more severe extent. According to Gwiazda

(2015), one important difference between PiS and PO is their style of governing: PiS is confrontational while PO is consensual and compromising. Their social base, attitudes towards communist past, foreign policy, and integration also differ. PiS highlights the need to preserve the Polish nation as a community based on traditional values rooted in the Catholic religion and bonded by a sense of social solidarity and finds supporters among the traditionalist and rural communities in southern and eastern Poland and in small towns (Gwiazda, 2015; Jasiewicz 2011). The PiS party also received support from the extreme Catholic Radio Maryja and TV Trwam and attracted previous supporters of the League of Polish Families (Liga Polskich Rodzin), a nationalist conservative political 32 party.

One particular contemporary political debate in Poland that blurs the lines between Church and State authority is the hotly debated topic of in-vitro fertilization.

According to Polish politicians on the right and representatives of the Catholic Church, a potential policy barring in-vitro fertilization would prevent cases of human trafficking.

Although the procedure has been available in Poland since the mid-1980s, it was unregulated until June 2015; there were records or regulations regarding the disposal of unused embryos (Korolczuk, 2013). In 2007, the then Minister of Health, Ewa Kopacz, from the PO party announced that the government would try to regulate in-vitro, thus officially legalizing the procedure. In a reactionary response, PiS and representatives of the Catholic Church have been using media outlets to advocate for a ban of in-vitro and other forms of assisted reproductive technologies. In a letter addressed to the public and politicians released by the Council of the Polish Episcopate (2007), in-vitro is a form of

“sophisticated abortion” and parents are motivated by “wickedness.” The PO party instigated the state-sponsored in-vitro program that was later defunded by the incoming

PiS party in December 2015, only six months after its inception (Goettig, 2015). This section develops political representations of human trafficking further with the emergence of newspaper publications in Poland and how the media frames human trafficking. I demonstrate the power of the press in its ability to influence not only what audiences think about, but how audiences think about a given topic.

33

The Political Side of Media and the Efficacy of Agenda Setting

Surveying the history of the development of RP, GW, GP reveals each publication’s connections to political ideologies from the past and in the present. First entering publication shortly after World War I, RP merged with Catholic journals before being discontinued and revived as the official newspaper of the Polish Communist Party.

Founded by Adam Michnik, GW entered publication in 1989 as an oppositional magazine against the ruling Communist government. After years of censorship, the

Polish market became flooded with new publications in 1989, many of which disappeared as quickly as they had appeared. GP, a farther-right conservative newspaper, began publications in 1991 and formed its daily edition, GPC, in 2011. Each newspaper began publishing in a different political environment, has been affiliated with different political and institutional groups, and is associated with different political persons or parties. Variances in the history of each of these publications are imperative in understanding each newspaper’s conceptions of human trafficking today.

During the Polish People’s Republic (1945-1989), fourteen newspapers were published nationwide. Three journals represented the three major political parties in

Poland at that time: Trybuna Ludu (Tribune of People, published by the Polish United

Workers Party) (PUWP), Dziennik Ludowy (People’s Daily, published by the United

Peasant Party), and Kurier Polski (Polish Courier, published by the Democratic Party).

RP (The Republic) represented the government of Poland (Konopka, 2011). In 1944, RP 34 was revived from a thirteen-year hiatus and was turned into a news source that represented the views of the Soviet provisional government in Poland. RP attempted to form a positive image of the new government, but in 1949, the Communist Party of

Poland, the Polish United Workers’ Party, formed a new publication, Trybuna Ludu. RP issued publications alongside Trybuna Ludu until 1950 when it was discontinued; the coexistence of the party and government newspapers was considered counterproductive to forming of a consolidated one-party state. RP later reemerged as the communist government’s official publication in 1982.

A key element of the Round Table Agreement between Solidarity leader Lech

Wałesa and the Communist Party was the demand for the end of the PUWP’s monopoly of the news media. In April 1990, state censorship was abolished. When the PUWP’s publishing and distribution monopoly, the Press-Book-Movement Workers' Publishing

Co-operative, dissolved, numerous communist era periodicals were privatized. The emerging independent Polish media composed of former oppositional newspapers Gazeta

Wyborcza and Trybuna Ludu (now simply called Trybuna), and new publications

(Jakubowicz, 1995). Many familiar communist ideological publications were discontinued. However, some periodical titles, such as RP, were recast and gained respect among Poles for the quality of its journalism. Following the collapse of Communism, RP was sold to foreign investors; Robert Hersant’s National Commonwealth Publishing

Company and a French company, Socpresse, owned RP until 1995 when Norwegian company Orkla Media bought Socpresse’s shares. In 2006, British investment fund

Mecom bought Orka Media’s shares, and RP’s new editor-in-chief, Paweł Lisicki, changed the publication’s stance to pro-government and from moderate to conservative. 35

In 2011, RP was sold to Polish businessman, Grzegorz Hajdarowicz, its current owner

(Konopka, 2011).

When Poland’s newspaper media was privatized in 1990, hundreds of new periodicals appeared, failed, reappeared, and ultimately failed to gain the momentum to sustain their publications. These failures were the result of the high cost of newsprint, ignorance of free-market business principles, and the unpredictable demand created by a newly liberated public (Glenn, 1992). However, despite its dependence on the market, the nascent press in Poland was “political in orientation” (Goban-Klas, 1996). The result was that the press, ‘‘helps air diverse views and opinions, but usually of party elites, rather than their rank-and-file members or of groups in society in general’’ (Jakubowicz, 2003, p. 237). Interestingly, TV and Radio stations continue to be regulated by the National

Radio and Television Committee (Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Televizji) not only in the sense of who appoints its members but, more importantly, in the fact that the members have been “more or less clearly affiliated to political parties’’ (Jakubowicz, 2003, p. 237).

The politicization of radio and television broadcasting has proved not to be a passing phase associated with the immediate post-communist period. In 2005, the incoming PiS party led government has changed broadcasting law and imposed its own appointees to leading bodies (PiS, May 19, 2006). More recently, in 2016, Polish president Andrzej

Duda, a member of the PiS party, signed a controversial law giving the government permission to appoint heads of public television and radio (Berendt, 2016).

GW (Electoral Newspaper) is often cited as center-left, liberal publication. It was founded in 1989 as the medium to disseminate the views of the Communist-opposing movement Solidarity in anticipation of the first semi-free elections in 1990. At its 36 inception, the Polish company Agora S.A., which was founded by the anti-communist movement, owned GW. Eventually it was partially purchased by the U.S.-based media conglomerate, Cox Communications. GW’s print run, initially limited by state newsprint allocations to 150,000 copies, increased to 500,000 once the remains of the communist state had been dismantled, and then dropped to under 300,000 as printed media began to lose readers in the digital age (Gebert, 2014). GW became the most despised leftist newspaper by its right-wing adversaries during the first semi-free elections in Poland. A division inside the anti-communist group became evident between the conservative- nationalist Catholics that supported the former first President of Poland, Lech Wałesa, and the liberal-cosmopolitan secularists, who supported the former first non-communist

Prime Minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki. GW became, in the eyes of the right, the embodiment of an “anti-Polish” project as it endorsed Mazowiecki for the presidential post in 1990 and subsequently enraged readers at the time. One GW reader wrote, “Your job is not to tell me how to vote. Your job is to give me information so I can make up my mind myself.” Despite driving away readers who did not support the former Prime

Minister, it remained the newspaper market leader until it was bumped to second place in

2003 by the tabloid Fakt (Fact).

GW has uncovered major political scandals, including the biggest scandal in recent Polish political history that led to the rise of the PiS and PO parties. In 2003, a major political scandal dubbed the Rywin Affair (Afera Rywina) that embroiled Polish film producer Lew Rywin, Adam Michnik, and the leading Polish party at the time,

Sojusz Lewicy Democratycznej (The Democratic Left Alliance) (SLD). GW was the first magazine to leak the scandal, which detailed a recorded conversation of a deal 37 offered to Michnik by Rywin, who was purportedly acting for the “group in power” thought to be the incumbent SLD party. In exchange for 17.5 million USD in bribes,

Rywin offered to change a law being drafted that would have benefitted Michnik by allowing Polish media company Agora S.A., the publishing house of GW, to purchase a

Polish television network. Following this affair, SLD’s reputation was publicly tarnished as Poles expressed their open resentment and distrust for politicians and the political system. Because SLD’s reputation was severely scathed following The Rywin Affair, the

PO and PiS parties rose to power in 2005.

GPC (The Daily Polish Newspaper) is a newspaper publication that was formed in

2011 by editor-in-chief Tomasz Sakiewicz and is the daily compliment to the weekly newspaper GP (Polish Newspaper). Both the daily and weekly newspapers are said to be, according to Sakiewicz, “right-wing conservative.” According to an analysis of Polish media published by the Institute of Media Monitoring (Instytut Monitorowania Mediów) in 2013, GPC came in 10th place in the category of "most opinion-forming daily newspapers” of 2012 (IMM, 2013).

The manner in which RP, GW, and GPC depict human trafficking shapes how readers in Poland not only comprehend human trafficking, but also how governments and citizens alike react to the problem. The following section explains the conceptual framework that this analysis is based on and the significance of the different techniques that media publications use to present the trafficking issue. The exclusion of information and the discussion of issues in conjunction with trafficking form the mental conceptions upon which the readership acts.

38

Human Trafficking: Framed

This study analyzes human trafficking as a representational subject that is shaped by the linguistic and rhetorical practices of agenda setting, framing, bandwagoning, and omission used by three online newspaper publications (Hall, 1997). Agenda setting theory hypothesizes that the objects mentioned in media discourse become salient objects in public discourse. McCombs and Shaw’s (1972) seminal work on agenda setting theory has since developed a surrounding “second level” discourse, which claims that the media affects how the public thinks about a given object, or what “attributes” are affixed to the object (Ghanem, 1997). This second level, called framing, examines how mental schemas of topics determined by agenda setting are constructed and how these schemas affect the conceptualization of the topic by an audience. Framing is defined as “the function that specifies the relations that hold among the arguments comprising a particular conceptual bundle at a particular level of abstraction” (Friedman, 1979, p. 321). According to

Entman (1993), frames “call attention to some aspects of reality while obscuring other elements, which might lead audiences to have different reactions” (p.394).

Human rights issues are often politicized. NGOs, governments, and international actors advocate for their own views regarding human rights issues. According to Jahic and Finckenaur (2010), governments are mainly concerned with controlling crime and migration, while NGOs and international organizations must think about securing funding for their programs and advocating for particular agendas. Other human rights 39 issues are given leverage and additional media exposure by use of the bandwagoning effect, the framing of less-salient issues as connected to a more salient phenomenon

(Nicholos & Chong, 2011). The complex nature of human trafficking is often connected, or bandwagoned, to other conversations concerning illegal migration, women’s rights, prostitution, poverty, and the economy by governments and NGOs. While these issues are important in their own right and are related to the trafficking issue, the way that these bandwagoned topics are connected to the trafficking phenomenon affects the readership’s conceptions of trafficking. For example, if a news source notes that there has been a rise in trafficked persons from foreign countries and that the country does not have adequate border controls, readership can conclude that in order to more effectively curb trafficking, border controls must be tightened. While illegal migration is an important element in the trafficking phenomenon, it alone cannot account for all the other elements such as poverty and political turmoil that cause people to illegal cross borders. Omission of information, the final technique that this study analyses the use of, reveals that excluded information from an article can be just as critical to readers’ understanding as the information that is explicitly stated.

Despite the fact that human trafficking does not necessarily involve illegally crossing borders, illegal migration and smuggling is often cited as a cause of human trafficking (Jahic & Finckenauer, 2010). Organizations using this frame focus more on the illegal border crossing aspect rather than the type of work carried out by the immigrants. It may be more accurate to treat issues of trafficking and migration as separate phenomena as domestic trafficking does not involve border crossings, and the circumstances that cause migrants to seek work abroad and their legal status and rights 40 within the destination country differ from those who are trafficked domestically. Recall that La Strada Poland also reported that nearly ninety percent of their clients served from

2010-2011 were Polish nationals (Buchowska, 2014). Although these numbers seem to suggest that illegal immigration is not a main cause of trafficking in Poland, one must remember that statistical counts tend to vary amongst organizations depending upon definitions, ideologies and methodologies. One can argue that La Strada and other anti- trafficking NGOs may not be able to effectively reach trafficked persons, leading to multiple agencies producing different statistics regarding the number of trafficked persons in a country. The following quote from UNESCO Bangkok succinctly describes the oftentimes misleading, inaccurate, and political power of statistics and numbers in regards to quantifying human trafficking:

when it comes to statistics, trafficking of girls and women is one of several highly emotive issues, which seem to overwhelm critical faculties. Numbers take on a life of their own, gaining acceptance through repetition, often with little inquiry into their derivations. Journalists, bowing to the pressures of editors, demand numbers, any number. Organizations feel compelled to supply them, lending false precisions and spurious authority to many reports (Feingold, 2011).

Those who cite illegal immigration as a cause for human trafficking may also claim that illegal border crossings encourage other transnational criminal actors to migrate such as forgers, smugglers, and organized crime figures (Widgren, 1994). In this way, illegal migrants are no longer seen as illegal immigrants, but victims of a global network of mafias. Although some destination countries can be unsympathetic towards the harsh living and working conditions of illegal migrants, labeling these migrants as victims of transnational crime creates a sense of urgency for governments, the media, and citizens to act; the idea that transnational crime groups are making large profits from 41 trafficking compromises global stability and safety (Galiana, 2000). Viewing trafficking through the lens of illegal immigration also paradoxically advocates for and against immigrant rights. On one hand, immigrant rights and protections against sexual and labor exploitation are brought to the forefront of discussion. In this way, trafficking can become a “guise” for anti-immigration measures that would otherwise be difficult to pass.

The human trafficking issue can be used to appeal to a wide range of audiences spanning from feminist groups to law and order advocates and from liberals to conservatives. Governments can utilize the phenomenon’s criminal aspect to portray a

“tough on crime" mentality, but the trafficking issue can also allow government representatives to express concerns over women's issues without touching upon more contested issues regarding abortion, domestic violence, and gender equality. The guise of trafficking has also been used by some governments to bar women's entry to or exit from a country (Derks, 2000). Other governments have used trafficked persons as witnesses against traffickers and organized crime by offering protection and residency in exchange for a testimony, and some have included laws on the confiscation and seizure of property in their anti-trafficking legislation (Jahic & Finckenaur, 2010). While these measures may help to combat trafficking, they can also be used help governments justify keeping migrants out and controlling organized crime. In this way, assisting trafficking persons can easily become a secondary goal of governments.

Prostitution is also cited as another cause of human trafficking. This view is promoted by abolitionists (also known as prohibitionists) that want to eliminate all forms of sex work (Ham, 2011). According to abolitionists, prostitution, like trafficking, is a 42 form of commodification of a woman’s body, from which a profit is made. Despite this commodification occurring under different circumstances, all instances of prostitution are exploitative and coercive due to the existing social and cultural inequalities between men and women. Thus, to an abolitionist, prostitution and trafficking cannot be separated, and every sex worker needs protection and assistance (Hughes, Raymond, & Gomez, 2001).

Sympathy for ‘victims’ is a sex abolitionist’s coercive mechanism.

Exploitative labor is also viewed as a cause for human trafficking (Jahic &

Finckenaur, 2010). This framework views trafficking as the result of failed labor markets in both the source and destination countries of trafficked women. Proponents of the view argue that local sex workers, especially in Europe, have successfully advocated for and increased awareness of their rights. Many local sex workers are now able to have more agency over choosing their clientele. However, sexual exploitation occurs when migrant women cannot choose which clients they want to serve. Unlike local sex workers, illegal immigrant women are unable to exercise any rights in the destination country and have no power over choosing their clientele.

Depending on the organization’s stance, the definition of human trafficking may be broader or narrower. A narrow definition of trafficking would contrast it with human smuggling and also with “illegal” migration by arguing that force is used in trafficking, whereas a person consents to being smuggled into a country (Pajnik, 2010). Trafficking is often separated from prostitution by adopting a distinction between voluntary employment (prostitution) and exploitation (trafficking). Those who advocate for a wider definition of trafficking assert that the analytical separation of trafficked persons from migrant prostitutes results in an increased level of insecurity and vulnerability for the 43 many migrating women who share exploitative living and working conditions (Pajnik,

2010). It is argued that the adoption of an overly narrow definition fails to acknowledge other forms of trafficking that are not connected to sexual exploitation. In response, those that support a narrow definition argue that broadening the term, to think of trafficking as prostitution and/or migration, downplays exploitative and violent realities. According to proponents of a narrow term, departing from the “victimization” frame in order to adopt a more agency-oriented view will treat both trafficking and prostitution as businesses and individuals as entrepreneurs, which neglects the exploitative labor conditions and criminal offences that are fundamental to the trafficking phenomenon.

The definitions adopted by organizations have political advantages to politicians and organizations. By broadening the definition of ‘trafficked person’ to include a wider range of migrants who deal with smugglers and traffickers, organizations have managed to introduce the critical issue of immigrant status to lawmakers and have been able to advocate for immigrants who may not necessarily be a trafficked person (Jahic &

Finckenaur, 2010). At the same time, NGOs and international organizations that compete over funding have found the greatest successes when presenting projects as wide ranging, while simultaneously focusing on the issues at hand. Packaging services for migrants as also being services for trafficked persons has made it easier to obtain funds, especially at times when governments are trying to present themselves in the best light possible to the international community.

An example of the political nature of human trafficking and the debated nature over definitions is apparent in the negotiations over the definition of human trafficking included in the Trafficking Protocol. NGOs and UN bodies voiced their opinions 44 regarding the definition of human trafficking, with pro-sex work NGOs and the UN High

Commission for Human Rights and Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women arguing for a narrow definition of human trafficking that distinguishes prostitution from trafficking. An analytical separation between trafficking and prostitution empowers women to make their own choices regarding their bodies and de-stigmatizes the profession of prostitution (Raymond, 2001). The Special Rapporteur on Violence Against

Women held the conviction that the words ‘victims’ and ‘sexual exploitation’ should be excluded from the Protocol and debated whether all sex work in the sex industry should all-encompassingly be considered exploitation or whether only sex work performed under slavery-like conditions should be considered exploitative. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights amplified the stance for a narrow definition by adding that “imprecise” and “emotive” terms such as ‘sexual exploitation,’ which is hard to define, would create implementation difficulties. The International Labor Organization also supported the

Special Rapporteur’s and High Commissioner’s claims.

Another significant concern addressed during the drafting of the definition of trafficking was the requirement of consent. The Coalition Against Trafficking in Women organized 140 NGOs into the International Human Rights Network, which played a major role in pushing for a definition of trafficking that protected “all victims of trafficking,” not just those who could prove that they had been forced (Ditmore & Wijers,

2003, p. 80). The now defunct UN body Working Group on Contemporary Forms of

Slavery also urged the Ad Hoc Committee to protect all trafficked persons regardless of their personal consent (Raymond, 2001). This request for an ‘inclusive’ definition of trafficking was supported by Belgium, Argentina, Mexico, the Philippines, the Holy See, 45

Venezuela, Cuba, China, France, Egypt, Madagascar, Norway, Finland, Morocco, the

United Arab Emirates, Togo, Syria, Algeria, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, and Burkina-

Faso.

However, not all representative parties agreed with the Working Group’s request.

Germany, the Netherlands, United Kingdom, Canada, Spain, the United States, Thailand,

Japan, Australia, Switzerland, Ireland, Denmark and New Zealand gave counter-reasons for their opposition to the ‘inclusive’ definition of trafficking. It was particularly wealthier nations with strong industries that opposed the need to extend the definition of trafficking to persons who did not consent to be trafficked. The countries that opposed the ‘inclusive’ definition are destination countries for trafficking and may have had vested interests elsewhere such as developing a regulated sex industry where matters of

‘consent’ can become problematic for businesses if sex workers refuse clients or suddenly withdraw consent. Additionally, despite their ability to pay for trafficked person services, some developed countries may have not wanted to financially support them or grant foreign trafficked persons further rights to remain in the country.

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Media (Mis)representations and Politicization of Human Trafficking

This section presents the results of the research and content analysis performed on online articles published from 2013 to 2015 in RP, GW, and GPC. I argue that according to McCombs and Shaw’s (1973) agenda setting theory, the media is successful in telling the audience what they should think about, and that framing and bandwagoning techniques significantly shape how audiences conceptualize human trafficking. Each article was assessed using framing theory (Entman, 1993), the bandwagoning effect

(Nicholos & Chong, 2011), and then analyzed for omitted content to consider the implications of such omissions to the readership’s understanding of human trafficking.

The frame that I call “criminalization” is used by these media publications to create a mental schema within which audiences think about human trafficking. The trafficking issue was bandwagoned to other salient socially and politically charged issues, in-vitro fertilization and immigration, in order to make the authors’ arguments more convincing to the audience and to manipulate connections that the audience makes between trafficking and other salient issues in Polish media. Online articles also used the concepts of ‘human trafficking’ and ‘human smuggling’ interchangeably, which results in downplaying, ignoring, and/or falsifying the realities in which migrants and trafficked persons live within. The study’s comparative and content-analytical methodology explains the significance of studying how RP, GW, GPC report on human trafficking.

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Methodology

Journalism has come under scrutiny of scholars and activists for the misuse of terms in the human trafficking discourse. According to Mermin (1999), media publications often conform to the agenda and frames established by governments concerning foreign policy issues. I argue that the framing techniques used by online publications of PR, GW, and GPC reflect ideologically-charged views of the two most prominent Polish political parties in opposition, the right-wing, national-conservative,

PiS, and centrist PO, as well as promote a Polish-Catholic identity.

For this study, I selected two of the most widely circulated daily newspapers in

Poland, RP and GW, as well as a more recently established and less widely circulated daily newspaper, GPC. The rationale for choosing these particular publications is to identify variation in the ways that the two most-viewed politically opposing online daily new sources construct the issue of human trafficking. In contrast, GPC is considered to be farther-right leaning and although it represents a niche readership, GPC’s emergence corresponds to the recent rise of right-wing groups in Poland that followed the aftermath of the Smoleńsk aircraft disaster in April 2010. Additionally, each newspaper has its own unique publication length, political, and institutional ties that speak to the dynamic and changing nature of publications. This study surveys online newspapers sources for the convenience of using online search engines. However, even in their digital forms, RP and

GW are still the two most-viewed online daily news sources in Poland, and over fifty- 48 eight percent of Poles get news updates from online sources. According to internet traffic statistics, GW had 2,804,759 user visits and 33,155,143 page views in March 2015. RP had 17,850,027 page views and 3,724,090 user visits in February 2015 (Megapanel &

Gemius, 2015). The study only included articles dating from January 1, 2013 to

December 31, 2015. This time frame was selected for two reasons. First, GPC did not start publishing until November 2011. Secondly, no significant articles regarding human trafficking appeared in GPC until 2013. Search results returned articles regarding human trafficking in many parts of the globe. Only articles that discussed human trafficking in the context of Poland or in Western European countries were surveyed in the analysis as these articles best support this paper’s hypothesis regarding Poland’s critical geo-political role in shaping trafficking trends in the region.

The keyword ‘handel ludźmi’ (human trafficking) generated the list of articles in each of the publications’ digital archives from which I used for my analysis. Despite a widespread consensus of international governments and organizations regarding the definition of “human trafficking,” the term is still debated among scholars and activists

(Gulati, 2010). The ambiguity in proving that force, coercion and deception were used in recruitment are frequently cited as problematic and compound the problem of defining who qualifies as a trafficked person. In other words, the definition of human trafficking, its causes, and those who qualify as trafficker persons or victims, provoke varied responses and are open to interpretation. This analysis compared the use of the word

‘human trafficking’ presented in these publications with the definition presented by the

Polish Penal Code and UNCTOC as well as the use of the term ‘migrant smuggling’ as it is presented in the UNCTOC in order to measure consistency with the legal definitions of 49 these phenomena.

By comparing GW, RP, and GPC publications in a within-time analysis, this study shows how each publication constructs, or frames, the issue of human trafficking by connecting the human trafficking issue to other salient human rights issues of in-vitro fertilization and immigration in order to support particular ideologies. It is emphasized that issues are framed not only works by explicitly juxtaposing and linking concepts and other social issues together, but also by omitting information. My analysis of online articles includes the consequence of omitting information regarding “criminalization,” which is used to create a particular conceptualization of human trafficking.

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Website and Search Engine Layout

During the time of data collection, RP’s online articles were sorted into one of three main categories, sub-categories and individual topics within each sub-category. A hallmark of RP’s website layout is its use of colored coded tab layout with each of the three main categories represented by a color. The first tab, labeled Events, is grey. The second tab, Economy, is blue, and the last tab, Law, is labeled yellow. Within each category, there are different subcategories that articles are sorted into. Subcategories under Events includes National, World, Opinion, Science, Culture, Sports, TV.RP.PL,

Plus Minus, Tourism, Regional Life, and Photography. Subcategories under Economy include Business, Finance, Economy, Quotations, Real Estate, My Money, Work, Eagle of Innovation, Interviews and Opinions, Energy News, My Retirement and RPKOM.

Subcategories of Law include Law For You, Lawyers, Law in Firms, Local Government,

Budget Sphere, Opinion, and Tools. A paid subscription was used to access RP’s archived articles. I used the website’s search engine system that can be found in the top right-hand corner of the website’s main page (www.rp.pl). Using the search engine’s built-in filtering modes, I selected to search through all three color-coded categories

(Events, Economy, and Law) and to only display articles published between January 1,

2013 and December 31, 2015. The search returned 14 relevant articles.

In contrast to RP’s three color coded tabs, GW’s online articles are sorted into twelve main categories listed at the top of the main page: Nation, World, Culture, 51

Science, Opinion, Magazines, Cities, Wyborcza.biz, Sport.pl, BIQdata, Civil Activities, and More. Two of these categories, Wyborcza.biz (Business) and Sport.pl (Sports) are, although part of GW, have separate web addresses and direct uses to a separate site dedicated to the designated topic. Four categories, Nation, Magazines, Cities, and Social

Campaigns, have selectable drop-down sub-categories. Nation includes National News,

Law and Justice Party. Government Chronicles, and Smolensk Catastrophe. Cities redirects users to city-specific articles. Magazines lists nine sub-categories regarding history, popular science, health, television, film and literature, politics, women’s fashion, and world magazines. The last category, More, has numerous sub-categories (Welcome to Poland, Life and Style, Migrants, Animals, Letters to the Editor, Video, Pictures,

Wyborcza Guidebook, and Obituaries).

I utilized GW’s theme aggregating feature, which displays a collection of articles by topic. The theme aggregator is accessible through http://info.wyborcza.pl/. Under themes listed for ‘H,’ users will find more than one theme for human trafficking. Related themes include ‘human trafficking in Poland’ ‘trafficking in prostitutes,’ ‘child trafficking,’ ‘trafficking in women’ among others. I used articles listed under the theme

‘handel ludźmi,’ which encompasses the related themes listed above. Many articles pertaining to human trafficking are cross-posted under multiple themes. For example, the article, “Gang tatuował kobiety. Prokuratura zaskakuje: To nie handel ludźmi” (A gang tattooed women. The prosecuting attorney ruled that this is not human trafficking), is listed under the themes ‘human trafficking,’ ‘human trafficking in Poland,’ and

‘trafficking in women.’ Similarly to RP, a paid subscription was purchased in order to access GW’s online archives. Using the theme aggregating search engine, I filtered 52 results to search through Wyborcza.pl and Gazeta Wyborcza, which returned 32 relevant articles. In order to limit the large amount of hits created by entering the keyword, all city-specific articles were omitted from the search. In other words, all URLs containing a prefix with a city name (ex. http://szczecin.wyborcza.pl), were not included in the analysis. Results were filtered to display articles published from January 1,, 2013 to

December 31, 2015.

At the time of this study, GPC’s front page displayed six headings, which, when toggled, produced sub-categories. The heading Activities contained the seven sub- categories of news stories reported by GPC: Poland, World, Publications, Economy,

Culture, Sports, and Travel. The search engine feature of GPC was powered by Google and did not contain advanced options to filter results. Because GPC is a smaller publication than both RP and GW, filtering results were unnecessary as searches returned significantly less results overall. The performed search returned 11 relevant results.

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In-vitro Fertilization, Surrogacy, and Human Trafficking

Human trafficking is bandwagoned to in-vitro fertilization, a human rights issue that is debated amongst PiS and PO representatives and supporters. The term ‘human trafficking’ is used by RP and GPC to bring legitimacy to claims that in-vitro will invite criminal activities and should be banned. GW holds the position that in-vitro is not a human trafficking and is a medical treatment for infertility.

Excerpt 1: According to Representative Hoc, the government draft also allows surrogacy, which bears the signs of human trafficking

Polish: Zdaniem posła Hoca, rządowy projekt pozwala również na surogację, co nosi znamiona handlu ludźmi. (PiS: projekt o in vitro narusza konstytucję, RP, June 24 2015, retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1210908-PiS--projekt-o-in-vitro-narusza- konstytucje.html#ap-1)

Excerpt 2: PO promotes human trafficking

Polish: PO promuje handle ludźmi (PO promuje handle ludźmi, GPC, June 26, 2015, retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/41260-po-promuje-handel-ludzmi.html#.VyzmjXByxxU)

Excerpt 3: “In-vitro is not human trafficking; human trafficking is a crime. Infertility treatment is not buying a child. Just as surgery is not buying health,” retorted Radziewicz-Winnicki

Polish: In vitro nie jest handlem ludźmi, handel ludźmi jest przestępstwem. Leczenie niepłodności nie jest kupowaniem sobie dzieci. Tak samo jak leczenie operacyjne nie jest kupowaniem sobie zdrowia - ripostował Radziewicz-Winnicki (In vitro w Senacie. Były senator PO zapowiada 48 poprawek do ustawy, GW, July 8, 2015, retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75398,18320644,in-vitro-w- senacie-byly-senator-po-zapowiada-48-poprawek-do.html#ixzz47u9HLLYh)

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Excerpt 1 and 2 from RP and GPC argue that a new government bill regarding in- vitro fertilization will legalize surrogacy, and therefore human trafficking, in the country.

Although in-vitro fertilization has been legal since it was first available in Poland, surrogacy is not clearly regulated. There are documented reports in which surrogate mothers in Armenia, Nigeria, India and other countries have been forced to carry out pregnancies for foreign couples at a very low cost to couples and minimal compensation for the surrogate mothers. Many women in these countries are poor and have few economic opportunities (Alexandru, 2014; Huntley, 2014; Smerdon, 2014). Because no political party will deny that human trafficking is a crime, if in-vitro and surrogacy do indeed promote human trafficking, then those medical procedures in theory, too, should also be considered criminal according to RP and GPC.

In the articles from Excerpts 1 and 2, both RP and GPC claim verbatim that in- vitro bears the signs of human trafficking (In-vitro nosi znamiona handlu ludźmi), yet they quote two different sources of authority. This brings into question the origin of the quote. RP claims the quote came from PiS representative Czesław Hoc, and GPC attributes it to the Council of Europe. It is true that the Council of Europe’s Committee on Bioethics, which holds public debates on emerging medical developments that raise questions concerning individuals’ rights and has hosted debates on the topic of surrogacy as human trafficking, but a public statement by the Council of Europe officially taking this stance is an unsubstantiated claim made by GPC (Council of Europe, 2016b). It is more likely that Representative Hoc made the comment while at a Council of Europe event on behalf of himself and not the organization. Thus, GPC is trying to leverage the authority of the Council of Europe, an international organization that promotes 55 democracy, rule of law, and human rights, in order to convince its readership of an existing relationship between in-vitro fertilization and human trafficking.

Both Excerpt 1 and 2 from RP and GPC failed to explicitly mention the connection between human trafficking and in-vitro. From the articles excerpted above, it can be concluded that legalizing in-vitro will legalize surrogacy, which will then promote human trafficking. The omission of detailed information regarding the connection and likelihood of human trafficking erupting as a direct result of legalizing in-vitro remains unsubstantiated. Furthermore, Excerpt 2 from GPC only mentions human trafficking the title of the article. The article itself states that in-vitro promotes surrogacy.

Excerpt 4: On Thursday, Parliament members from the ruling coalition and the Left pushed a law on the so-called ‘infertility treatment’ through Parliament, which in practice not only promotes ethically questionable artificial insemination, but also legalizes surrogacy in Poland

Polish: W czwartek posłowie koalicji rządzącej i lewicy przepchnęli przez Sejm ustawę o tzw. leczeniu niepłodności, która w praktyce nie tylko promuje wątpliwe etycznie sztuczne zapłodnienie, lecz także legalizuje w Polsce surogację (Ustawa o in vitro legalizuje w Polsce handel ludźmi, GPC, June 27 2015, retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/41295-ustawa-oin-vitro-legalizuje-wpolsce- handel-ludzmi.html#.VyztiXByxxV)

The Catholic Church opposes in-vitro fertilization as the procedure ideologically opposes Catholic dogma by its removal of the unifying and procreative nature of human sexuality. The underlying issue raised by GPC is the Catholic Church’s stance on the definition of life and whether or not a human embryo is considered to be alive. As aforementioned, claiming Catholic or Christian views plays an important role in Polish politics today, especially for parties on the political right. GPC evokes quotes from the

Pope as a source of authority against the legalization of in-vitro.

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Excerpt 5: “The Holy Father asked not to experiment and not to play with human life,” reads the statement from the Council of the Polish Episcopate

Polish: “Ojciec Święty prosił, by nie eksperymentować i nie igrać z życiem człowieka” – czytamy w oświadczeniu Prezydium Konferencji Episkopatu Polski (Ustawa o in vitro legalizuje w Polsce handel ludźmi, GPC, June 27 2015, retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/41295-ustawa-oin-vitro-legalizuje-wpolsce- handel-ludzmi.html#.VyztiXByxxV)

Pope Francis’ words are used by the Council of the Polish Episcopate as an authoritative command to warn Poles against the potential dangers of “playing God” by the use of in- vitro. This combination of the prominent role of the Catholic Church in Poland and the connections made between in-vitro fertilization, surrogacy, and ultimately human trafficking makes for a particularly unique media scene in regards to representations of human trafficking.

Another point of concern for the Church is over the treatment of human embryos.

The Church claims that freezing embryos is tantamount to freezing humans. According to

GW, illegal trade in embryos “will not be treated as human trafficking because this applies to a born person” (Polish: nie będzie traktowany jako handel ludźmi, ponieważ te przepisy dotyczą jedynie osób już urodzonych) (In vitro i bezprawnie, June 15 2013, retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,87495,4802423.html). This statement by GW is the response to the claims made by the opposing RP and GPC, which treat in-vitro as human trafficking. According to the Trafficking Protocol, human trafficking concerns the exploitation and enslavement of live persons. Arguments used by representatives of the

Church point to the concern of commodification of human embryos, which are considered by the Church to be alive. GW and the Church disagree on where to draw the line between living and non-living, and thus whether in-vitro procedures qualify as 57

‘human trafficking’ differs between these camps.

Human trafficking is also bandwagoned within the context of in-vitro fertilization to promote calumny against the right’s political opposition, the PO party. GPC accuses

PO for encouraging human trafficking with the article, “PO is promoting human trafficking.” This politicization of the issue of human trafficking ignores the real issue at hand, the violation of the rights of people, in exchange for a slandering remark against

GCP’s political and ideological opponent, the PO party.

Although each party states secular concerns for their stances on in-vitro, the parties’ stances are also telling of what political ideologies each party promotes. PO has claimed that in-vitro is a vital method for ensuring that Poland’s population will grow as the country suffers from one of the lowest birth rate throughout the EU (Goettig, 2015).

However, PO is also pro-European integration, and barring in-vitro procedures would alienate the party from ensuring EU values such as human and women’s rights. While

PiS also has recognized that encouraging procreating in the coming years is imperative,

PiS has stated that they have stopped publically funded in-vitro programs because the state cannot afford to pay for them. However, endorsing a procedure that is vehemently opposed by the Catholic Church is counter-intuitive to PiS’ political ideology of nurturing a “Polish-Catholic” state, and so it is imperative for the party to defund such state-supported services.

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Immigration and the “Criminalization” of Trafficked Persons

Analysis of articles regarding trafficked foreigners reveal that Polish news sources misuse definitions, perpetuate the importance of punishing traffickers and fighting crime through use of the “criminalization frame,” and through the omission of details paint a new reality lived by trafficked persons and migrants. GW confuses the terms ‘migrant smuggling’ and ‘human trafficking’ as they are defined in Polish and international law.

Omitting details regarding the socio-economic hardships and violent conflict present in countries of origin creates inaccurate conceptions of the realities that trafficked persons and migrants face.

Excerpt 6: A 64-year-old will probably answer to trafficking. According to police findings, the refugees were smuggled to the UK

Polish: Za cały proceder odpowiedzialny był 64-latek. Według ustaleń policji, uchodźcy byli przemycani do Wielkiej Brytanii (W Wielkiej Brytanii kwitnie handel ludźmi, GW, March 12, 2013, retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,87495,47902533.html)

Human trafficking and migrant smuggling are not considered the same crimes under international and Polish law. In September 2003, Poland ratified the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children and the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air. The definition of trafficking in persons according to the UNCTOC’s Trafficking Protocol differs from the Convention’s Migrant Smuggling Protocol. Smuggling of migrants is defined as:

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the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit of the illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident (UNCTOC art. 3, para. a).

Consent, exploitation, and transnationality are the three key differences between human trafficking and smuggling (UNODC, 2016). Smuggling of migrants always assumes the consent of the smuggled person where human trafficking does not. Although a trafficked person may consent to a trafficker’s proposal, coercion, deceit, and abuse thereafter negates the trafficked person’s initial consent. Exploitation is not present in smuggling as the smuggled person’s contact with the smuggler is severed at the point of destination whereas a trafficked person’s relationship continues after arrival and continues to be or becomes exploitative. Finally, migrant smuggling involves the crossing of transnational borders, while human trafficking does not necessarily involve border crossing. The misuse of definitions is significant when considering the reason that those who seek asylum or choose to migrate. Labeling smugglers as “traffickers” allows governments of the destination country to imply that ensuring the enforcement of law is more important than protecting asylum seekers and allowing them to exercise their right to seek asylum

(Human Rights Watch, 2016). The main objective of these policies is to prevent people from migrating irregularly across borders. The label “trafficking” also puts emphasis on the importance of criminalizing traffickers and omits the importance of the basic humanitarian needs of those seeking asylum abroad.

Additionally, GW was found to repeatedly emphasize the frame of

“criminalization” and omitted details regarding migrant circumstances. The criminalization frame removes states from their responsibilities and encourages attitudes 60 that are unaware of the harsh circumstances that cause people to migrate by use of trafficking channels (Pajnik, 2010). This frame is also geared towards creating further restrictions in migration policies that lessen opportunities for migration. For example, in the article, “They earned money as roadside prostitutes in Bożympol. One was kidnapped. The Bulgarians stand before the court” (Zarabiali na tirówkach w Bożympolu.

Jedną porwano. Bułgarzy staną przed sądem, GW, December 3, 2014, retrieved from http://trojmiasto.wyborcza.pl/trojmiasto/1,35612,17071266,Zarabiali_na_tirowkach_w_B ozympolu__Jedna_porwano_.html#ixzz485j6jH00), GW failed to mention the complex socio-economic conditions such as violent conflict and poverty that many persons who are trafficked face. The story reported that two Bulgarian women who had arrived in

Poland in 2012 testified in court that they knew and agreed to the fact that they would work as prostitutes under a pimp upon their arrival in Poland. By leaving out information about the complex reasons why women might choose to migrate abroad in order to prostitute, the reader does not fully understand the hardships trafficked persons suffer.

GW’s representation of these Bulgarian women also failed to mention the violation of these women’s human rights despite the fact that the women knew they would prostitute once they arrived to Poland. Although the women agreed to prostitute, they did not agree to being abused or to have their rights stripped from them by a pimp. Therefore, these

Bulgarian women should be referred to as trafficked persons and not merely ‘prostytutki,’ or prostitutes, as the article reports.

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Conclusion

This study adds to how newspapers formulate human trafficking discourse by the use of agenda setting, framing, bandwagoning, and omission techniques. Through the consideration of the geographical, social and political contexts of Poland, one can come to understand not only how certain human trafficking characteristics have developed in

Poland, but also how ideological views skew and misrepresent human trafficking within media discourse.

According to Entman (1993), framing is “to emphasize aspects of a phenomenon, and to render them recognizable and more salient in a text in such a way as to communicate and promote a specific understanding of a problem and to persuade us of appropriate treatment for that problem.” Agenda setting techniques used by the media tell the audience not only what social issues are most salient, but also how the audience should think about these issues. This study presented how GW, RP, and GPC frame the causes of human trafficking, whether as an immigration or organized crime problem, and what other salient issues should be associated with it. From the years 2013 to 2015, RP,

GW, and GPC used prominent social and political issues such as in-vitro fertilization and illegal immigration as topics to gain more media attention by use of the bandwagoning effect and to assert particular ideological views.

This study highlights the importance of studying the human trafficking discourse in a cultural-specific context and the significant role that geographic, social, and political 62 contexts play in shaping and understanding of the human trafficking phenomenon in

Poland. The publications leaning to the political right, RP and GPC, promoted family lifestyles endorsed by the Catholic Church by asserting that the legalization of in-vitro fertilization will promote human trafficking, yet the publications failed to elaborate on how in-vitro promotes the problem. However, the incumbent national-conservative PiS party, which promotes a “Polish-Catholic” identity, ended PO’s government funded in- vitro programs in 2015 under the guise of funding deficits. If Poles are to think that legalizing in-vitro will cause surrogate and embryo trafficking in Poland, the more pressing issues that affect trafficking in Poland such as economic, labor and migration laws become neglected in the press. More importantly, the true people who are exploited are ignored in the media: women in source countries that are pushed into prostitution or surrogacy, whether willingly or unwillingly, as a means to make money due to the lack of economic opportunities. GW’s (mis)use of the terms ‘human trafficking’ and ‘migrant smuggling’ also downplayed and distorted the circumstances and hardships that each person faces when being smuggled or trafficked. The bandwagoning of the term ‘human trafficking’ to the salient topic of in-vitro also shifts the audience’s attention away from exploited persons when GPC accused their political opponents, the PO party, for legalizing a “criminal activity.”

Newspaper publications, especially in our digital age, have the power to disseminate and influence the mental conceptualizations of worldwide audiences regarding the most cruel and foul of human rights abuses committed around the world.

Yet, the omission of information, misuse of legally defined terms, bandwagoning, and framing of socially and politically-charged issues in order to gain favorability towards 63 certain policies distorts the audience’s understanding of the real topic at hand and thwarts potentially effective measures and policies that aim to combat it. The media must remain vigilant when reporting on human trafficking in order to avoid unnecessary and damaging politicization of an issue that in itself is worthy of media attention.

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Appendix: List of Surveyed Articles

Adamski, M. (2013, July 31). Królikowski: Polska nie może zalegalizować prostytucji. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1034805-Krolikowski-- Polska-nie-moze-zalegalizowac-prostytucji.html

Anannikova, L. (2014, April 2). Supiermarkiet z niewolnikiem. Rosjanie nie zajmują się niewolnikami, bo to cudzoziemcy. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/duzyformat/1,137626,15730652,Supiermarkiet_z_niewolnikie m__Rosjanie_nie_zajmuja.html

Anegdoty o papieżu. (2014, June 10). Gazeta Polska Codziennie. Retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/30704-anegdotyopapiezu.html#.VzCgwtdyxxU

Ar,. APA,. & PAP. (2015, August 27). Kolejne ofiary przemytników ludzi. W Austrii znaleziono kilkudziesięciu martwych uchodźców w ciężarówce. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75399,18638323,kolejne-ofiary-przemytnikow- ludzi-w-austrii-znaleziono-50-martwych.html#ixzz47oE8TP9S

Bartkiewicz, A. (2015, August 11). Amnesty International: Nie karać sutenerów i klientów prostytutek. Rzeczpospolita Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/Spoleczenstwo/308119820-Amnesty-International-Nie-karac- sutenerow-i-klientow-prostytutek.html

Bezpieczeństwo nielegalnych imigrantów na morzu. (2014, April 19). Gazeta Polska Codziennie. Retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/29342-bezpieczenstwo-nielegalnych- imigrantow-na-morzu.html#.VzCjR9dyxxU

Blikowska, J. (2015, January 27). Przetrzymywali prostytutki. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1174736-Przetrzymywali-prostytutki-- Odpowiedza-za-handel-ludzmi.html#ap-1

Blikowska, J. (2014, December 10). Rozbito gang sutenerów. Każdy za coś w nim odpowiadał. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1163762- Rozbito-gang-sutenerow--Kazdy-za-cos-w-nim-odpowiadal.html

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Chalimoniuk, D. (2014, August 11). Norweski zakaz kupowania seksu działa. Ograniczono handel ludźmi i... spadły ceny. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,16463134,Norweski_zakaz_kupowania_seksu_dziala__Ogran iczono.html#ixzz47nsUD2z3

Czarnecki, M. (2015, August 12). Amnesty International chce dekryminalizacji prostytucji na świecie. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75399,18541425,amnesty-international-chce- dekryminalizacji-prostytucji-na-swiecie.html

Czarnecki, M. (2013, November 25). Niewolnice /Londynu. Jak to możliwe, żeby przez 30 lat więzić trzy kobiety?. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,15008292,Niewolnice_Londynu__Jak_to_mozliwe__zeby_pr zez_30.html#ixzz47oPxFfhv

Czarnecki, M. (2014, October 1). Polscy niewolnicy w Wielkiej Brytanii. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75399,16731143,Polscy_niewolnicy_w_Wielkiej_Brytanii.html

Czarnecki, M. (2015, February 4). Unia - oblężona twierdza. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,17354724,Unia___oblezona_twierdza.html

Czarnecki, M. (2013, March 12). W Wielkiej Brytanii kwitnie handel ludźmi. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,87495,47902533.html

Czarnecki, M. (2013, May 27). We wschodniej Nigerii powstały "fabryki dzieci.” Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,13987255,We_wschodniej_Nigerii_powstaly__fabryki_dzieci _.html

Drabikowska, A. (2015, September 3). Proces o handel ludźmi. Sprawcy wpadli, gdy sprzedana kobieta uciekła. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://kielce.wyborcza.pl/kielce/1,47262,18704394,proces-o-handel-ludzmi-sprawcy- wpadli-gdy-sprzedana-kobieta.html#ixzz47nxthpl5

Esbecy ochraniają budynki prokuratury wojskowej. (2013, January 29). Gazeta Polska Codziennie. Retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/16798- esbecyochraniajabudynkiprokuraturywojskowej.html#.VzChE9dyxxU

Grabek, A. (2013, August 28). Sprzedam dziecko za 20 tysięcy złotych. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1042603-Sprzedam-dziecko--za-20- tysiecy-zlotych.html

73 Homoseksualiści będą adoptowali dzieci!. (2015, June 20). Gazeta Polska Codziennie. Retrieved from http://gpcodziennie.pl/41103-homoseksualisci-beda-adoptowali- dzieci.html#.VzCiD9dyxxU

In vitro i bezprawnie. (2013). Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,87495,4802423.html

Jendroszczyk, P. (2015, May 13). Domy publiczne bez przymusu. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1200866-Domy-publiczne-bez- przymusu.html?template=restricted

Jendroszczyk, P. (2013, May 29). Prostytucja problemem w Niemczech. Rzceczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1014413-Prostytucja-problemem-w- Niemczech.html

Klimowicz, J. (2013, March 13). Precedensowy proces o handel ludźmi. Para "kupiła" od obywateli Rumunii dziecko, które rodzice chcieli porzucić. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,13550775,Precedensowy_proces_o_handel_ludzmi__Para__k upila_.html#ixzz47nwqek5t

Kapt. (2015, June 27). Rzecznik interweniuje ws. dzieci zmuszanych do żebractwa. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/Rodzina/306279900-Rzecznik- interweniuje-ws-dzieci-zmuszanych-do-zebractwa.html#ap-1

Klimowicz, J. and Medek, J. (2013, July 12). Próba kupna dziecka to nie handel ludźmi. Prawomocny wyrok. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://bialystok.wyborcza.pl/bialystok/1,35235,14266109,Proba_kupna_dziecka_to_nie_ handel_ludzmi__Prawomocny.html#ixzz47nzdmKhv

Kozłowska, A. (2014, October 28). Gang tatuował kobiety. Prokuratura zaskakuje: To nie handel ludźmi. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://trojmiasto.wyborcza.pl/trojmiasto/1,35612,16873912,Gang_tatuowal_kobie ty__Prokuratura_zaskakuje__To_nie.html#ixzz47nyrpbV4

Kozieł, H. (2014, November 18). Blisko 72 tys. niewolników w Polsce. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1158149-Blisko-72-tys--niewolnikow-w- Polsce.html

Kowalczyk, M. (2013, March 15). KGP: najczęstszą formą handlu ludźmi - cele seksualne. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1186195-KGP-- najczestsza-forma-handlu-ludzmi---cele-seksualne.html

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Kruczkowska, M. (2015, October 30). Korea Północna handluje ludźmi. Reżim Kima czerpie z tego coraz większe zyski. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75399,19113100,korea-polnocna-handluje-ludzmi-rezim-kima- czerpie-z-tego-coraz.html#ixzz47oFo2tHH

Libich, A. (2015, July 8). Sprawa handlu ludźmi: Robert P. przetrzymywał ludzi, ale nie chce iść do więzienia. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://opole.wyborcza.pl/opole/1,35114,18324043,sprawa-handlu-ludzmi-robert-p- przetrzymywal-ludzi-ale-nie.html#ixzz47o2Kr4DY

Lipczak, A. (2013, February 19). W imię córki. Niezłomna matka poszukuje swojego dziecka uprowadzonego przez handlarzy ludźmi. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/energiakobiet/1,118219,13366486,W_imie_corki__Niezlomna_ matka_poszukuje_swojego_dziecka.html

Libich, A. (2015, May 19). Wyroki za handel ludźmi. Proponowali pracę, zmuszali do kradzieży w Szwecji. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://opole.wyborcza.pl/opole/1,35114,17946156,Wyroki_za_handel_ludzmi__Propono wali_prace__zmuszali.html#ixzz47o3SNFaN

Look., PAP. (2014, September 24). Akcja Europolu w całej Unii Europejskiej. Największa operacja w historii służby. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,16696940,Akcja_Europolu_w_calej_Unii_Europejskiej__Naj wieksza.html#ixzz47o4kTDGs

Łomanowski, A. (2015, September 30). Z Syrii do Europy przez Rosję. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/Uchodzcy/309309755-Z-Syrii-do-Europy-przez- Rosje.html?template=restricted

Luna. (2015, May 6). Była gwałcona setki razy, zakażona wirusem HIV. Jej los mogą podzielić setki tysięcy nepalskich kobiet. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75399,17871913,Byla_gwalcona_setki_razy__zakazona_wirusem_ HIV__Jej.html#ixzz47oF0M1x5

Malinowski, P. (2015, December 3). Duńczycy nie chcą więcej UE. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/Unia-Europejska/151209739-Dunczycy-nie-chca- wiecej-UE.html

Malinowski, P. (2015, June 24). Pis: projekt o in vitro narusza konstytucję. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1210908-PiS--projekt-o-in- vitro-narusza-konstytucje.html#ap-1

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Malinowski, P. (2013, May 31). Wzrasta problem handlu ludźmi w Europie. UE wprowadza nowe metody walki. Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1014997-Wzrasta-problem-handlu-ludzmi-w-Europie-- UE-wprowadza-nowe-metody-walki.html#ap-1

Michalak, A. (2014, September 24). Rzeczpospolita. Retrieved from http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1143781-Szesc-osob-zatrzymala-polska-policja-w-ramach- koordynowanej-przez-Europol-operacji--Archimedes-.html mih., PAP. (2014, October 11). Coraz więcej Polaków za granicą zmuszanych do pracy i wyłudzania pomocy społecznej. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,16786667,Coraz_wiecej_Polakow_za_granica_zmuszanych_ do_pracy.html#ixzz47o5MHAHM

Mróz, K. (2014, September 4). Kolejny sezon serialu "Na krawędzi". Kobiety gliny i handel ludźmi. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75410,16535029,Kolejny_sezon_serialu__Na_krawedzi___Kobiety _gliny.html#ixzz47o1zAA5k

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PAP. (2014, November 24). ONZ. Rośnie handel dziećmi na świecie. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,91446,17018297,ONZ__Rosnie_handel_dziecmi_na_swiecie.ht ml

PAP. (2014, November 2). W Europie co roku znikają tysiące dzieci-imigrantów. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from

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PAP. (2013, July 15). Zapadł wyrok w sprawie handlu ludźmi i prostytucji. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://krakow.wyborcza.pl/krakow/1,44425,14279015,Zapadl_wyrok_w_sprawie_handlu _ludzmi_i_prostytucji.html#ixzz47o0OVSjc

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Rostkowska, A. (2014, November 19). Na świecie żyje 35,8 mln niewolników. Prawie 72 tys. w Polsce. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,16996933,Na_swiecie_zyje_35_8_mln_niewolnikow__Prawi e_72_tys_.html#ixzz47oRii8Po

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Urzędowska, M. (2013, December 12). "Mam 12 lat, razem z bratem mieszkam w obozie tortur.” Tysiące osób giną w raju dla turystów z Zachodu. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,15123120,_Mam_12_lat__razem_z_bratem_mieszkam_w_ob ozie_tortur__.html#ixzz47oDoe2Au

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Wilgocki, M. (2015, July 8). Gazeta Wyborcza. In vitro w Senacie. Były senator PO zapowiada 48 poprawek do ustawy. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/1,75398,18320644,in-vitro-w-senacie-byly-senator-po-zapowiada-48- poprawek-do.html

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