The fall of apartheid . . . swept away the home in which white South Africans thought they dwelt. The resulting existential home- lessness, a product of the artificial, distorted dwell- ing born out of the colonial endeavor . . . is a strongly motivating factor for many South Africans who leave the country. The Politics of Dwelling: Being White / Being South African Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky

This paper explores the incongruence between white South Africans’ pre- and postapartheid experiences of home and identity, of which a wave of emigration is arguably a result. Among the commonest reasons given for emigrating are crime and affirmative action; however, this paper uncovers a deeper motivation for emigration using Charles Taylor’s concept of the social imaginary and Martin Heidegger’s concept of dwell- ing. The skewed social imaginary maintained by apartheid created an unrealistic sense of dwelling for most white South Africans. After 1994, the conditions supporting this imagi- nary disintegrated. Many white South Africans feel so strong a sense of unease they can no longer dwell in the country. Many try to escape through emigration, but carry unresolved questions of identity and belonging to their new “homes.”

We have all become experts on the past, here in the New South Africa. Among all that is new here, the past is the newest thing yet. The Persistence of Memory (Eprile 2004:272)

Introduction1

Consider a small personal anecdote: one day in South Africa in the late 1990s, a group of white work colleagues were having a tea break. One woman was vigorously complaining about a recent experience of having to visit the Home Affairs office in the center of Pretoria—the noise, the dirt, the inefficiency. “Really,” she said, “you’d think we were in Africa!” Our paper contextualizes this statement by examining the politics of dwelling in pre- and postapartheid South Africa, presenting a brief philo- sophical exploration of ideas from Charles Taylor and Martin Heidegger that contribute toward explaining the incongruence between many white South Africans’ experiences of home and identity. The high rate of emigration of white South Africans, which according to a report by the South African

3 and 2 as a racial and political constructand political a racial as of whiteness ne: A Brief History of “Whiteness” in South Africa “Whiteness” ne: A Brief History of Of necessity, our approach is general and sweeping; the full histori- is general and sweeping; the full our approach Of necessity, vided into either black (African) or colored (of mixed descent) categories, coloreds were distinguished from two further subgroups, Indians and Asians. significant politically and practically as nearly not were subcategories These as the primary distinction between white and non-white. Whiteness was the talisman that granted access to privilege and power. every South African to either the “white” or the “non-white” category, based every “white” or the “non-white” category, South African to either the A person could not be consid- on appearance, descent, or social acceptance. was non-white. Beyond the primaryered white if one of his or her parents white/black distinction, the drive to absolute classification struggled with the boisterous reality of human interrelationship; non-whites were subdi- The historyThe a storyas told is often Africa South of this but colors, in two story the shades of the real world. The rather simplifies and exaggerates apartheid racial classification, though as a system desired unambiguous drawn from widely varyingcolonial society South Africa had a population center of its classification system, racial backgrounds. As the cultural and apartheidinstitutionalized enough relevant and representative points to trace a broad patternenough relevant and representative points in the lives of white South Africans born in the shadow of apartheid. Section O mechanical perfection. Registration Act of 1950 assigned The Population and uses these notions to explore why so many white South Africans now Africans South white many so why explore to notions these uses and and homeless in the countryfeel disconnected from of their birth. Africa cannot be explained in detail cal and political complexities of South South Africans focuses on one facet here. Also, our exploration of white brushesof identity—race—and in the process over other identity strands, which contribute to making and ethnicity, sexuality, such as class, gender, to draw out hope, however, We sense of self (Distiller 2004:6). up a person’s belonging for white South Africans by exploring one aftereffect of this politi- South Africans by exploring one aftereffect belonging for white three explains of white South Africans. Section cal system, the emigration dwelling, of concept imaginary Heidegger’s and social the of concept Taylor’s most startling evidences of this incongruence. We explore why many whites why many whites explore most startling of this incongruence. evidences We South white and being choose between being they have to seem to think section its proper context, is understood in that the argument African. So history sketches relevant aspects of the one of this paper briefly and society nationalism on the emergence of Afrikaner of South Africa, concentrating the system of apartheid.and one of its effects, section explains the This categoryambiguity of the “white” in apartheid racial classification. Section between pre- and postapartheidthe disconnection the scale of two describes Institute on Race Relations is equivalent to that caused by “widespread dis- by “widespread that caused to is equivalent Relations on Race Institute 2009), and (Johnson large-scale civil conflict” natural disasters or ease, mass the are arguably among African diaspora, growing white South the rapidly

africa today 56(4) 24 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 25 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky As the name suggests, 5 had established republics; The National Party appealed to deep-seated colonial 6 Its overriding self-determination aim was absolute national 4 This history brand of fervent gave rise to a unique nationalism, cen- Afrikaners are white South Africans who speak Afrikaans, a creole Afrikaners are white South Africans In reality, the uniform the category a racial Africa was in South “white” of In reality, Afrikaners, unlike many of the English settlers, saw themselves as settled Afrikaners, unlike many of the English settlers, saw themselves as settled in Africa, with no motherland to return became to. Afrikaner nationalism defeat of the pro-British with the the 1948 election reality in a political United Party by the National Party, running on a dual platformUnited Party of race-based by the National Party, 1998:307–308; Giliomee apartheid and Afrikaner nationalism (De Villiers and Mbenga 2007:310). racism and the Afrikaner quest for identity. , which gradually developed as the twentieth cen- , which gradually developed as the twentieth tered on the Afrikaner Volk tury progressed. for an Afrikaner state on the southern tip of Africa. prompting an Afrikaner migration to the interior (known as The Great Trek); interior (known as The Great Trek); prompting an Afrikaner migration to the and then gold were discovered in again in the late 1860s, when diamonds Afrikaners where the northeast of the country, and finally in the two bitter Anglo-Boer wars, in which the British used British the which in wars, Anglo-Boer bitter two the in finally and concentration camps and a scorched-earth policy to capture, subjugate, and starve the Afrikaners into surrender in 1902. Even in 1910, when Afrikaner- led parties election to rule won the (whites-only) the new Union of South Empire. Africa, it was as a dominion of the British other European settlers who came to South Africa from the mid-seventeenthother European settlers who came to South century or political freedom. The uncom- on, many in search of religious promising desire for self-determination that powered the rise of Afrikaner development can be traced to these nationalism and the idea of separate repeated subjugations by the roots, as well as to the fledgling Afrikaners’ British. This first subjugation occurred when the Cape was seized from the Dutch in 1795; again when slavery was abolished there in the late 1830s, Dutch language. They are descended from Dutch, German,Dutch language. They are descended French, and and has a definite degree of emic reality. The concealing of the linguistic and The concealing of the degree of emic reality. and has a definite since it is this between English and Afrikaner is ironic, cultural distinction led to the establishment of apartheiddivide that arguably in the first place. construct. or cultural of language, religion, varied differences None of the classi- reflected in this population was among the white heritage found who by Europeans, tendency in colonization This is a common fication. identity a common and conquered, developing as they expanded “whitened themselves” defined they which against foil main the as Africans using by felt distinction it whitewashes the strongly particular, (Steyn 2001b:5). In who make and English-speaking white South Africans, between Afrikaans- As we argue in and 40 percent of the white population. up respectively 60 formedAfricans white South the community under de facto a below, detail conditions created by apartheid.political and social Community is a con- tested term; people sharing some a community is a group of in this paper, on a political con- sense is based and identity—which sense of common life structoverridingthe had this case in (which whiteness) privileging aim of So what made a white South African was not so So what made a white South African 7 These policies and their effects earned worldwide notoriety. Legis- earnedeffects their and policies These notoriety. worldwide As we discuss more in section three, apartheidAs we discuss more in section three, created a world that We are not arguing for a white ethnicity; rather, that such a con- that such for a white ethnicity; rather, are not arguing We Practically, it was “whiteness” that became the access to privileged- access to the that became it was “whiteness” Practically, structedoperated powerfully idea social consciousness during in the white apartheid. diverse, consisting English-speaking group was culturally The smaller, of other, only of British immigrants, but also of descendents not as Germans,social groups, such Portuguese, and Greeks. And, as pointed descended from Schiff, Afrikaners themselves are out by Goodwin and much cultural or historical affiliation as membership in a politicized racial much cultural or historical affiliation informed of apartheid. by the policies category, of separate development, otherwise known as Grand Apartheid, by which, in the rhetoric of the government, each race in South Africa was to be returned its divinely authorized potential to its ancestral fatherland, there to fulfill in peaceful isolation. Part apartheid of the project was to reinforce not only racial differences, but also ethnic differences within the black racial group- ing, partly to help prevent unified black opposition, and partly obedience in to the philosophy of separateness. From 1970, the “black” category was subdivided into ethnic or linguistic groups, such as Xhosa and Zulu (Chris- ethnic group was assigned a homeland, black African topher 2002:3). Each a quasi-independent nation-state; in total, all ten of these homelands made land, though black South Africans made up only 13 percent of the country’s up nearly 80 percent of its population. lation prohibited miscegenation, separated racial groups geographically, racial groups geographically, lation prohibited miscegenation, separated reserved races, and created separate beaches, municipal grounds for separate Interracialfacilities. university and schools, hospitals, buses, even contact, in international sport, was frowned upon. The guiding plan was the policy of the older families include Malay and black ancestors too); the concept of of concept the too); ancestors black Malay and include families older the of ethnicity was created to servea “pure” Afrikaner the interests of growing the of diversity the Despite (1995:48). 1930s and 1920s the in nationalism the lived experience of its members social grouping we are calling white, power of artificialreflected “the material reality of the homogenisation” (Distiller 2004:6). diverse European nationalities (not to mention that the genealogies of most of most (not to mention that the genealogies diverse European nationalities seemed to confirm the econ- manipulating by of whiteness, the superiority media, and education systems. Apartheid South Africa gave whites omy, confirming“proof of the meniality of blackness, the appropriateness of It built on what colonialism their social entitlement” (Steyn 2001a:87). as defined over and against had already achieved, homogenizing whiteness the other of “blackness.” class status in apartheidin status class cultural or language of regardless Africa, South government more difficult to gain though it was far affiliation, if positions more engineering reached And as social of Afrikaans descent. one was not along the and identities practices, spaces, areas of life, it shaped and more both this paper means South African,” divide. So by “white white–black whites. English- and Afrikaans-speaking

africa today 56(4) 26 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 27 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky

8

In the early 1990s, emigration was frowned upon. Those planning to This was not immediately apparent in 1994. The transition to mul- This was not immediately apparent in Apartheid Party of the National policy the official as was abandoned changes in the behavior of white South Africans appeared—which arguably changes in the behavior of white South Africans appeared—which arguably reflected deep-seated psychological upheaval. The most startling of these was a wave of emigration. “Packing for Perth.”those as PFPs, literally known derogatively leave were As the 1990s proceeded into the twenty-first century, however, drastic drastic however, century, As the 1990s proceeded into the twenty-first Section Two: White White Reactions Section Two: after Emigration Apartheid: Adaptation, the society of the new South Africa would take, though there was widespreadthe society of the new South Africa would in which everyone,optimism that it would be a community black and peace. As the process of transformawhite, could feel at home and live in - Africans were swept into the change; tion gathered momentum, most South others with accept it, some with joy, there seemed no other option than to others with cautious optimism. resignation, some with fear, now considered themselves South African. No one could imagine what formwhat one could imagine No now considered themselves South African. tiracial democracy was largely successful and relatively free of the kind of kind of the free relatively and successful was largely democracy tiracial revolutionary and civil warfare and racial violence that often accompanies whites did not see themselves as for- a transfer of power of this nature. The they could return.European “homes” to which eigners with The Afrikaners land, and many English-speakers by regarded themselves as rooted in the apartheid’s cultural symbols and motivations, though becoming increasingly cultural symbols and motivations, apartheid’s still informed which the white community understood the ways in hollow, themselves and their world. historical research, however, shows that this was not so much political mar- shows that this was not so much political however, historical research, necessity; apartheidtyrdom as economic viable, first because was no longer of skilled labor shortages, were restricted to since education and training of inter- second because of the economic effects and the white minority, had conflict working-class and protest social domestic sanctions; national Seekings 2008:5). Though 1999; a lesser impact (Schwartzman & Taylor of apartheideconomically the fall this did not mean that was inevitable, eagerly anticipating it. The world in the white population in general was along the black/white divide, and which they lived had always been ordered in 1990, and ended formallyin 1990, and in elections, with the first democratic in 1994 by many belief long held president. The Mandela became which Nelson formulatedand Africans South CharterFreedom 1955 the in that South in of color was actualized Africans regardless to all South Africa belongs - trans political momentous this for reasons real The constitution. new a de Klerk, the last F. W. formationautobiography, In his are much debated. president of apartheid as the result of a South Africa, presents the transition few visionary Afrikaner politicians’ voluntary abandonment of apartheid in long-term(1999:xvi). Quantitative stability Africa’s the interests of South That is 9 Some give as their reason 12 The most popular destinations are Australia, New destinations most popular The 11 10 These blogs are supported by more formal sources. A 2004 report from On internetexplain their reasons for leaving, the dif- blogs, people If the numbers of émigrés are as high as these statistics indicate, then If the numbers of émigrés are as high an eightfold increase over a period of fifteen years (Statistics New Zealand an eightfold increase over a period of 2008). living in a constant state of fear; for example, “I hated being scared the whole time” (South African Expats 2009). and Development states that the Organization for Economic Co-Operation people living in New Zealand was 5655, but in 2006, it was 41,676. people living in New Zealand was 5655, institute terms “affluent and educated.” However the institute cautions that that cautions institute the However terms educated.” institute and “affluent be too small by as much as a factor of the figure estimated for the drop may four (McCarthy of white emigration can be found 2008). A telling indication the number of South-African-bornin New Zealand census statistics. In 1991, This tag became synonymous for any white South Africa regarded as too as Africa regarded South any white for synonymous tag became This the effortor too racist to make cowardly South Africa. to live in the new election. since the first in the decade has changed completely This attitude that to be in South Africa is so common emigration phenomenon Now the The of. ashamed be to something not sensible, as seen widely is “packing” South the since establish, to difficult is wave emigration the of size exact African government of emigration. Reports no longer keeps records from quoted an esti- For example, in 2005, the BBC other sources vary widely. of the number of African High Commission in London mate by the South in 2009, the BBC in Britain at 1.4 million (BBC 2008); South Africans living reported estimate by the “Global of 500,000 to 600,000 from an the figure accurate estimates (BBC 2009). Arguably more South Africans Network” official figures, African Institute of Race Relations’ are given by the South in the 1991 white population, numbering 5,068,300 which show that the and in 2007 was about 850,000 between 1996 and 2005, census, shrank by leaving are what the 4,300,000. Most of those at approximately estimated Zealand, Canada, the United States of America, and the United Kingdom. Zealand, Canada, the United States of English-speaking, and the majority of These countries are first-world and Rooyen 2000:139). their populations is white (Van and personal reflections about South ficulties of the emigration experience, homesickness and often bitternessAfrica. Many accounts are tinged with at are blatantly racist in character having to choose self-imposed exile; others trysome Africa; South new the the of deride account and neutral a give to foreign country. process of settling into a new, for leaving the firsthand experience of violent crime; for example, “Those for leaving the firsthand experience wounds to the head. Three people closest to me lost three people to gunshot three times I helped those closest murdered in hijacking or robberies and to me put their broken lives back together” (Blogcatalog 2009). Others cite affirmative action, as in, “Another reason was because of BEE [affirmative action] I was immediately at a disadvantage to getting jobs because of the fact [I] am white” (South African Expats 2009). Still others starkly describe about 20 to 25 percent of white South Africans have left their countryAfricans have left about 20 to 25 percent of white South of birth1990s. since the

africa today 56(4) 28 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 29 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky These factors certainly These factors increase in contribute to the 13 Many socioeconomic and political explanations account for the deci- the for account explanations political and socioeconomic Many language of Heidegger and This paper argues that the philosophical The idea of a social imaginary captures something of the way in which emigration, but it would be an oversimplification to assume that they are they that assume to oversimplification an be would it but emigration, political leadership, uncertain long-term economic the only reasons. Weak poor government, coming together into a and municipal operation stability, pervasive, worse” (Johnson 2007; belief that “things are getting pessimistic to a general sense of unease. Rostron 2001) all contribute to leave privileged, and well-educated professionals sion of so many white, exis- the capture necessarily not do explanations these but Africa, South because they are motivations for leaving—which, tential and philosophical and unarticulated,largely unacknowledged resolved by emigration, are not and the most reasons that are the most interesting and perhaps it is these telling. about the diaspora in meaningful philo- opens up a way of talking Taylor terms.sophical to come failure Africans’ South of white talks language This human beings construct a coherent picture of their world, so that they and imaginary, social a have always beings Human it. in sense make lives their sense. make lives our that feel to need existential deep a have we because the dynamic within a social does not explore it explicitly, Though Taylor imaginary for the people who share it is always toward coherence: we need the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations” 2004:23). (Taylor between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normallybetween them and their fellows, the expectations met, and According to Taylor, a social imaginary is something much broader and According to Taylor, may entertaindeeper “than the intellectual themes people when they think language of use the not, to It is disengaged mode.” in a social reality about politics, an intellectualized theory like “democracy” or “conservatism,” by a neutral exter- political development which can be traced in a society’s “the ways people imagine it is the political theorist: rather, nal observer, with others, how things go on their social existence, how they fit together Section Three: The Social ImaginaryThe and Dwelling Three: Section the legacy of a past that cannot be erased by emigrating. The next section next The emigrating. by be erased cannot that past of a legacy the concept of the social imaginaryMartin and Hei- discusses Charles Taylor’s concept of dwelling, and relates these notions to the reasons for and degger’s Africans. difficulties of emigration for white South to terms forces that shaped their identity and to recognize with the historical the most common “official” reasons given for leaving are crime and affir- and are crime for leaving given reasons “official” common the most (McCarthymative action highest rates of has one of the 2008). South Africa most the BBC as by the been described has and the world, in crime violent crime countrydangerous Violent at war (BBC 2002). world that is not in the is a particularly if they have for people to leave tragic motivator real and to do so. the means For the 14 because one is trulyone at home in This is true of all human migrations; however, the search for dwelling This is true of all human migrations; however, Dwelling, though connected inseparably with the land, is thus not Dwelling, though connected inseparably A similar attempt to explore how human individuals interrelateA similar attempt to with ” (Young 2002:101). To dwell is to live authentically, fully, and fully, is to live authentically, dwell 2002:101). To place” (Young later Heidegger, to dwell is to be authentic, faithful to the given ontological later Heidegger, it. One experi- peaceful within world, and therefore of one’s circumstances ences what Heidegger calls homeliness other places. This is why it is less at home in place—and thus, inevitably, The move is move to another. dwelling place and so difficult to leave one’s One has to site for another. much more than just leaving one geographical learn“earth,”other on “dwell” to “mortals,”different with under another writes, emigration “sky” and to learn the nature of other “gods.” As Young is often a slow and difficult process, for it entails and demands a change in a personality shaped by the place from which one has come personality, (2002:102). is particularly One Africans. of white South in the case difficult and complex imaginarysocial the of nature the is difficulty this explain to grew way that fourfold—made up of sky, earth, mortals, and divinities. Young unpacks this earth, mortals, and divinities. Young fourfold—made up of sky, idea by considering the fourfold the local world of the dweller (i.e., a local as that is near to one). dwelling place is somewhere fourfold, for one’s evocation of a tangible relationship with the earthevocation of a tangible which one lives, but upon even living, and more more than just Dwelling is much further. it extends on the land one happened to be bornthan simply living on. It means relating dwell is to be cared for in place. To to that land as a homeland, a dwelling things of the dwelling place (Young the dwelling-place, and to care for the to remain words, “to be set at peace . . . 2002:64). Dwelling is, in Heidegger’s safeguards each thing in its nature” at peace within the . . . free sphere that Martin by defined sense the in home a is place dwelling A (2001:147–148). congruentand Mohanty—of a place that feels culturally and supportive of a protected, and homogenous identity” (1987). “secure, safe, familiar, just a relation to a particular of physical space, but “an intercon- region features which add up to the notion nected complex of natural and cultural of meaningfully within the interrelational space of what Heidegger calls the incoherent. Also, from an etic point of view, a society’s imaginary can appear a society’s point of view, Also, from an etic incoherent. apartheid imaginary observers.anachronistic to outside Thus, South Africa’s mores that began egalitarian with the emancipatory, was profoundly at odds War—so, World after the Second strongly in the West to emerge ever more observers, the apartheidto Western imaginary and was deeply incoherent anachronistic. work developed who in his later of Martintheir societies is that Heidegger, is rooted in the sense, dwelling In Heidegger’s the concept of “dwelling.” to live in a world that makes sense. For some people in a given society, the society, in a given people For some sense. that makes in a world to live of the imaginarypractices, and assumptions symbols, smoothly, fit together expectations, some of the images, If, however, coherent. and are satisfyingly that with those of the imaginary, world clash and norms of an individual’s of the imaginaryexperience emic and fractured, be anxious, will person’s

africa today 56(4) 30 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 31 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky 17 This condition can be 16 The result was that after the adjustments brought The result was that after the adjustments 15 When South Africa transformed politically, literally overnight, literally into transformedWhen South Africa politically, Taylor’s characterization of a social imaginary com- has three basic Taylor’s de Klerk, the president A passage from the autobiography of F. W. explored by delineating some of the components of their social imaginary. explored by delineating some of the components about by the 1994 elections, white South Africans found themselves in a about by the 1994 elections, white South home- and existentially angst-ridden condition perhaps best described as own land. less, for they were now strangers in their late 1980s, yet even in 1994 the deeper levels of the imaginary, the ingrained levels of the imaginary, late 1980s, yet even in 1994 the deeper social practices nurtured by apartheid structures were largely untouched by these developments. changes over time, and though the mounting pressure of resistance to it fromchanges over time, and though the mounting countryinside and outside the underminingwas authority by the its political nation, and second, discuss white South Africans’ ability or inability to dwell ability or inability South Africans’ second, discuss white nation, and imaginary is that a social The basic argument in South Africa. informs the imaginarysocial the and dwells, one which in way apartheidby created was a political construct, based on normative assumptions that presupposed a most perverse and extreme form on a social scale. The apartheid of eugenics social imaginary and blacks, from an was real and coherent for many whites - was anachro it observers,outside for however, etically, perspective; emic flawed, was built however On the social imaginary, nistic and incoherent. an artificial in every of dwelling, which favored whites sense respect and did not truly South African society at all. reflect found white South Africans nonracial democracy, a plural, theoretically world. Their old social imaginarythemselves in a new was exposed as a construct,deeply embedded, immoral at odds with the new fundamentally to adapt, to develop a new social South Africa. This reality required them imaginarysocial The the at ourselves imagine we way the is imaginary. judgments so deeply ingrained in us, most profound level, the values and not even know we have them that we do both individually and as a society, and cannot consciously articulate them. They cannot be changed easily apartheidThough subtle undergo did and monolithic not was quickly. or up among whites in apartheid whites up among imaginary social this Unpacking South Africa. that white conception a sense of the historical things: first, give will do two particularlySouth Africans, of their history Afrikaners, have as a people and ponents. First, it is an “imaginary”: it consists in the way ordinary people surroundings.social their and themselves imagine not is it people, most For expressed in theoretical terms, but carried in images, stories, and legends. in society,” whole the not if people, of groups large by “shared is it Second, be the “possession of a small minor- which tends to contrast with theory, Third, it “is that common understanding that makes possible common ity.” 2004:43). practices and a widely shared sense of legitimacy” (Taylor of South Africa who removed the ban on the ANC and began the process illustrates the first of these characteristics. that brought Mandela to power, The passage captures the essence of the social imaginary that formed Afri- kaner identity and explains the motivation for “separate development,” the cornerstone of apartheid: the ideal to which I myself had clung until I finally concluded, had clung until I finally concluded, the ideal to which I myself of deep introspection, that, if pursued, after a long process the peoples of our country—to all disaster would bring it including my own. (De Klerk 2004: xviii–xix) dreamt of being a free and separate people, with their own rightdreamt of being a free to national self-determination state in in their own national southern the Africa, had been the dream that had motivated sternlyancestors who stared family pho- at me from our old who the central goal of my own father, tographs. It had been during the 1950s and 60s. It was had been cabinet minister Voortrekkers—pioneers in Afrikaans—who had opened up had opened up Afrikaans—who in Voortrekkers—pioneers muskets their flint-lock with South Africa of the interior bas-reliefs The marble of lumbering ox wagons. and trains that adorned testimony to the walls bore silent its interior to establish in their quest that they had suffered tribulations in the interior of the sub-continent. their own free republics in the murals were the heroes of whose The people depicted knee. The dream that they had deeds I learned at my mother’s My people . My people . . [a] monument . erected . . to the Afrikaner The narratives were made more powerful of Afrikaner nationalism by with the frontier life of the Voortrekkers, leading Afrikaners to identify with with the frontier life of the Voortrekkers, did not understand them- the biblical Israelites. Though the Voortrekkers selves in these terms, descendents in the 1920s and 1930s pressed the their parallel into the servicescriptural (De and cultural nationalism of political cul- stability, of sense a foster help to 1983:951) Toit Du 1998:270; Villiers tural pride, and ethnic identity (Giliomee and Mbenga 2007:289–290). The chosen people in the desert became a metaphor through wandering of God’s which the Afrikaners could express their identity and articulate their sense of the world. “Home,” instead of lying somewhere behind, as it did for other colonizers, like the British, was for Afrikaners always somewhere ahead (M. Ridge in Steyn 2001b:29), waiting to be achieved, the “ideal” that De Klerk admits he “clung” to for as long as possible. great symbolic buildings like the Voortrekker monument, which, even today, monument, which, even today, great symbolic buildings like the Voortrekker servestowers on the skyline of Pretoria and as a reminder of this destiny to all who gaze upon it. Calvin- forman attenuated religion, with a strong link Old Testament of Protestant theology interacted ism, heavily racialized (Steyn 2001b:28–29). This passage shows the first characteristic of the social imaginary:This passage shows the first characteristic it conveys the self-mythologizing that informsan evocative and romantic account of passed down from mother De Klerk hears these as stories Afrikaner identity. to child. Historical figures are transformed into the heroes of tragic legend, symbolizing a history and suffering triumphantly overcome, of tribulation of the Afrikaner to eventually aspire which justifies a belief in the destiny to “national self-determination.” This mythology is given concrete form in

africa today 56(4) 32 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 33 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky

18 This reveals one of the major incoherencies of the apartheidThis reveals one of social English-speaking South Africans fell into the apartheid the into thefell Africans all mind-set South English-speaking This mythology was particularlymythology This argue above, as we but, Afrikaans, characteristic of Western colonial populations, was constant subliminal fear colonial populations, was constant subliminal characteristic of Western overwhelmed;being of by Africa South in outnumbered vastly were whites social imaginarythe indigenous population, making the a “bulwark against what at some level was sensed to be the inevitable” (Steyn 2001b:25). the master narrative of whiteness” (Steyn 2001b:24). Another unifying factor, the master narrative (Steyn 2001b:24). Another unifying factor, of whiteness” the role of the whites in bringing civilization to the natives; these ideas were were ideas these natives; the to civilization bringing in whites the of role the particularly part colonial heritage (Steyn 2001b:31). Together, of the British formedthe Afrikaners and English-speaking whites “a small group of people shaped by the general contours of whose self-image and expectations were escaping the guilt of being the primary architects of this system. The more easily because of their own history as a white colonialist society. apartheid social imaginarydrew on the broader colonial discourse. As Steyn argues, “Apartheid if extreme, interpretation of the trope of was a logical, modern expression of impe- whiteness” (2001b:xxxi), “the fullest Western the imaginary logic” (2001b:24). Also feeding into therefore were rialism’s and widespread ideas such as the importance of maintaining racial purity, surably from their privileged white status under apartheidsurably from their privileged white status regulations, while of the British, yet the political reality of apartheidof the British, yet incorporated English speakers into the white rulingclass. The Afrikaner apartheid economic system benefited from the powerful English-owned industries, such as the Afrikaners’ having to admit any debt gold and diamond mines, without the whites profited immea- to the hated British. Similarly the English-speaking imaginary. Apartheid self-determination was forged in the Afrikaner’s hatred Apartheid self-determination forged in the Afrikaner’s was imaginary. privileged whiteness. The second of the characteristics of a social imaginary, a social imaginary, The second of the characteristics of privileged whiteness. Most that it is shared by a large portion is of a society. according to Taylor, imaginary as well as whites—shared the social South Africans—blacks of apartheid.of bitter success the was privilege. This white Constructing a self the blacks were part and so the imaginary, of the social requires an Other, The meaning. its whiteness gave who Others, delegitimized disempowered, formedwhite community the social imaginary a group united by of white privilege, one pervasively Afrikaner nationalism. colored by the “dream” of white South Africans, under apartheid, formed a de facto community, defined Africans, under apartheid,white South formed facto community, a de did white South Africans English-speaking Even though by its whiteness. this particular or share of themselves as Afrikaners, not think mythologiz - apartheid,under whiteness their past, Afrikaner the of ing resulted which that in the racist discourses to their sharing mythologizing, led from this Since only whites could vote in elections, and from 1948 on these elections Since only whites could vote in elections, and from 1948 on these elections the imaginaryin the political and implicit Party, by the National were won politi- the into legislated thus was Nationalists the of manifesto ideological cal system that informed increas- the lives of all South Africans. In a world arranged around the ingly shaped in conformity with this social imaginary, polarities of “white” and “black,” other differences tended to fade, as people In another telling example, Nelson Mandela, in his autobiography, Mandela, in his autobiography, In another telling example, Nelson imaginaryThese examples show how the social makes ordinary indi- The third characteristic of the social imaginary, that its collective collective its that imaginary, social the of characteristic third The common understanding makes possible common practices and a widely a widely practices and possible common understanding makes common is born this divide. In apartheid out of South of legitimacy, shared sense their legitimating narrativesAfrica, practices and rooted in the imaginary were particularly by the legalized and strong, perpetuated and maintained narrative,enforced master–slave which informed every aspect of life. The reinforcing. Laws world it shaped were mutually ideology and the material could one bench or use could one toilet designated racially which declared get, and where and sleep with, what job one could sit on, whom one could imaginarythe level, a deeper at But property. buy one could not or whether legitimated certain legally enforced but common practices that were not A paradigm case practiced by both blacks and whites. widely accepted and to work in the who left her family and children is the black housemaid with her in She could not bring her family to live home of a white family. legally blacks could not own houses the suburb where she worked, because outside room, so as to be available, there. So she usually lived in a tiny chil- week, to clean the house and look after the a days sometimes seven practices, below the level of but other dren. This segregation began in law, reinforced legal strictures. In many legislation, became involved with and ensure that the maid used only her houses, great lengths were taken to she ate in a separate environment, that and cutlery, own toilet, crockery, and her eyes lowered. She was often and that she kept her head covered her African one was too trouble- called by a generic white name because master (baas) and madam. It some to pronounce. She called her employers of their black blindness to the personhood is an ironic reflection of white Others that such maids would often be referredOthers that such maids would often be to by their white employers as “one of the family.” identified with either the master minority or the slave majority. As institu - As majority. or the slave minority master either the with identified stepping solidified, communities racial different the of separation tionalized more difficult. became more and divide imaginatively across the recounts the story of how, when he was a clerk working at a lawyer’s firm a clerk working at a lawyer’s when he was recounts the story of how, of inviting him to take tea with in Johannesburg, a great show was made that “the color bar” did not exist in the white secretaries, to demonstrate the firm. assigned his own cup, specially bought for him, He was carefully 1995:83). which no one else would use (Mandela as “good people,” capable of unjust, viduals, who definitely see themselves a myriad of day-to-day choices, Whites, through discriminatory behavior. perpetuated their preferential status (Steyn 2001a:88–89). The nature of a social imaginary is to remain latent, unexamined; if circumstances do bring its patterns difficult to conscious examination, it is extraordinarily Of course individu- to see past them and imagine the world any differently. als always adapt and resist the imaginary to various degrees; liberals, both and new ways, various it in resist to tried English-speaking, and Afrikaans arrivalsapartheidto and Portuguese British many the as Africa, such South

africa today 56(4) 34 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 35 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky . It was the refuge the was It theirs. Heidegger insists that true dwelling 19 First, the imaginary supported by apartheid was incoherent, partial, This belief can be read as partThis belief can be read of an effort real dwelling, but the to find The social imaginaryThe social under apartheid white South Africa of was never This example points to the central argument, about why it has becomeThis example points to the central argument, is dwelling that gives equal measure to each of the elements of the fourfold,the of elements the of each to measure equal gives that dwelling is which the incoherent colonial narrative does not. (1948), the civil-rights movement (1960s), and the continuing struggle for rights, South Africa clung desperately to its anachronistic program women’s of systematic segregation and disenfranchisement. As Derrida famously put “last word,” since “at a time when all racisms on it, apartheid was racism’s face that the the face of the earth were condemned, it was in the world’s genders and races, for example in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Rights Human of Declaration Universal the in example for races, and genders and based on racial separation and the systematic oppression and effective and based on racial separation and the economic enslavement of the majority of the population. When trends in moving toward emancipation and equality of all world were the Western Africa, namely crime and affirmative action. But the deeper issue is arguably of thethat they are unable to dwell there, first because of the extreme nature white South African social imaginary and the world which formed it, and imaginary. second because of the strength of that difficult for white South Africans to dwell in South Africa—or anywhere elsedifficult for white South Africans to dwell White South Africans may be leaving because in the world, for that matter. of surfaceimmediate context of their lives in South issues that affect the into which they poured all their battered hopes” (1989:90). into which they poured inherent in the social imaginary. relationship with the land reveals a flaw landscape writing, says “in the J. M. Coetzee, writing about South African he in the echoes he listens for, words [the poet] throws out to the landscape, with Africa, that will allow is seeking a dialogue with Africa, a reciprocity poet, in poet speaks to the land, not to its indigenous inhabitants. The zee’s terms, is trying earth, to find dwelling on this new Heidegger’s to meet its effortgods and make peace with them, but the is doomed to failure because it excludes the mortals of this realm. him an identity better than that of visitor, stranger, transient” (1988:8). Coet­ transient” stranger, him an identity better than that of visitor, early Afrikaner settlers and in the reappropriated settler culture of National- and in the reappropriated settler culture early Afrikaner settlers land. I can still feelhazardous land it was. But it was their ist propaganda: “A northThe it. loved they way the bones, my in it was which meant that the land was there for the taking, is a characteristic feature land was there for the taking, is a characteristic which meant that the African social imaginaryof the white South in historiography as it appears the land evoked in captures the depth of feeling Villiers and literature. De - shows that this idea of the land as originally uninhab there before. Giliomee conception, This (2003:279). 1913 and 1870s the between root took first ited tenable, because it was a narrativetenable, because justification. deeply prejudiced built on lack of etic authenticity. from a fundamental biases, it suffered Based on - Voortrek he speaks of the suggests this, when De Klerk passage Again, the one had even been the center of the continent, as if no kers “opening up” who immigrated in the 1970s (SouthAfrica.info 2008), had to adapt to it. to it. adapt had to 2008), (SouthAfrica.info 1970s the in immigrated who by it. escape untouched none could However, South Africa wanted ” (1985:291). What this system created system this What (1985:291). ” A similar reaction is a move to the Western Western the move to a is reaction similar A 20 Despite the sterility at its core, the apartheidDespite the sterility imaginary was accepted If white South Africans are to dwell authentically in South Africa now, in South Africa now, If white South Africans are to dwell authentically racism. Rising crime and violence, and reports and cor- violence, and and crime Rising maladministration of racism. ruption, seem to confirm old racist attitudes about “them”; for these whites, the confirmation [retain] of their expectations makes “the world at least (Steyn familiarity” psychological and coherence logical of vestiges some 2001b:99). The task of adaptation reveals the real underlying cultural differ- ences between Afrikaans and English-speaking whites—differences that the changes brought about by the new The privileges of apartheid covered over. South Africa do not, relatively speaking, seem to require English-speakers to reconstruct their sense of their white “self.” In contrast, the strong link that Afrikaner Nationalism drew between Afrikaner cultural identity and they will have to admit that the Nationalist gods were idols, and evolve a they will have to admit that the Nationalist is requires this adaptation the That fourfold,new imaginary. social a new of evolving phenomena in South extremely difficult is clear from a number where adaptation to postapartheid society is shirked, rather Africa today, is “semigration,” moving into a than embraced. One such phenomenon surrounded“security village,” where houses are not by high walls, but are a golf course), enclosed in a high set in idyllic green lanes (usually around security booms, armedelectric perimeter fence, complete with guards, and of citizenship, because restricted access. Semigration is a semirelinquishing real the in live longer no effect in villages security these of inhabitants the Africa (Ballard 2004:52). South the opening anecdote so unthinkingly reveals, apartheidthe opening anecdote inhabitants and soil without acknowledging its other to occupy African there too. The apartheidtheir claims to dwell government cleared the land patterned“black spots,” of memo- and names Afrikaans with towns it with imaginary;social the thereby entrenching battles, to Anglo-Boer War rials these territorial marks signposted a dwelling place that could be however, maintained only at the cost of enormous inhuman effort. The land has other risen to reclaim their birthright.names, and older gods, which have now National partyNational each race of development the separate ‘for to campaign dared it’ to assigned zone geographic the in distortedwas a severely true which was not attempt at dwelling, dwelling apartheid on racial prejudice, at all. Based evil. was an ethic of ontological one does cannot happen if authentic dwelling) (in this sense, dwelling True One age in which one lives. the realities of the and respect not acknowledge practices and life community’s trulycannot one’s of aspects various if dwell living is of one’s be fully human if the foundation collide, and one cannot humanity. the denial of another’s everyonenearly by as enforced effectively as and legalized it was because an imaginaryreality can be. Also, for enshrined into a political and legal under apartheid,whites, life was good part. for the most Material comfort As the speaker in prevailing conditions inconvenient. made questioning the Cape (particularly Cape Town), which is run by the (predominantly white) Cape (particularly Cape Town), response is increased or reinforced Democratic Alliance. Another type of

africa today 56(4) 36 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 37 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky How 21 is what the apartheid social imaginary continues to deny many Therein may lie the reason why white South Africans struggle why white South lie the reason Therein may to can one dwell in a place that is no longer home? But the crowning irony is can one dwell in a place that is no longer that a home or ex-British colonies, in search of of these émigrés. They move to Britain South Africa, trustinga material lifestyle similar to that in that they will assuming fellowship with feel at home there, perhaps even subconsciously simply because they too are the Canadians, Australians, or New Zealanders are supranational, a legacy of white. Some features of white racialization resulted in the dispersal of an ever-increasing portion of the Afrikaner people, people, portion Afrikaner the of ever-increasing an of dispersal the in resulted identity are more supported, where “the parameters of [a] white world view remain more intact” (Steyn 2001a:91–92). But because South African white- is still often ness, in its unexamined assumption of privilege particularly, - many South African immi inextricably based on the apartheid imaginary, grants find truly dwelling in their new homes difficult. The greatest failure, one of the still developing tragedies of apartheid, is perhaps the fact that the Nationalists’ attempt to carve out the Afrikaner utopia they dreamed of has colonization, so whites can emigrate to countries where some partscolonization, so whites can emigrate to of white South African homelessness. Though white South Africans under apartSouth African homelessness. Though - because in “Africa,” did not live continent, they on the African heid lived “Africa” signified for them everything that is “other” to what the system of apartheid fall of apartheid wanted to create. The has swept away the home they dwelt. The resulting existen- in which white South Africans thought artificial,the product of a homelessness, tial distorted born dwelling of out apartheid,under peak its reaching and endeavor colonial the strongly a is who leave the country. motivating factor for many South Africans Conclusion reveals the heartThe speaker in our opening anecdote unthinkingly of white adapt to the new South Africa: the strength of the old social imaginary. of the old social imaginary. the strength the new South Africa: adapt to narrative white–black The master–slave, in the South became so engrained peaceful and relatively after the successful that even Africa consciousness, Ramphele judges the strong. Mamphela it is still to democracy, transition complexes on the legacy of inferiority and superiority need to confront “the part important white South Africans” as the most of black and of the shifts to develop a shared have to happen if South Africans are in perspective that countrythe of vision - Afri South white Among (2001:69–70). future its and ways: some feel make this shift shows itself in varied cans, the failure to disempowerment relative by their outraged - of political representa lack and still others angrily from undiagnosed “white guilt,” and tion, others suffer that they All these reactions reveal racial superiority. cling to notions of are still trying their social imaginary, to dwell in a place that no longer fits home. which is no longer apartheid to undertake are having Afrikaners means that politics “exacting reconstructions” Afrikanerness of their (Steyn 2001b:83). - frica . S. Malan outh A uckland, Prof. Ernst uckland, Prof. ffairs was responsible for responsible was ffairs frikaner F leader frican ethnicity, and a colored and a colored fricanethnicity, frica: 1991, 5655; 1996, 11,334; outh A frica, independent from Britain, formed “on the “on Britain, formed frica, from independent s early as 1904, Cape A s early as 1904, Cape ealand 2006). oung of the University of A oung of the University frica has never been static. During the apartheid been static. frica has never Y outh A outh A tatistics New Z tatistics s frican coloreds have emigrated, arguably for the same reasons as many white white as many the same reasons for arguably emigrated, have frican coloreds fricans; however, satisfactoryof the scope discussion of this phenomenon is beyond fricans; however, outh A ebruary 1981). ederal Party, the white liberal antiapartheid liberal the white party Party, the new opposition, the ederal taken up into f course, the white population of S population the white f course, outh A or a more detailed exploration of this development, see Giliomee and Mbenga 2007, pp. pp. see Giliomee and Mbenga 2007, of this development, detailed exploration or a more or example, a white person was defined as “in appearance obviously a white person or gener a white obviously “in appearance defined as person was a white or example, - the Progres used for is the same as that this acronym that chance by t is perhaps not entirely O S this paper. 2001, 26, 061; 2006, 41,676 (S Many S Many basis of the equality of the two white sections of the population. They had to share the same the share to had They sections equalitythe of basis white two the population. of the of of 1910 (Giliomee enshrined was in the Union Constitution This privileges and obligations.” 2003:275, 277). I F sive in 1989. founded Party, Democratic giving their birthplacefor people as S figures Census F would white” “obviously a person was that determination The person.” as a white ally accepted and speech and deportment education, “his habits, demeanour [sic].” and account take into an A a member of, as or accepted of, be would person A black status. the rejection of its Commonwealth entailed became a republic—which A precedent. historical not without was This person is one that is not black or white. The DepartmentThe of Home A is not black or white. person is one that F 288ff and Giliomee 2003. twentieth-century immediate The often mind is modern-day that springs comparison to of Israel. of the state Zionism and the creation S referendum by in 1961, when connectionThe with the British finally broken was oncompliance with the race laws was dealt with harshly was laws with the race Noncompliance of the citizenry. the classification (see F South African S South a white African calling for was Using Taylor’s and Heidegger’s philosophical language gives insight language gives philosophical and Heidegger’s Using Taylor’s 9. 2. 1. 7. 8. 6. 3. 4. 5. tes olff of the University of Pretoria, and anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments comments constructive for their reviewers and anonymous Pretoria, of olff of the University knowledgment Ac No The authors gratefully acknowledge Prof. Julian Julian acknowledge Prof. authors gratefully The route out of this predicament. They do begin to outline a useful philosophical They do begin to outline of this predicament. route out inside and outside the politics of dwelling, both approach for investigating the new South Africa. with their culture and language, the victims of their ancestors’ attempt at attempt ancestors’ of their victims the and language, culture their with self-determination. Africans, South of white predicament imaginative and the existential into infallible claim to offer an insights do not and abroad. These both at home W of the paper. on earlier versions

africa today 56(4) 38 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 39 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky - - ee frica. frica. A ealand to ealand to frican gro outh A outh - Com eader’s S fricans than on eekings 2008:8. ealand residents ealand residents outh A ee S outh A owever, since many first many since owever, frikaans- English- versus frica are now determined determined now fricaare fricans. The “R The fricans. eb site is clearly to reinforce reinforce is clearly to eb site A A owever, at no earlierno in time at However, W t contains links to other blogs, blogs, other links to t contains frica was a far better place when place frica a far better was outh frikaans 12,783 in 2001 (49% was S frican who found himself a stranger himself a stranger frican who found the blog http://south frican émigrés eb site, http://www.africancrisis.co.za, http://www.africancrisis.co.za, eb site, ealand 2006). H 2006). ealand W outh A hate my government” (http:// frica. . . government” my but I hate eb site,” ensures that anything newsworthy newsworthy anything that ensures eb site,” outh A ew Z ew W Z ealand: the number of New outh A frikaans-speaking born in New Z children tatistics N tatistics frikaans well enough to hold an everyday conversation, conversation, everyday an hold to frikaans enough well frican landscape” (1988:8). frican landscape” t contains entries that refer to the ANC and its political the to refer entries that t contains frica. Unfortunately, these statistics are almost impossible to to almost impossible are these statistics frica. Unfortunately, frikaners, left with the gov the country disagreed they because ol Plaatje, another S ol Plaatje, outh A frican-born emigrants) and 21,123 in 2006 (51% of the total of (51% of the total and 21,123 in 2006 frican-born emigrants) frican continent, particularlyfricancontinent, black fricans, whose privileged under apartheid status fricans, left has the A outh A outh A outh A ews News Hard Premier frica’s t is not surprising . . . that this strain should begin to wane about the time about the wane to begin should strain this that not surprisingt is . . . ome, like Breyten Breytenbach, were active in the antiapartheid were struggle. Breytenbach, like Breyten ome, A (1982) is a starkly evocative, though allegorical, allegorical, though a starklyis (1982) for the Barbarians evocative, Waiting frican-born emigrants) (S frican-born emigrants) fricans, equally shaped by the apartheid certainly equally shaped by fricans, also experi- social imaginary, nglish speakers can speak A speak can speakers nglish ome figures are available for New Z available are ome figures outh A outh frica’s history has emigration by whites occurred so rapidly or in such large numbers. large in such or so rapidly occurred whites history by has emigration frica’s outh A A frikaans-speaking parents are included in the figures—which furtherfrikaans-speaking the picture. included in the figures—which obscures are parents t various stages, there were small waves of emigration, for example, of young men aiming to men aiming to of young example, for of emigration, small waves were there t various stages, outh teyn 2001 for a sociological study of the reactions of various racial groupings in groupings reactionsracial the various of of study sociological a for 2001 teyn or an overview of the different experiences of S experiences or an overview different of the t would be interesting for our argument to know to proportions the our argument of A for be interesting t would nteresting though a discussion of this process would be, it is beyond the scope of this paper. S of this paper. the scope it is beyond be, would though a discussion of this process nteresting cery store, SA Goodies). One particularlycery store, interesting describing itself as “ describing itself as on it deridesit the on vilifies and africandiaspora.blogspot.com/ is an interesting place to start. to place I an interesting is africandiaspora.blogspot.com/ an online S has a link to it conveniently, (and, some alarming in content majority and affluent. of them educated but description the factors of fourfold lives, make up our human not a realist is that The and sense of place their human beings understand of how topology an ontological rather being-at-home. new practicesthe in economic though true: still is This iluvsa.blogspot.com/2009/05/why-i-am-ex-expat-for-now.html, accessed 5 July 2009) clearly accessed iluvsa.blogspot.com/2009/05/why-i-am-ex-expat-for-now.html, I will be. its contents suggests what speech. hate for white a platform and is effectively as an axis of evil, affiliates this migration, century twentieth facilitates in the late of course ease of travel relative The S white especially for Black S the New S adapt to had to upset in 1994; they too existential of some form enced J. M. Coetzee’s Coetzee’s M. J. of this fear. exploration The phrase is borrowed from S from is borrowed phrase The in his homeland, made homeless by political forces ([1916]1987:6). political forces by made homeless in his homeland, an accommodation with the S an accommodation S “I continues: Coetzee [the 1960s] when . . . going to was of whites fate the ultimate that be apparent it began to with black S on an accommodation urgently deal more depend a great mostly by class, social practices still follow apartheid-era S social practices still follow class, groupings. mostly by racial I A F overtThe message of the section is particularly macabre. ments” superioritynotions of white A suggest that and implicitly to leaving off better are whites and that predecessors, their and colonialists white its managed by S “I Luv title of the blog The the continent. 41,676 S 41,676 E language A interpret. not easy to are these statistics ernment’s policies. S policies. ernment’s 2001:689). Jupp 1988; (Battersby 1980s the in conscription avoid S I speaking S leaving whites S by. come years, many whites, including A whites, many years, A who can hold a conversation about everyday things in A about everyday who can hold a conversation of 26,021 S of the total 16. 13. 14. 12. 10. 17. 18. 15. 11.

- outh trate teyn, 51–66. 51–66. teyn, ale University ale University Y hite” People’s S People’s hite” W frica: Heinemann. frikaner and Nationalism Under Construction: “Race” “Race” Construction: n Under outh A frica. I ntegration: “ ntegration: Critical Inquiry Critical 12(1):290–299. amuf. andton, S andton, Norton. outh A . . W ith the old imaginary but no clear displaced ork: Penguin. 28 March. 28 March. Times, esisting the Draft. New York Y W ork: W Y partheid S frica R emigration, and I emigration, teyn, 1–25. S teyn, A ndefinable”: Population Classification and the Census in and the Classification Population ndefinable”: New outh A ord. Translated by Peggy K Peggy by Translated ord. Under Construction: “Race” and Identity in South Africa Today, and Identity Today, in South Africa “Race” n Under Construction: W ork: Viking. one in Post- hites in S hites W New Y fricans since liberation. liberation. fricans since frican” identity (Distiller 2004:9), remain complex and troublesome. complex identity 2004:9), remain (Distiller frican” frica: Heinemann. frica: Heinemann. A acism’s Last acism’s ntroduction. I ntroduction. migration, S Emigration, ssimilation, outh A . and Identity Today in South Africa “Race” 2004. Under Construction: eds. teyn, F. W. de Klerk—The Autobiography: The Last Trek—A New Beginning. Trek—A Last The Autobiography: de Klerk—The W. illem. 1999. F. outh A outh A W South Africa: My Story http://www.blogcatalog South Africa: 13 June. . about Crime in Johannesburg The Persistence of Memory. Persistence The inding a Comfort Z frica. Area 34(4):401–408. erengetwe [the name of the village], not Perth.” [the name of the village], erengetwe nthony. J. 2002. “To Define the I “To 2002. J. nthony. rederik rederik xford: Macmillan. xford: frican” and the “ the and frican” The American Historical Review 88:920–952. Historical American The acial Ideology. outh A andton, S andton, andton, S andton, A of Myth Origins The of the Calvinist 1983. No Chosen People: ndré. ichard. 2004. A ichard. n late 2008 in the Pretoria region, advertisements for two such security such two advertisements slogans villages ran for region, the Pretoria in 2008 n late gies for F for gies like “S like I Press. Press. R Kegan Paul. (accessed 2 March 2009). 2 March (accessed 2009). 2 March .com/search.frame.php?term=xenophobic+violence+in+south+africa&id=1dfc29cd349b8ba 31 July 2009). 4d33f9a508b59d016 (accessed S http://www.nytimes.com/1988/03/28/world/more-whites-in-south-africa-resisting-the-draft 5 July 2009). (accessed .html 2008). 19 November (accessed S atasha Distiller and MelissaNatasha S by edited and Identity Today, in South Africa S The strain of adapting the social imaginary arguably contributes to the increase in xenophobia in xenophobia the increase to the social imaginary of adapting strain contributes The arguably S among black O . Family of an Afrikaner atasha Distiller and Melissa Natasha S by edited replacement yet formed, questions of identity, including the relationship between the “S the between including the relationship questions of identity, formed, yet replacement A lerk, F 20. 19. . London: . London: Literature Stereotype in South African Colour: “Coloured” The Mind 1981. A. Your Vernie ebruary, es cited References Du Toit, A Toit, Du F . http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7878858.stm (accessed (accessed . http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7878858.stm 2009. Court Expat Vote Backs S Africa ———. 2009. Blogcatalog. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point Crime in South Experienced Africa? You Have 2002. BBC. Alienating Whites http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4613269.stm . Nation” “Rainbow 2008. ———. Ballard, R Ballard, De K prile, Tony. 2004. Tony. Eprile, Virginia of University . Charlottesville: of a People Biography Hermann. Afrikaners: 2003. The Giliomee, atasha 2004. I Natasha Distiller, Christopher, A Christopher, Conn.: . New Haven, in South Africa of Letters On 1988. White the Culture Writing: ———. and Melissa S ———, Battersby, John D. 1988. More 1988. More John D. Battersby, for the Barbarians. New John M. 1982. Waiting Coetzee, Derrida, Jacques. 1985. R Derrida, Jacques. White Tribe Dreaming: Apartheid’s Bitter Roots as Witnessed by Eight Generations Eight Generations by Roots as Witnessed Bitter Dreaming: Apartheid’s 1989. White Tribe Marq. Villiers, De

africa today 56(4) 40 The Politics of Dwelling africa today 56(4) 41 Dominic Griffiths and Maria L.C. Prozesky

n ork: t? I frica. Y lfredo lfredo lbany: bacus. ndiana A ith I W outh A ugust. http:// ugust. érgio A érgio Beyond Racism: Racism: n Beyond partheid? Journal ilmot James, 63–83. 63–83. ilmot James, ntonio S ntonio W emedies. I emedies. ofstadter. New lbert Hofstadter. ienner. lexander, A lexander, ome Got to Do Home Got to hat’s R edress/ W frica., 6 A New Statesman ebruary. http://www.newsweek.com/id/ ebruary. frica: R lfredo Guimarães, and Guimarães, lfredo outh A hat Caused the Collapse of A the Collapse Caused hat W ace: Discrimination and Diversity in S Discrimination and Diversity ace: outh A érgio A érgio est of S eminist Politics: eminist Politics: tats/quickstats-about-a-subject/culture-and-identity/ xperiencing the Loss of Priviledge [sic] in the ainbow: of Priviledge Experiencing the Loss acism in S ntonio S ntonio alience of R alience 19 December. http://www.newsweek.com/ Newsweek, 19 December. ffair. (accessed 31 July 2009). dHRAH (accessed frica. Newsweek, 14 F . ork Press. . Taylor. 1999. Taylor. A. ristie. Y outh A lexander, A lexander, ienner. frica Press. Beyond Racism: Race and Inequality in Brazil, South Africa, and the United and the United South Africa, and Inequality in Brazil, Race Racism: n Beyond . http://www.irishtimes.com./newspaper/ Irish Times outhern Exodus. Heart of Whiteness: Afrikaners Face Black Rule in the New South in Black Rule 1995. Heart Face of Whiteness: Afrikaners chiff. cribner. ilmot James, 85–104. Boulder, Colo.: Lynn R Lynn Colo.: 85–104. Boulder, ilmot James, hiteness in the R hiteness orld Left Behind by the R orld Behind Left by W W W outh A frica. I ork: S Y Quick Stats about Culture and Identity 2006. Quick Stats about. http://www.stats.govt.nz/ Culture ealand. untly, Neville A Huntly, Lynn Hamilton, V. Charles by dited athleen C., and K athleen leeing from S leeing from outh A . WhiteIdentity WhatSouth Changing a in Be”: It “Whitenessto Africa Used Isn’t Just cott. 2007. The End of the A The 2007. cott. tate University of New University tate . Harlow: Life in South Native [1916] 1987. Africa Longman. T. ol Guimarães, and Guimarães, Boulder, Colo.: Lynn R Lynn Colo.: Boulder, www.newstatesman.com/200108060012 (accessed 31 July 2009). (accessed www.newstatesman.com/200108060012 . E States Journal of Contemporary African Studies 26:1–25. Journal African of Contemporary 31 July 2009). (accessed immigration-trends.htm . New Africa languages-spoken.aspx (accessed 28 March 2010). 28 March (accessed languages-spoken.aspx 2008). November AA index?qid=20090418143701 S HomePage/Quick Census/2006Census New S edited by Teresa De Lauretis, 191–212. Bloomington: I 191–212. Bloomington: De Lauretis, Teresa by edited Studies, Critical Studies: Feminist Press. University Hamilton, V. Charles by edited States, and the United South Africa, and Inequality in Brazil, Race Neville A Huntly, Lynn and Military Sociologyof Political 27(1):309–340. innovation/2008/0310/1204843558900.html (accessed 10 March 2008). 10 March (accessed innovation/2008/0310/1204843558900.html 184783 (accessed 5 July 2009). 184783 (accessed HarperCollins. id/80811 (accessed 31 July 2009). id/80811 (accessed S of S University . 31 July. http://www.southafrica.info/travel/documents/ . 31 July. Immigration 2008. Rainbow frica.info. . Pretoria: . Pretoria: White Exodus Story The of South Africa’s Trek: New Great Johann. 2000. The ooyen, amphele, Mamphela. 2001. Combating R Mamphela. 2001. Combating amphele, ostron, Bryan.ostron, 2001. A outhA eekings, Jeremy. 2008. The Continuing S Continuing The 2008. eekings, Jeremy. chwartzman, K tatistics New Z tatistics teyn, Melissa.teyn, 2001a. . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. University Cambridge . Cambridge: Philosophy Later Julian. 2002. Heidegger’s oung, R S Taylor, Charles. 2004. Modern Social Charles. Imaginaries. Durham, N.C.: Duke Press. University Taylor, 2009. http://answers.yahoo.com/question/ 2009. South Africa? Leave Did You Expats—Why South African S S McCarthy, Mary. 2008. S Mary. McCarthy, ———. 2009. F ———. A by Translated . Thought Language, Martin. 2001. Poetry, Heidegger, . Cape Town: Tafelberg. New History Mbenga. 2007. and Bernard . of South Africa Town: Cape ———, and Ben S Goodwin, June, R Van ——— 2001b. 2001b. ——— . http://www.stats.govt.nz/census/2006 (accessed 19 (accessed and Dwelling. http://www.stats.govt.nz/census/2006 of Population 2008. Census ———. S S Plaatje, S Plaatje, R . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. University Cambridge . Cambridge: People Australian 2001. The James. Jupp, A Mandela. London: of Nelson Autobiography The Freedom: to Walk Mandela, Nelson. 1995. Long Johnson, S Martin, Biddy, and Mohanty, Chandra. 1987. F Chandra. Mohanty, and Martin, Biddy, Y Copyright of Africa Today is the property of Indiana University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.