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Colonial Army Formats in Africa and Post-Colonial Military Coups
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 35, Nr 1, 2007. doi: 10.5787/35-1-31 99 COLONIAL ARMY RECRUITMENT PATTERNS AND POST-COLONIAL MILITARY COUPS D’ÉTAT IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF NIGERIA, 1966-1993 ___________________________________________ Dr E. C. Ejiogu, Department of Sociology University of Maryland Abstract Since time immemorial, societies, states and state builders have been challenged and transformed by the need and quest for military manpower.1 European states relied on conscript armies to ‘pacify’ and retain colonies in parts of the non-European world. These facts underscore the meticulous attention paid by the British to the recruitment of their colonial forces in Africa. In the Niger basin for one, conscious efforts were made by individual agents of the British Crown and at official level to ensure that only members of designated groups were recruited into those colonial forces that facilitated the establishment of the Nigerian supra- national state. The end of colonial rule and shifts in military recruitment policies hardly erased the vestiges of colonial recruitment from the Nigerian military. The study on which this article is based and which examines Britain’s policies on military human resource recruitment as state-building initiatives, argued that military coups d’état in Nigeria can be traced back to colonial and post-colonial recruitment patterns for military human resources. Introduction Nigeria, built in the late nineteenth century by British colonial intervention, is Africa’s most populous country.2 Events in Nigeria3 since October 1, 1960, when it acquired political independence from Britain, furthermore attest to the political instability that the country experiences. -
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Byjibrin Ibrahim
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Jibrin Ibrahim Monograph Series The CODESRIA Monograph Series is published to stimulate debate, comments, and further research on the subjects covered. The Series will serve as a forum for works based on the findings of original research, which however are too long for academic journals but not long enough to be published as books, and which deserve to be accessible to the research community in Africa and elsewhere. Such works may be case studies, theoretical debates or both, but they incorporate significant findings, analyses, and critical evaluations of the current literature on the subjects in question. Author Jibrin Ibrahim directs the International Human Rights Law Group in Nigeria, which he joined from Ahmadu Bello University where he was Associate Professor of Political Science. His research interests are democratisation and the politics of transition, comparative federalism, religious and ethnic identities, and the crisis in social provisioning in Africa. He has edited and co-edited a number of books, among which are Federalism and Decentralisation in Africa (University of Fribourg, 1999), Expanding Democratic Space in Nigeria (CODESRIA, 1997) and Democratisation Processes in Africa, (CODESRIA, 1995). Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa 2003, Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop Angle Canal IV, BP. 3304, Dakar, Senegal. Web Site: http://www.codesria.org CODESRIA gratefully -
A Comparative Analysis of the Gowon, Babangida and Abacha Regimes
University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES by SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MAGISTER ARTIUM (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULTY OF HUMAN SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA January 2001 University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The financial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. My deepest gratitude to: Mr. J.T. Bekker for his guidance; Dr. Funmi Olonisakin for her advice, Estrellita Weyers for her numerous searches for sources; and last but not least, my wife Estia-Marié, for her constant motivation, support and patience. This dissertation is dedicated to the children of Africa, including my firstborn, Marco Hoogenraad-Vermaak. ii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S “General Abacha wasn’t the first of his kind, nor will he be last, until someone can answer the question of why Africa allows such men to emerge again and again and again”. BBC News 1998. Passing of a dictator leads to new hope. 1 Jul 98. iii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S SUMMARY THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES By SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK LEADER: Mr. J.T. BEKKER DEPARTMENT: POLITICAL SCIENCE DEGREE FOR WHICH DISSERTATION IS MAGISTER ARTIUM PRESENTED: POLITICAL SCIENCE) The recent election victory of gen. -
Address by His Excellency, Gov. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso Fnse Of
ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY, GOV. RABIU MUSA KWANKWASO FNSE OF KANO STATE ON THE OCCASION OF PRESENTATION OF THE YEAR 2014 BUDGET PROPOSAL TO KANO STATE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY ON TUESDAY 24th DECEMBER 2013 COURTESIES: ASSALAMU ALAIKUM. All praises are due to Allah, The most Beneficent, and the most Merciful. May the peace and blessings of Allah (SWT) be upon our Noble Prophet Muhammad (SAW), His Noble family and righteous companions. 2. Mr. Speaker let me begin by once again registering my condolences to this Honourable House over the unfortunate death of Hon. Ibrahim Abba Garko and Hon. Danladi Isa Kademi who lost their lives while serving the good people of Kano state. Equally, let me also convey on behalf of the Government our deep heartfelt condolences to the families and people of Kano State over the death of some prominent citizens of the state like Shiekh Ali Harazumi, Alhaji Ali Talle Kachako, Shiekh Isa Waziri, Sarkin Sharifai, Sheik Abubakar Dangoggo, Shiek Mudi Salga, Justice Halliru Abdullahi, Justice Sadi Mato Umar Abdul-Azeez Fadar Bege, as well as other sons and daughters of the state who lost their lives during the outgoing year. May Allah SWT reward them with Jannatul-firdaus. 3. May I also use this opportunity to congratulate our son and brother Kabiru Abubakar Musa and other winners for doing the state and the country at large proud by emerging the overall winner of the International Quranic Recitation Competition in Saudi Arabia, we pray that Almighty Allah bless them abundantly. 4. It gives me great pleasure and honour to be amongst this august gathering for the purpose of accounting for our stewardship and once again presenting the 2014 Proposed Appropriation bill before this Honourable House. -
The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival
n the basis on solid fieldwork in northern Nigeria including participant observation, 18 Göttingen Series in Ointerviews with Izala, Sufis, and religion experts, and collection of unpublished Social and Cultural Anthropology material related to Izala, three aspects of the development of Izala past and present are analysed: its split, its relationship to Sufis, and its perception of sharīʿa re-implementation. “Field Theory” of Pierre Bourdieu, “Religious Market Theory” of Rodney Start, and “Modes Ramzi Ben Amara of Religiosity Theory” of Harvey Whitehouse are theoretical tools of understanding the religious landscape of northern Nigeria and the dynamics of Islamic movements and groups. The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival Since October 2015 Ramzi Ben Amara is assistant professor (maître-assistant) at the Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Sousse, Tunisia. Since 2014 he was coordinator of the DAAD-projects “Tunisia in Transition”, “The Maghreb in Transition”, and “Inception of an MA in African Studies”. Furthermore, he is teaching Anthropology and African Studies at the Centre of Anthropology of the same institution. His research interests include in Nigeria The Izala Movement Islam in Africa, Sufism, Reform movements, Religious Activism, and Islamic law. Ramzi Ben Amara Ben Amara Ramzi ISBN: 978-3-86395-460-4 Göttingen University Press Göttingen University Press ISSN: 2199-5346 Ramzi Ben Amara The Izala Movement in Nigeria This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published in 2020 by Göttingen University Press as volume 18 in “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” This series is a continuation of “Göttinger Beiträge zur Ethnologie”. -
Challenges of Citizen Elections Observation in Nigeria: a Historical Perspective
European Scientific Journal October 2019 edition Vol.15, No.29 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 Challenges of Citizen Elections Observation in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective Greene Ifeanyichukwu Eleagu, Ph.D Political Science Department, Gregory University, Uturu, Abia State, Nigeria Gloria Obiageri Eleagu, Department of Social Studies, Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n29p51 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n29p51 Abstract The near six decades of Nigeria as an independent nation has been fraught with instability arising essentially from attempts at democracy through periodic elections. These elections have been largely chacterized by hooliganism, ballot-snatching, theft of election materials, kidnapping of political opponents, assassination of political rivals, arson, assault and physical destruction of election materials and even intimidation and outright molestation or killing of election officials. This paper therefore went down the memory lane to establish and, using the Marxist theory of state attempt to explain, the pattern of elections that have characterized democracy in Nigeria and locate the place of citizen observers in Nigerian elections. Keywords: Election, Democracy, Citizen observation, Opposition, Violence Introduction Periodic elections have, generally, become a major index for measuring democratic compliance and soundness across the globe. According to Bratton and Posner (1999:378) elections provide the best criterion for orderly leadership succession, entailing popular participation. They ensure responsibility and responsiveness on the part of government. According to the United Nations (cited in Wanyonyi, 1997: 21), “… the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government. This shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections…”. -
Causative Factors of Air Traffic Delay in Muritala Muhammed International Airport Lagos, Nigeria
British Journal of Economics, Management & Trade 8(3): 230-236, 2015, Article no.BJEMT.2015.113 ISSN: 2278-098X SCIENCEDOMAIN international www.sciencedomain.org Causative Factors of Air Traffic Delay in Muritala Muhammed International Airport Lagos, Nigeria Ayantoyinbo Benedict Boye1* 1Department of Transport Management, Faculty of Management Sciences, Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, P.M.B. 4000, Ogbomoso, Oyo State, Nigeria. Author’s contribution The sole author designed, analyzed and interpreted and prepared the manuscript. Article Information DOI: 10.9734/BJEMT/2015/18708 Editor(s): (1) John M. Polimeni, Associate Professor of Economics, Albany College of Pharmacy & Health Sciences, New York, USA. Reviewers: (1) Ayse Kucuk Yilmaz, Department of Management and Strategy, Anadolu University, Turkey. (2) Anonymous, University of Aeronautics and Astronautics, China. Complete Peer review History: http://www.sciencedomain.org/review-history.php?iid=1063&id=20&aid=9707 Received 6th May 2015 th Original Research Article Accepted 29 May 2015 th Published 11 June 2015 ABSTRACT The study examined the factors which contribute to the occurrence of flight delay in Muritala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos Nigeria. Three airlines were purposely selected from thirty two (32) airlines operators. Data was collected from 50 sampled respondents based on simple random sampling technique from the three (3) purposely selected airlines. These data were subsequently analysed through regression analysis. The result showed that air traffic delay can be accounted for by bad weather, ACFT maintenance, ACFT fuelling, air traffic congestion, operations flight doc., Pax late boarding, baggage handling, VIP movement and ACF damage. The result further reveals that the most potent contributor is bad weather. -
Assessment of Airport Service Quality in Nigeria
European Journal of Logistics, Purchasing and Supply Chain Management Vol.8 No.4, pp.1-18, December 2020 Published by ECRTD UK ISSN 2054-0930 (Print), ISSN 2054-0949 (Online) ASSESSMENT OF AIRPORT SERVICE QUALITY IN NIGERIA Ugo James Chinonso1 and Ejem A. Ejem2 Department of Transport Management Technology, Federal University of Technology, Owerri, Nigeria Email1: [email protected], Email2: [email protected] ABSTRACT: The study assessed the airport service quality (ASQ) in Nigeria using the SERVQUAL Model from both the perspectives of the airlines and air transport passengers as major consumers of airport services in Nigeria. Using the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport (NAIA), Abuja and Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA), Lagos; as case studies, we used questionnaire as survey instrument to elicit the service quality expectations and perceptions of airlines and air passengers in both airports. SERVQUAL model was used to determine the airport service quality which was subsequently compared. The results of the study indicates that from both perspectives of the airlines and air passengers, the airport service quality (ASQ) in both airports are low and cannot meet the service quality expectations of both airlines and passengers. However, the results show that the MMIA, Lagos offers higher quality of airport services than NAIA, Abuja. KEYWORDS: service quality, airline, airport, passengers, Nigeria INTRODUCTION The theory of consumer behaviour suggests that consumers drive is always geared towards utility maximization. Utility in this sense is the ability of a product and /or service to satisfy the needs of consumers. The total satisfaction (total utility) derived from the consumption of the services and/ or goods is a correlate of and depends on the quality of service and/or goods (Aleksandra, 2017). -
The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17
The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. -
Money and Politics in Nigeria
Money and Politics in Nigeria Edited by Victor A.O. Adetula Department for International DFID Development International Foundation for Electoral System IFES-Nigeria No 14 Tennessee Crescent Off Panama Street, Maitama, Abuja Nigeria Tel: 234-09-413-5907/6293 Fax: 234-09-413-6294 © IFES-Nigeria 2008 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of International Foundation for Electoral System First published 2008 Printed in Abuja-Nigeria by: Petra Digital Press, Plot 1275, Nkwere Street, Off Muhammadu Buhari Way Area 11, Garki. P.O. Box 11088, Garki, Abuja. Tel: 09-3145618, 08033326700, 08054222484 ISBN: 978-978-086-544-3 This book was made possible by funding from the UK Department for International Development (DfID). The opinions expressed in this book are those of the individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of IFES-Nigeria or DfID. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements v IFES in Nigeria vii Tables and Figures ix Abbreviations and Acronyms xi Preface xv Introduction - Money and Politics in Nigeria: an Overview -Victor A.O. Adetula xxvii Chapter 1- Political Money and Corruption: Limiting Corruption in Political Finance - Marcin Walecki 1 Chapter 2 - Electoral Act 2006, Civil Society Engagement and the Prospect of Political Finance Reform in Nigeria - Victor A.O. Adetula 13 Chapter 3 - Funding of Political Parties and Candidates in Nigeria: Analysis of the Past and Present - Ezekiel M. Adeyi 29 Chapter 4 - The Role of INEC, ICPC and EFCC in Combating Political Corruption - Remi E. -
Oil and the Urban Question
NIGER DELTA ECONOMIES OF VIOLENCE WORKING PAPERS Working Paper No. 8 OIL AND THE URBAN QUESTION Fuelling Violence and Politics in Warri Marcus Leton Program Offi cer Our Niger Delta (OND), Port Harcourt, Nigeria 2006 Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, USA The United States Institute of Peace, Washington DC, USA Our Niger Delta, Port Harcourt, Nigeria OIL AND THE URBAN QUESTION: FUELLING POLITICS AND VIOLENCE IN WARRI Marcus Leton1 Program Officer Our Niger Delta Port Harcourt, Nigeria Who owns Warri Township? This is a multi-million naira question… Is it the Itsekiri, the Agbassa Urhobo or the Ijaw? J.O.S.Ayomike, A History of Warri, Benin, Ilupeju Press, 1988, p.58. [Warri] is an age-long conflict. Legally, Warri has been judged to be Itsekiri owned….That the legal system has not been able to effect a permanent settlement of conflict claims of ownership is seen from the bloody clashes….in the past few years. The conflict has claimed over 3000 lives, displaced thousands, and destroyed property worth several billions of naira. V. Isumonah and J.Gaskiya, Ethnic Groups and Conflicts in Nigeria: The South-South Zone of Nigeria, University of Ibadan, 2001, pp.63-64. The Warri crisis is in many respects a classic example of a “resource war”. Human Rights Watch. The Warri Crisis: Fuelling the Violence, November 2003, p.26. INTRODUCTION Warri represents one of the most important. and most complex. sites of ‘petro- violence’ in all of Nigeria. The current crisis in the oil-producing Niger Delta that emerged in late 2005 with the appearance of the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) and a series of abductions and attacks on oil installations, is merely the most recent expression of a long simmering conflict that has engulfed both Warri city and its surrounding hinterlands. -
AFR 44/15/93 Distr: UA/SC 3 September
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: AFR 44/15/93 Distr: UA/SC 3 September 1993 Further information on UA 258/93 (AFR 44/10/93, 6 August 1993) - Legal Concern NIGERIA:Wale Shittu, 24 protocol officer, Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) Femi Adenuga, 25, documentation officer, CLO Emmanuel Nweke, 26, staff member, CLO Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke were released on bail in early August 1993. Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke all work for the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO), a non-governmental human rights organization. They were arrested by police on 2 July apparently for being in possession of leaflets issued by the CLO and the Campaign for Democracy calling for an end to military rule in Nigeria. They were held without charge or trial at the State Investigation and Intelligence Bureau (SIIB), Alagbon Close, in Lagos but were reportedly later charged with sedition. Amnesty International believes that Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke were arrested because of their peaceful political activities and is now calling for all charges against them to be dropped. BACKGROUND INFORMATION 0n 26 August 1993 General Ibrahim Babangida resigned as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and installed a non-elected interim government. The new interim government is headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, a civilian who was also the Chairman of the Transitional Council set up in January 1993 to run the day-to-day affairs of the country until a return to civilian rule scheduled for August 1993. Several former officials retain their position in the new 32-member Interim Federal Executive Council, including General Sani Abacha who remains in charge of the Defence Ministry.