State of Siege: Drug-Related Violence and Corruption in Mexico Unintended Consequences of the War on Drugs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

State of Siege: Drug-Related Violence and Corruption in Mexico Unintended Consequences of the War on Drugs PHOTO BY LAURIE FREEMAN, WOLA LAURIE PHOTO BY Altar to La Santa Muerte outside Nuevo Laredo State of Siege: Drug-Related Violence and Corruption in Mexico Unintended Consequences of the War on Drugs By Laurie Freeman he war on drugs plunged Mexico into violent depths in 2005, especially along its northern border. Drug-related homicides soared, and former elite soldiers on the Tpayroll of a drug cartel were responsible for numerous kidnappings and killings. Murder victims’ tortured bodies frequently appeared on roadsides in key drug trafficking hubs throughout the country – and scores more victims, including more than 40 U.S. citizens, vanished without a trace. From within maximum security prisons, cartel lead- ers continued to run their illegal enterprises, killing rival inmates and ordering hits on enemies beyond the prison walls. Wild shootouts erupted on city streets as police and soldiers battled criminals, who on occasion were themselves law enforcement officials in the employ of traffickers. This record-breaking year of drug-related violence closed on a chilling note – with the release of a video showing four bound and bloodied men describing to unseen inter- rogators their work as drug cartel assassins and alleging corruption in the highest levels of Mexican law enforcement. The video ends when one man is shot point-blank in the head by his off-camera captor. Hundreds of soldiers and federal police were deployed to a number of Mexican cities ravaged by drug-related violence, but the killings continued, in some cases at accelerated rates. The border city of Nuevo Laredo, for example, which recorded 180 killings in 2005, witnessed 93 in the first four months of 2006 alone. Drug traffickers have become the law of the land in many Mexican cities because of A WOLA Special Report their ability to corrupt and threaten public officials. People view the police with distrust June 2006 and fear, and believe that every security illicit drug trade would transform Mexico force – whether municipal, state, or federal overnight into a paradise of good govern- – has a core group of members who are ment and rule of law. The drug trade did aligned with one cartel or another. not create the institutional problems that Overcoming the violence and corrup- have long plagued Mexico, such as wide- tion wracking Mexico will be incredibly spread corruption, ineffective and abusive difficult; uncovering the truth from beneath police forces and prosecutors’ offices, and its tangled web may be impossible. But a weak judiciary. But the drug trade does reducing drug-related violence and corrup- feed upon, magnify and exacerbate these tion is necessary for Mexico to become a problems. A frank acknowledgement on country governed by the rule of law. the part of both the U.S. and Mexican However, the nature of the drug trade governments of shared responsibility for and the current policies used to combat the causes of the violence besieging Mexi- Drug prohibition as it mean that Mexico cannot achieve this co is the first step to finding more effective enacted and enforced task alone. The United States in particular approaches to reducing it. must share responsibility for overcoming This brief provides an overview of the by the United States violence and corruption in Mexico for two current drug trafficking landscape in Mex- may be intended to reasons. First, cocaine, heroin, marijuana, ico and the extreme drug-related violence keep drug use low, but and methamphetamines are trafficked it has generated in recent years – including through Mexico to meet demand in the more than 2,000 murders since 2005, most there can be no doubt United States, which remains strong and of them unresolved. It also analyzes the im- that it also stimulates in some cases appears to be growing. Even pact of U.S. and Mexican policies intended more fundamentally, the United States has to address the problems of violence and and nourishes organized chosen to prohibit such drugs, a strategy corruption, and offers recommendations crime…. The conse- that in all probability keeps drug use lower for how Mexico and the United States can quences – richer, more than would be the case under some form more effectively confront them. of legalization, but at the cost of creating It is important to bear in mind that drug powerful criminal a large black market where violence and prohibition and the sizable U.S. market for organizations that corruption are the coin of the realm. There illegal drugs make the challenge of ensuring is no sign that either the Democratic or public order and public safety in Mexico create mayhem and Republican party is contemplating a shift immensely more difficult. Under these flout the rule of law – away from the basic U.S. stance of drug conditions, dramatic improvements should are no less real for prohibition, meaning that Mexico will be considered unlikely. With expectations have to contend with the consequences for tempered, modest but nonetheless signifi- being unintended. the foreseeable future. cant improvements should be the goal. Drug prohibition as enacted and enforced by the United States may be intended to keep drug use low, but there can be no doubt that it also stimulates and Cartel Competition nourishes organized crime, both within and Most analysts trace the current brutal beyond U.S. borders. The consequences phase in Mexico’s drug war to early in the – richer, more powerful criminal organiza- administration of President Vicente Fox, tions that create mayhem and flout the rule when one cartel leader escaped from prison of law – are no less real for being unintend- and members of rival groups were killed ed. The U.S. public and policymakers must and jailed. These incidents are thought to be honest about this tradeoff and not avert have altered the balance of power among our gaze from the corruption and violence Mexico’s four main drug trafficking organi- that drug prohibition and the continuing zations (the Sinaloa, Tijuana, Juárez, and U.S. demand for illicit drugs have helped Gulf cartels, named after their places of ori- to fuel in Mexico and other Latin Ameri- gin), which responded by waging an all-out can countries. war for control of key trafficking routes. This is not to suggest that even a sharp In January 2001, Joaquín “El Chapo” reduction in the profits generated by the Guzmán of the Sinaloa cartel escaped 2 State of Siege: Drug-Related Violence and Corruption in Mexico from the Puente Grande federal maximum trained at Fort Bragg and Fort Benning in security prison, spirited out in a laundry the mid-to-late 1990s as part of a U.S. pro- bin after bribing a chain of prison guards gram to train and equip Mexican soldiers and employees. for anti-drug operations, under the logic Meanwhile, the Fox Administration that the police had been infiltrated, out- began closing in on the Tijuana cartel, gunned, and generally overwhelmed by the which was led by brothers Ramón and cartels. The GAFEs’ training emphasized Benjamín Arellano Félix. Ramón was small unit tactics, use of advanced weapons, killed by police in February 2002, and a surveillance techniques, and intelligence month later the Mexican army captured gathering. They were deployed to various his brother Benjamín. These blows against parts of Mexico, particularly in the north, An acknowledgement the Tijuana cartel strengthened its Sinaloa to combat drug traffickers.2 rivals, allowing them to focus their efforts Cárdenas reportedly sent the Zetas to on the part of both on Nuevo Laredo. Nuevo Laredo to eliminate some of the local the U.S. and Mexican Nuevo Laredo is the most important traffickers who had traditionally controlled governments of shared launching point for illegal drugs entering the drug trade there. Their murders in May the United States. Every day an estimated 2002 allowed Cárdenas to consolidate his responsibility for the 6,000 trucks, carrying 40 percent of all grip over the city. He enjoyed supremacy for causes of the violence Mexican exports, cross into Laredo, Texas, almost a year before his arrest in March 2003 besieging Mexico where Interstate 35 whisks them up to after a fierce gun-battle against Mexican Dallas, and from there throughout the soldiers in the streets of Matamoros. He was is the first step to United States. The very conditions that sent to the La Palma maximum security finding more effective make Nuevo Laredo so attractive to legal prison outside Mexico City. commerce also make the city ideal for the The arrests of Arellano and Cárde- approaches illicit drug trade. nas, rather than halting the flow of drugs, to reducing it. Like Chapo Guzmán of the Sinaloa merely altered the balance of power among cartel, Osiel Cárdenas of the Gulf cartel was cartels and opened a Pandora’s Box of vio- also making inroads into Nuevo Laredo. In lence. With Nuevo Laredo up for grabs, the early 2002, Cárdenas enticed a few dozen Sinaloa cartel, bolstered by blows against elite soldiers – members of special forces its rivals, moved in with a vengeance. groups that had been sent by the Mexican Violence skyrocketed as the Zetas battled government to combat drug trafficking in to retain the Gulf cartel’s power over the northern Mexico – to desert the army and city, and the Sinaloa cartel’s gunmen vied become his enforcers and security spe- to wrest it from them. cialists. Known as the Zetas, their inside Putting some of the country’s most- knowledge of the Mexican security forces wanted cartel leaders in prison did not and their expertise with sophisticated effectively remove them from the drug weaponry, intelligence gathering, surveil- trade. Federal prisons, which had once lance techniques, and operational planning been considered less corrupt than state gave Cárdenas an edge over his competitors.
Recommended publications
  • In the Shadow of Saint Death
    In the Shadow of Saint Death The Gulf Cartel and the Price of America’s Drug War in Mexico Michael Deibert An imprint of Rowman & Littlefield Distributed by NATIONAL BOOK NETWORK Copyright © 2014 by Michael Deibert First Lyons Paperback Edition, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available The Library of Congress has previously catalogued an earlier (hardcover) edition as follows: Deibert, Michael. In the shadow of Saint Death : the Gulf Cartel and the price of America’s drug war in Mexico / Michael Deibert. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7627-9125-5 (hardback) 1. Drug traffic—Mexican-American Border Region. 2. Drug dealers—Mexican-American Border Region. 3. Cartels—Mexican-American Border Region. 4. Drug control—Mexican- American Border Region. 5. Drug control—United States. 6. Drug traffic—Social aspects— Mexican-American Border Region. 7. Violence—Mexican-American Border Region. 8. Interviews—Mexican-American Border Region. 9. Mexican-American Border Region—Social conditions. I. Title. HV5831.M46D45 2014 363.450972—dc23 2014011008 ISBN 978-1-4930-0971-8 (pbk.) ISBN 978-1-4930-1065-3 (e-book) The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence
    [Show full text]
  • Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
    Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • 63 PART TWO Chapter
    PART TWO Chapter One: Political Context This chapter consists of two sections, both dealing with ideas and events in the political life of the nation which the Commission believes are related to its task. The first section discusses the situation leading up to September 11, 1973. It is not the role of the Commission to take a stand on the events that took place on that date and immediately thereafter, that is, on whether they were justified or not, or whether there was or was not some other way out of the conflict that led to those events. There can be, and indeed are, various opinions on these issues, and quite legitimately so. The state of the country at that time can be fittingly described as one of acute crisis in our national life. That crisis led to the destruction or deterioration of numerous points of consensus among Chileans on a series of institutions, traditions, and shared assumptions concerning social and political coexistence, which served to safeguard respect for human rights. Hence it is absolutely essential that we understand the crisis of 1973, both in order to understand how the subsequent human rights violations we were charged to investigate came about and to prevent their recurrence. In no way, however, is this examination of the crisis to be understood as implying that the 1973 crisis might justify or excuse such violations in the least. Our study of the crisis will deal basically with its immediate causes, especially with those of a political and ideological nature. The Commission is well aware that the crisis had deeper social and economic roots, but to explore them any further than simply mentioning them would have meant going beyond its task and beyond the direct object of the present chapter.
    [Show full text]
  • Costa-Gavras: a Retrospective
    The Museum of Modern Art For Immediate Release March 1990 COSTA-GAVRAS: A RETROSPECTIVE April 13 - 24, 1990 A complete retrospective of twelve feature films by Costa-Gavras, the Greek-born French filmmaker, opens at The Museum of Modern Art on April 13, 1990. Both thought provoking and entertaining, Costa-Gavras's suspenseful mysteries deal with compelling social issues and are often based on actual political incidents. His stories involve the motivations and misuses of power and often explore the concept of trust in personal and public relationships. His films frequently star such popular actors as Fanny Ardant, Jill Clayburgh, Jessica Lange, Jack Lemmon, Yves Montand (who stars in six of the films), Simone Signoret, Sissy Spacek, and Debra Winger. Opening with Z (1969), one of his best-known works, COSTA GAVRAS: A RETROSPECTIVE continues through April 24. New prints of Costa-Gavras's early French films have been made available for this retrospective. These include his first film, The Sleeping Car Murders (1965), a thriller about the hunt for a murderer on an overnight train; the American premiere of the original version of One Man Too Many/Shock Troops (1967), a story of resistance fighters who free a group of political prisoners from a Nazi jail; and Family Business (1986), a drama about the transformation of a family crime ring into the local affiliate of an international syndicate. Also featured are Z (1969), an investigation into the murder of a politician; State of Siege (1972), a fictionalized version of the 1970 kidnapping of an American diplomat in Uruguay; and Special Section -more- 11 West 53 Street, New York, N.Y.
    [Show full text]
  • 2015 Mexico Peace Index
    ANALYZING THE CHANGING DYNAMICS OF PEACE IN MEXICO QUANTIFYING PEACE AND ITS BENEFITS The Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit think tank dedicated to shifting the world’s focus to peace as a positive, achievable, and tangible measure of human well-being and progress. IEP achieves its goals by developing new conceptual frameworks to define peacefulness; providing metrics for measuring peace; and uncovering the relationships between business, peace and prosperity as well as promoting a better understanding of the cultural, economic and political factors that create peace. IEP has offices in Sydney, New York, Mexico City and Oxford. It works with a wide range of partners internationally and collaborates with intergovernmental organizations on measuring and communicating the economic value of peace. For more information visit economicsandpeace.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 02 HIGHLIGHTS 04 1 RESULTS AND FINDINGS 06 2015 Mexico Peace Index Ranking 06 Most and Least Peaceful States 10 Trends in Peace: 2003–2014 17 Verifying the Trend: is Violence Really Declining in Mexico? 22 Metropolitan Peace Index 27 2 POSITIVE PEACE IN MEXICO 38 The Pillars of Peace 39 Correlates of Peace 41 2015 Mexico Positive Peace Index 46 Positive Peace in the Last Decade 49 3 ECONOMIC VALUE OF PEACE IN MEXICO 53 Impact of Violence on Business 62 4 EXPERT CONTRIBUTIONS 66 The Adversarial System and the Peace Index in Mexico by Guillermo Zepeda Lecuona, Director, Jurimetria 66 Building the Foundations for Peace by María
    [Show full text]
  • The Shoah on Screen – Representing Crimes Against Humanity Big Screen, Film-Makers Generally Have to Address the Key Question of Realism
    Mémoi In attempting to portray the Holocaust and crimes against humanity on the The Shoah on screen – representing crimes against humanity big screen, film-makers generally have to address the key question of realism. This is both an ethical and an artistic issue. The full range of approaches has emember been adopted, covering documentaries and fiction, historical reconstructions such as Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List, depicting reality in all its details, and more symbolic films such as Roberto Benigni’s Life is beautiful. Some films have been very controversial, and it is important to understand why. Is cinema the best way of informing the younger generations about what moire took place, or should this perhaps be left, for example, to CD-Roms, videos Memoi or archive collections? What is the difference between these and the cinema as an art form? Is it possible to inform and appeal to the emotions without being explicit? Is emotion itself, though often very intense, not ambivalent? These are the questions addressed by this book which sets out to show that the cinema, a major art form today, cannot merely depict the horrors of concentration camps but must also nurture greater sensitivity among increas- Mémoire ingly younger audiences, inured by the many images of violence conveyed in the media. ireRemem moireRem The Shoah on screen – www.coe.int Representing crimes The Council of Europe has 47 member states, covering virtually the entire continent of Europe. It seeks to develop common democratic and legal princi- against humanity ples based on the European Convention on Human Rights and other reference texts on the protection of individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence, Crime, and Gangs in Post-Conflict Urban Nicaragua
    Working Paper Series ISSN 1470-2320 2002 No. 02-36 "WE LIVE IN A STATE OF SIEGE ": VIOLENCE, CRIME, AND GANGS IN POST-CONFLICT URBAN NICARAGUA Dr. Dennis Rodgers Published: September 2002 Development Studies Institute London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street Tel: +44 (020) 7955-7425 London Fax: +44 (020) 7955-6844 WC2A 2AE UK Email: [email protected] Web site: www.lse.ac.uk/depts/destin The London School of Economics is a School of the University of London. It is a charity and is incorporated in England as a company limited by guarantee under the Companies Act (Reg. No. 70527). 1 “WE LIVE IN A STATE OF SIEGE”: VIOLENCE, CRIME, AND GANGS IN POST-CONFLICT URBAN NICARAGUA1 Dennis Rodgers2 “I’ve fought in all the wars of the last twenty years here in Nicaragua, against Somoza's dictatorship, against the Contras, and I tell you, war is a terrible thing. You see so much horror, so much death, you become like numb, almost as if you were dead yourself… War changes you, it changes everybody – your family, your friends, your neighbours, everybody… Even the whole country change… 'Never again’, that’s what everybody says, 'never again, the war is over in Nicaragua, we're at peace now’… That’s what they say, but have you seen how we live? Look at what's happening in this country, all this delinquency, all this crime… People are scared, everybody lives barricaded in their homes because it's so dangerous… You can get killed for almost anything – money, jewellery, your watch, but also your clothes, your shoes, or even just looking at somebody the wrong way… It’s like this everywhere, in all the poor neighbourhoods… I tell you, this isn't peace, its war, we’re living in the middle of a war again…” - From an interview with Pablo Alvarez (March 1997) War has long been recognised as one of the most potent causes of human suffering and societal underdevelopment.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Costa-Gavras and Microhistoriography: the Case of Amen. (2002)
    1 Introduction Costa-Gavras and microhistoriography: the case of Amen. (2002) Homer B. Pettey I think the next step for the cinema will be to go to that new kind of fi lm, one which tries to explain the historical situation and all the connections which lead to that kind of history. Costa-Gavras 1 Exactness – accuracy – is impossible, given the time and space in which historical events take place and the time a fi lm has available. But faithfulness to the ethic, to the human meaning, to the social signifi cance of the historical events depicted in a fi lm is absolutely necessary. Costa-Gavras 2 The political dimensions of Costa-Gavras ’ s fi lms constitute the main body of criticism and analysis about this world-renowned auteur and his cinematic agenda. Grounding Costa-Gavras ’ s fi lms within a historical context also opens up the kind of dialogue with history that the director desires. Both approaches remain necessary for uncovering the meaning of his melodramatic narratives of personal, emotional history. Additionally, Costa-Gavras experiments with cinematic forms in order to present new perspectives on historical moments of totalitarian grabs, and methods, for maintaining ideological power. Many of his best-known fi lms rely upon adaptations of actual events, often by reinterpreting romans à clef , such as Vassilikos ’ s retelling of the assassination of the Greek socialist Lambrakis in Z , culling from journalistic accounts, such as in Missing , or Dan Mitrione’ s kidnapping and death by Uruguayan guerrillas in State of Siege , reframing autobiography, such as Artur London ’ s The Confession , or the director ’ s own interpretation of confl icts, as in Hanna K.
    [Show full text]
  • Border Security and Migration: a Report from South Texas
    Border Security and Migration: A Report from South Texas By Adam Isacson and Maureen Meyer, Senior Associates Since 2011, WOLA staff have carried out research in six different zones of the U.S.-Mexican border, meeting with U.S. law enforcement officials, human rights and humanitarian groups, and journalists, as well as with Mexican officials and representatives of civil society and migrant shelters in Mexico. As part of this ongoing work, the authors spent the week of November 26-30, 2012 in south Texas, looking at security and migration trends along this section of the U.S.- Mexico border. Specifically, we visited Laredo, McAllen, and Brownsville, Texas, and Matamoros, Mexico. We found that unlike other sections of the border, the south Texas sections have seen an increase, not a decrease, in apprehensions, particularly of non-Mexican migrants; migrant deaths have dramatically increased; and there are fewer accusations of Border Patrol abuse of migrants. We also found that the Zetas criminal organization’s control over the area may be slipping and drug trafficking appears to have increased, yet these U.S. border towns are safer than they have been in decades. Lastly, in spite of the ongoing violence on the Mexican side of the border and the failure of the Mexican government to reform local and state police forces, U.S. authorities are increasingly repatriating Mexicans through this region, often making migrants easy prey for the criminal groups that operate in these border cities. Bucking the migration trend: One of the biggest changes along the entire U.S.-Mexico border since the mid-2000s has been a sharp reduction in the number of migrants being apprehended by U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Texas Defines 'Spillover Violence' As Mexican
    “The state of Texas defines „spillover violence‟ as Mexican Cartel-related violence that occurs in Texas, including aggravated assault, extortion, kidnapping, torture, rape and murder. The victims of these crimes include illegal immigrants being smuggled into the United States, Mexican or U.S. citizens working with the Cartels or their innocent family members, and those who are not associated in any way with the Cartels or transnational gangs.” –Director Steve McCraw, Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS). Mexico Spillover: From 2005 – 2011 2011 February 2011 On Saturday, 02-05-11 at approximately 16:00, three teenagers were shot to death at the Super Autos Porvenir car lot in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. Two of the victims, Juan Carlos Echeverri-Luna and Carlos Mario Gonzalez-Bermudez were U.S. citizens attending private schools in El Paso, Texas. The third victim, Cesar Yalin MIRAMONTES-Jimenez was a Mexican National and a student at Tecnologico de Monterrey in Ciudad Juarez, Mx. (EPIC, Texas Rangers, Associated Press http://www.valleynewslive.com/Global/story.asp?S=13990800 ) On 02/06/11, information received from a Houston CHS who has proven to be very reliable in the past provided the following information: "Gulf Cartel in Nuevo Laredo is planning on having a female or maybe a male walk across Laredo International Bridge 1 POE and drop a live hand grenade toward the US Border Patrol underneath Bridge I. The purpose of the grenade attack is to create an incident where to place blame on the Zetas." (FBI) Received on 02-11-11 that FBI Houston re-contacted FBI-Laredo for dissemination that a highly placed Sub-Source of CHS who is a Ministerial Police with direct contact with HERIBERTO LAZCANO-LAZCANO unwittingly provided information as to a planned grenade attack at the Laredo POE Bridge I IN NUEVO LAREDO.
    [Show full text]
  • March 2, 2010 (XX:8) Costa-Gavras, Z (1969, 127 Min)
    March 2, 2010 (XX:8) Costa-Gavras, Z (1969, 127 min) Directed by Costa-Gavras Based on the novel by Vasilis Vasilikos Written by Jorge Semprún and Costa-Gavras Produced by Jacques Perrin, Ahmed Rachedi Original Music by Mikis Theodorakis Cinematography by Raoul Coutard Film Editing by Françoise Bonnot Yves Montand...The Deputy Irene Papas...Helene, the Deputy's wife Jean-Louis Trintignant...The Examining Magistrate Jacques Perrin...Photojournalist Charles Denner...Manuel François Périer...Public Prosecutor Pierre Dux...The General Georges Géret...Nick Bernard Fresson...Matt Marcel Bozzuffi...Vago (as Marcel Bozzufi) Julien Guiomar...The Colonel RAOUL COUTARD (16 September 1924, Paris, France-) did the cinematography for 81 films and tv series, some of which were COSTA-GAVRAS (12 February 1933, Loutra-Iraias, Greece-) Sauvage innocence/ Wild Innocence (2001), Le coeur fantôme/ The directed 21 films, some of which were Eden à l'Ouest /Eden Is West Phantom Heart (1996), La femme fardée (1990), Brennende Betten/ (2009), Mad City (1997), Lumière et compagnie /Lumière and Burning Beds (1988), Parachute (1986), La diagonale du fou/ Company (2009), Music Box (1989), Betrayed (1988), Conseil de Dangerous Moves (1984), L'emmerdeur/ A Pain in the A… (1973), famille/ Family Business (1986), Hanna K. (1983), Missing (1982), Embassy/ Target: Embassy (1972), The Southern Star/ L'étoile du Section special/ Special Section (1975), État de siège/ State of Siege sud (1969), Z (1969), La mariée était en noir/ The Bride Wore (1972), L'Aveu/ The Confession (1970), Z (1969), Un homme de Black (1968), Rocky Road to Dublin (1968), Week End (1967), La trop/ Shock Troops (1967), Compartiment tueurs/ The Sleeping Car chinoise (1967), 2 ou 3 choses que je sais d'elle/ Two or Three Murders (1965), and Les rates (1958).
    [Show full text]
  • States of Danger and Deceit
    home mcr. org home box office 0161 200 1500 States of Danger and Deceit: European Political Thrillers IN the 1970s Sat 4 Nov – Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion, 1970 Tue 12 Dec We open the season with Costa-Gavras’ seminal work Z on Sat 4 Nov, 20:20. STATES OF DANGER AND DECEIT: See pages 6 – 9 for our Director in Focus: Costa-Gavras. EUROPEAN POLITICAL THRILLERS IN THE MATTEI AFFAIR (U) + POST-SCREENING THE 1970S DISCUSSION (IL CASO MATTEI) Sun 5 Nov, 18:15 . Dir Francesco Rosi/IT 1972/116 mins/Italian wEng ST Gian Maria Volontè, Luigi Squarzina, Peter Baldwin A key title in the development of Francesco In the winter of 2017 HOME presents a season of nail-biting thrillers that Rosi’s style of investigative thriller, The Mattei expose the political tensions that reverberated across Europe in the 1970s. Affair focuses on the death of Enrico Mattei, an A decade when the social turmoil that marked the late 1960s gave way to a influential businessman who made enemies in the mafia. His story is interspersed with Rosi’s more strident politics that involved stark and sometimes violent contrasts investigation into the disappearance of his friend, between left and right. A decade that was scarred by the emergence of journalist Mauro De Mauro, who was undertaking uncompromisingly radical groups such as the Red Army Faction and the Red research for the film. Driven by a thoughtful Brigades. performance from Gian Maria Volontè, The Mattei Affair is one of Rosi’s finest works. In response to this charged moment a number of filmmakers across Europe This screening will be followed by an informal turned to the format of the thriller.
    [Show full text]