Preventing Or Redirecting Violence a Study on Violence Against United Nations Peackeeping Operations in the Presence of Other Third-Party Military Operations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Preventing Or Redirecting Violence a Study on Violence Against United Nations Peackeeping Operations in the Presence of Other Third-Party Military Operations PREVENTING OR REDIRECTING VIOLENCE A STUDY ON VIOLENCE AGAINST UNITED NATIONS PEACKEEPING OPERATIONS IN THE PRESENCE OF OTHER THIRD-PARTY MILITARY OPERATIONS Daniel Forslund Master's Thesis Autumn 2020 Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University Supervisor: Lisa Hultman Word Count: 21639 Abstract United nations peacekeeping is a contentious issue. What is mostly agreed on though, is that the brave men and women around the world risking their lives in peacekeeping missions around the world deserve the best security and protection the international community can offer. However, little research has been focused on the reasons behind violence against peacekeepers. This thesis theorizes that the presence of a third-party military operation that threatens the operational capabilities of rebel groups has the potential to cause an increase in rebel violence against a United Nations Peacekeeping operation in the same conflict. Through examining conflict dynamics in the cases of Mali and the Central African Republic utilizing of a structured, focused comparison, the hypothesized relationship and causal explanations were put to the test. The expectation was that in Mali, the high levels of violence would be explained by the effectiveness of the French counterinsurgency operation in the country. In the Central African Republic, the contrary was expected. However, the hypothesis could not be confirmed. Due to some rather large caveats and limitations, the research gap could not be satisfied. Nonetheless, the study creates plenty for avenues of future research, and opportunities to learn from the challenges encountered. Acknowledgements This thesis came awfully close to never being finished. Thus, I owe several people a lot of gratitude for helping me getting here. First, I want to thank my supervisor, Lisa Hultman, for getting me on the right track and some invaluable pointers on how to go ahead with the research process. I also want to thank my friends, for continuously believing in me when not even I did. And finally, I want to thank my Family, who have supported me without hesitation throughout this journey. Thank you. Contents 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 2. Previous literature ................................................................................................ 3 Increase in fatalities among UN peacekeepers ............................................. 3 Beyond numbers ........................................................................................... 5 Evolution of UN peacekeeping operations ................................................... 7 Identifying a research gap ............................................................................. 8 3. Theoretical framework ....................................................................................... 10 Concepts and definitions ............................................................................ 10 Constructing a theoretical chain ................................................................. 11 3.2.1. UN peacekeeping as a fighting force – risks and rewards ...................... 11 3.2.2. UN peacekeeping and allied military operations .................................... 13 3.2.3. Causal mechanism ................................................................................... 14 4. Research design and case selection .................................................................... 20 Research method ......................................................................................... 20 Operationalisation ....................................................................................... 20 Questions .................................................................................................... 23 Case selection ............................................................................................. 24 4.5 Sources and Data ............................................................................................ 28 5. The Cases ........................................................................................................... 29 The conflict in Mali .................................................................................... 29 5.1.1 2016 in Mali ............................................................................................. 31 Central African Republic - CAR ................................................................ 33 5.2.1. 2016 in the Central African Republic ..................................................... 35 6. Case comparison ................................................................................................ 37 Dependent variable ..................................................................................... 37 Independent Variable .................................................................................. 40 Causal mechanism ...................................................................................... 42 7. Analysis.............................................................................................................. 44 Mali ............................................................................................................. 44 Central African Republic ............................................................................ 46 Implications for the hypothesis and causal mechanism .............................. 48 8. Conclusions ........................................................................................................ 51 9. Bibliography ...................................................................................................... 53 1. Introduction Peacekeepers have always been at risk of becoming the target of physical violence and attacks as they are deployed to conflict zones around the world. United Nations peacekeeping operations have evolved to become one of the primary conflict management tools at the disposal of the international community (Sandler 2017). However, the nature of conflicts has dramatically changed since the first armed peacekeeping operation was deployed in 1956 and have become ever more complex and challenging. Consequently, UN peacekeeping operations have had to adapt over time, continually facing new challenges to all parts of their operation, including the security and protection of the peacekeeping personnel (Hultman, Kathman, and Shannon 2019; Conley and Langholtz 2014; Sloan 2014). The 2017 independent report “Improving security of United Nations Peacekeepers: We need to change the way we are doing business” (Cruz 2017) sheds light on the ever-growing challenges faced by the United Nations in its peacekeeping operations. The report reviews what the author identifies as a worrying increase in fatalities and injuries to uniformed personnel deployed to peacekeeping operations from 2013 to 2017. It discusses and analyses possible causes and solutions to what the report calls a number of fatalities that “go beyond a normal or acceptable level of risk”, calling for action to improve the safety of UN peacekeeping personnel. The use of UN peacekeeping operations as a tool for not only conflict resolution but also for other tasks such as the protection of civilians in conflict environments has become increasingly common over the years. As a consequence, political discussion on issues like what role UN peacekeeping should play in conflicts has also gained traction. One recurring topic over the years has been the reluctance of western countries to contribute troops to missions deemed dangerous, presumably fearing for the safety of their troops and the risk of potential backlash at home (Tardy 2011). The positioning of UN peacekeeping operations in ongoing armed conflicts is another contested topic, where some argue that UN peacekeeping is not suited to operate in such environments (Karlsrud 2015; Tardy 2011). With so much political discussion on topics closely related to the safety and protection of UN peacekeeping personnel, it would be no stretch to assume that academic research interest would be growing accordingly. However, this is not the case. The broader topic of UN peacekeeping operations has enjoyed a moderate amount of academic research interest over the years, with most research focusing on either the evolution of peacekeeping operations 1 throughout history or the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping operations (Fortna and Howard 2008; Gizelis, Dorussen, and Petrova 2016). Meanwhile, the specific topic of violence against peacekeepers, under what circumstances it occurs and what motivates it, remains severely underresearched (Duursma 2019). It is indeed only during the last decade that a small amount of academic research has attempted to shed some light on this phenomenon (Duursma 2019; Lindberg Bromley 2017). It seems clear then that in order to gain insight into the motivations behind violence against peacekeepers, it is essential to examine the internal dynamics of the conflicts in which it occurs. Research has shown that rebel groups experiencing battlefield losses against the government have incentives to target peacekeepers and as a result, are more likely to do so (Fjelde, Hultman, and Lindberg Bromley 2016). Another factor that may cause UN peacekeepers to become targets of violence is if the peacekeeping operations are seen as part of the conflict rather than as an impartial third-party, which can happen through several mechanisms. This thesis
Recommended publications
  • Mali: Extremism & Counter-Extremism
    Mali: Extremism & Counter-Extremism On October 27, 2020, a Bamako court begins the trial of two men accused of orchestrating terror attacks in 2015 that targeted foreigners in Mali. At least 26 people were killed and at least 14 others were injured in an attack at La Terrasse nightclub in March 2015 and at the Radisson Blu hotel in November of the same year. The suspects face charges of planning and executing the attacks. The alleged mastermind, Mauritanian national Fawaz Ould Ahmeida, is accused of personally shooting victims at the nightclub as revenge for French satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo, publishing cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad. Also implicated in the attacks is Sadou Chaka, a Malian who investigators claim transported weapons in the Radisson Blu attack. The November 2015 Radisson Blu attack saw two armed men hold over 170 guests and staff hostage, killing 20 and wounding 14 others before security officers stormed the building. (Source: BBC News [1]) On August 18, 2020, Malian soldiers ambushed Bamako, the West African country’s capital, and arrested President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. The mutineers call themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP), and their spokesman, Colonel Ismael Wague, claims the group is “not keen on power, but we are keen on the stability of the country.” CNSP seeks to organize a general election that will provide Mali with stronger institutions. The head of the African Union Commission and other West African leaders have condemned the uprising, demanding the release of the president. The country is currently embroiled in protests as disgruntled citizens are demanding new leadership to counter the growing threat of extremism and economic instability.
    [Show full text]
  • Mali: Extremism & Counter-Extremism
    Mali: Extremism & Counter-Extremism On August 18, 2020, Malian soldiers ambushed Bamako, the West African country’s capital, and arrested President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. The mutineers call themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP), and their spokesman, Colonel Ismael Wague, claims the group is “not keen on power, but we are keen on the stability of the country.” CNSP seeks to organize a general election that will provide Mali with stronger institutions. The head of the African Union Commission and other West African leaders have condemned the uprising, demanding the release of the president. The country is currently embroiled in protests as disgruntled citizens are demanding new leadership to counter the growing threat of extremism and economic instability. Later that day, Keita issued a brief address from a military base in Kati where he had been detained. In the address, he announced his resignation and the dissolution of parliament. As of August 24, 2020, Keita has yet to be released by the junta. (Sources: Washington Post [1], CNN [2], Reuters [3], Washington Post [4]) On June 4, 2020, French troops launched an operation in Talhandak, northern Mali. The operation targeted top al-Qaeda leader, Abdelmalek Droukdal [5], the head of al-Qaeda’s affiliates in North Africa and the Sahel. Droukdal engineered al- Qaeda’s expansion throughout the Sahel and Magreb through financing, planning, and carrying out terrorist attacks. (Source: The Hill [6]) In May 2020, ISIS fighters detonated a truck bomb along the desert frontier between Mali and Burkina Faso. Unlike similar previous attacks—where ISIS fighters targeted soldiers and villagers—this attack targeted al-Qaeda militants.
    [Show full text]
  • The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso
    Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2021 Education Amid Stabilization: The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso Arjun S. Mehta Bowdoin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the African Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Mehta, Arjun S., "Education Amid Stabilization: The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso" (2021). Honors Projects. 268. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/268 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Education Amid Stabilization The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso An honors paper for the Department of Government and Legal Studies By Arjun S. Mehta Bowdoin College, 2021 © 2021 Arjun S. Mehta Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Abstract iv List of Tables, Figures, and Maps v List of Abbreviations vi Chapter I: Introduction & Literature Review 1 Hypothesis and Methodology 4 Research Questions 6 Structure of
    [Show full text]
  • Mali Mission Brief
    Mali Mission Brief I. Activity Summary Overview Mali is an exemplar of a complex crisis, involving a military coup, a separatist insurgency, an extremist insurgency involving terrorism, a weak state with a limited capacity to tackle corruption and organized crime, failed security sector reform, and regional power struggles. Mali is also a case of diverse peace operations that have not been well designed to resolve the country’s crisis. By 2011, Mali was widely considered one of the most successful examples of democracy in Africa, having held free and fair elections since 1991. But Mali has suffered a number of rebellions in its northern regions since gaining independence from France in 1960, spurred by inequality and discrimination between the country's arid north, populated by nomadic peoples, most notably Tuaregs, and its southern power center in the capital (Bamako), as well as by competition within nomadic communities. Additionally, the Malian Sahara has been particularly affected by conflict spillover, including terrorism and unrest in Algeria and Libya. In 2007, the Islamist group Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which had first established bases in northern Mali in the early 2000s, became increasingly active. In early 2012, the return of well-armed Malian Tuaregs who had traveled to Libya to defend Muammar Gaddafi in the Libyan civil war, seized the opportunity to advance their interests, and sparked a rebellion combining Tuareg irredentism and militant Islamism. The combination of increased activity of AQIM and other splinter groups, grave humanitarian circumstances, and a secessionist agenda of the Tuareg led to crisis, which in turn spurred the development of one of the most complex and multifaceted international peace operations to date.
    [Show full text]
  • Mali: Extremism and Terrorism
    Mali: Extremism and Terrorism On June 10, 2021, France announced that it would end Operation Barkhane, France’s seven-year anti-terror mission in Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad, Niger, and Mauritania. According to French President Emmanuel Macron, the mission will allegedly be replaced by a more international effort that would focus on supporting and cooperating with armies in the region that ask for assistance. Central to the new effort will be the Takuba Task Force—the European military task force led by France which advises, assists, and accompanies Malian Armed forces in the Sahel. The details will be finalized by the end of June following consultations with the United States, other European countries deployed in the region, and the five Sahel countries under Operation Barkhane’s purview. France’s withdrawal comes at a critical juncture, as militants regularly attack Mali’s army is poorly equipped and underfunded to adequately repel attacks. (Sources: CNN, Reuters, France 24) On August 18, 2020, Malian soldiers ambushed Bamako, the West African country’s capital, and arrested President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. The mutineers call themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP), and their spokesman, Colonel Ismael Wague, claims the group seeks to organize a general election that will provide Mali with stronger institutions. Keita later issued a brief address announcing his resignation and the dissolution of parliament. Keita was released on August 27, 2020, and on October 6, 2020, the CNSP appointed retired Colonel Bah Ndaw as interim president, and Moctar Ouane—a civilian—as prime minister. The transition government is expected to lead to an election in 18 months.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Serval: a Swift Intervention with a Small Footprint in Mali
    22 OPERATION SERVAL A swift intervention with a small footprint in Mali Michael A. Sheehan and Pascale C. Siegel In January 2012, Tuareg separatists from the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), backed by Salafi-jihadi groups al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Ansar Dine, attacked govern- ment outposts in northern Mali, kicking off a separatist insurgency. By early April, the coalition of separa- tist and jihadi fighters had forced the retreat of the Malian military, captured the towns of Kidal, Gao, and Timbuktu (the major population centers in northern Mali), and imposed a harsh form of Sharia (Islamic law). Although the rebel offensive was predictable, not enough was done to prevent it. While the international community dithered, the rebels gained strength in the north. In early Janu- ary 2013, perhaps as a preemptive strike before an effective international force could be mustered, Tuareg rebel leader Iyad Ag Ghali1 sent a column of fighters south toward the capital, Bamako. To the credit of French President Francois Hollande, the French immediately sought and gained permission from the gov- ernment in Bamako to launch Operation Serval on January 11, 2013. The U.S.-French intervention in Mali in 2013 is notable for its fast, measured, and efficient approach. About 4,000 French troops—supported by U.S. intelligence, aerial refueling, and strategic lift for heavy combat forces—saved the capital city of Bamako from collapse and effectively quelled a jihadi-backed sepa- ratist uprising.2 Intent on keeping a small footprint and avoiding the impression of a European occupational force, Operation Serval succeeded on both counts.
    [Show full text]
  • Regions at Risk: Preventing Mass Atrocities in Mali
    AUTHORS Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim is an Early Warning Fellow with the Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide. He is a PhD candidate in Political Science and a research associate with the Sahel Research Group at the University of Florida. Mollie Zapata is a Research Associate with the Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Simon-Skjodt Center would like to thank the Malian men and women who agreed to be interviewed for this report. Staff are particularly indebted to those who took the time to share their personal stories, experiences, and perspectives. We thank colleagues who reviewed and commented on an early draft, especially Alexis Arieff, Kamissa Camara, Corinne Dufka, Andrew Lebovich, Michael Shurkin, and Alex Thurston. REGIONS AT RISK: PREVENTING MASS ATROCITIES IN MALI Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 2 Actor Table ......................................................................................................................... 4 Mali Recent Conflict Timeline ............................................................................................. 6 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 6 Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 7 Structural Risk Factors in Northern and Central Mali ........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • MALI CONFLICT and AFTERMATH Compendium of Human Rights Watch Reporting, 2012-2017 WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS MALI CONFLICT AND AFTERMATH Compendium of Human Rights Watch Reporting, 2012-2017 WATCH Mali Conflict and Aftermath Compendium of Human Rights Watch Reporting 2012-2017 Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org Mali Conflict and Aftermath Compendium of Human Rights Watch Reporting, 2012-2017 Human Rights Watch extensively investigated the human rights situation in Mali during the 2012-2013 armed conflict, the accompanying political upheaval, and the southward spread of Islamist armed group activity from 2015 to 2017. This document contains much of Human Rights Watch’s reporting and analysis during that period. In our advocacy we called on all sides to abide by international humanitarian law—the laws of war—and urged Mali’s government to take concrete steps with the assistance of its international supporters to address the conditions that led to the crisis.
    [Show full text]