A Demographic Portrait of the Mexican-Origin Population in Nebraska Lissette Aliaga-Linares
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University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Latino/Latin American Studies Reports OLLAS Reports & Publications 9-2014 A Demographic Portrait of the Mexican-Origin Population in Nebraska Lissette Aliaga-Linares Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/ latinamstudies_ollas_reports Part of the Community-Based Research Commons, Demography, Population, and Ecology Commons, Growth and Development Commons, Income Distribution Commons, Latina/o Studies Commons, and the Regional Economics Commons Recommended Citation Aliaga-Linares, Lissette, "A Demographic Portrait of the Mexican-Origin Population in Nebraska" (2014). Latino/Latin American Studies Reports. 3. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/latinamstudies_ollas_reports/3 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the OLLAS Reports & Publications at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latino/Latin American Studies Reports by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A DEMOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT OF THE MEXICAN- ORIGIN1 POPULATION IN NEBRASKA HIGHLIGHTS MEXICAN-ORIGIN POPULATION GROWTH SINCE 1900 Traditionally, the Mexican-origin popula- approximations, the 1930 census year ∗∗As of 2012, approximately 140,000 Mexican- origin residents live in Nebraska, making up tion in the United States resided in the was the only time when the number of 80% of the total Latino population and 7% Southwest, a former Mexican territory Mexican-born (4,015) surpassed U.S.- 3 of the total population in the state. annexed to the United States in 1848 . born Mexicans (2,306). During these two ∗∗The Nebraska Mexican population has grown Approximately 100,000 Spanish-speaking decades, two-thirds (63%) of this growth consistently after two of the largest immigrant people lived in this territory before the was the result of immigration. waves in the state. Compared to the period of 1910 to 1930, the increase in the Mexican creation of California, Texas, Arizona, The “push” produced by the Mexican Rev- population was significantly larger for 1990- New Mexico, and Colorado (Grajeda olution significantly influenced Mexican 2000. Since 2000, Mexican immigration to 1998). While a large proportion of the migration to the United States between Nebraska has slowed down, but still the Mexi- Mexican-origin population still resides can population in the state has doubled in size. 1910 and 1930. However, while im- ∗∗Although immigration has been an important within these states, a greater geographical portant, without the active recruitment factor contributing to the increase of the Mexi- dispersion of the Mexican-origin popula- of workers by companies operating in can population in the state, only one-third of tion started around 1990. Yet, even if the the interior of the country, this founda- this population (36%) was born in Mexico. numbers were never particularly large, in Two-thirds of the Mexican population (64%) is tional migration and early settlements of U.S-born and more than a half of its youngest some of these so-called new destinations, Mexicans in Nebraska would not have generation (57% of those U.S.-born under 17 such as the case of Nebraska, the presence occurred. Few of these workers came years old) has at least one Mexican-born parent. of the Mexican-origin population has a directly from Mexico to Nebraska. The ∗∗The number of Mexicans moving to Nebraska long history. has declined in the last five years, especially first workers came through Kansas City those moving from abroad. Between 2008 Although few Mexicans lived in the and were hired by Union Pacific and Bur- and 2012, only one in five new arrivals came Midwest before 19004, this population lington/Santa Fe to work on the railroads. directly from abroad, compared to four in five who moved from different states in the U.S. steadily grew as a product of two of the Another larger set of workers were re- ∗∗In the last five years, the top five “sending” largest immigration waves in the United cruited from other states such Texas, Wyo- states of the Mexican population to Nebraska States (See Figure 1). The first notable ming, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Ari- were California, Iowa, Texas, Colorado, and growth of this population in Nebraska zona (Grajeda 1976:58–59). From these Arizona. occurred between 1910 and 1930. During other states, many were brought to work ∗∗Twelve counties in Nebraska have a share of the Mexican population that is higher than the this period, according to the U.S. Cen- in the expanding sugar beet industry in state share of 7%. sus estimates, Nebraska’s Mexican-origin Western Nebraska and at the meatpacking ∗∗Nebraska’s Mexican-origin population is young, population increased from 299 in 1910 houses and stockyards in South Omaha with a median age of 22. Mexican-Americans to 6,321 in 1930. Based on Integrated (Grajeda 1998). are even younger, with a median age of 13. More than half of the Mexican working-age Public Use Microdata Series IPUMS data population (53%) is composed of immigrants. Mexican-Americans make up 91% of the Mexi- can population that is 17 years old and younger. ABOUT THIS REPORT ∗∗Compared to their status in the year 2000, Mexicans, and particularly Mexican Ameri- Over the past four decades, the size of the Mexican-origin population in Nebraska cans, are now better educated, more proficient has increased substantially. Mexicans −immigrants and U.S. born− represent by far in English and more likely to own a home the largest proportion of the Latino population in Nebraska. This report presents a in Nebraska. Nonetheless, household income historical account of the Mexican-origin population growth, outlines some current has dropped significantly, and levels of pov- socio-demographic characteristics by nativity2, and identifies some socioeconomic erty have increased among all Mexican-origin populations. trends in the last decade. ∗∗Over the last decade, female-headed households with no husband present have increased among OLLAS Mexican immigrants. In 2000, 8% of Mexican- immigrant households were headed by females compared to 19% for the period of 2008-2012. Office of Latino/Latin American Studies A DEMOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT OF THE MEXICAN-ORIGIN POPULATION IN NEBRASKA This early Mexican immigrant wave in the Midwest was char- lation. From 1942 to 1964, Mexican immigrant workers in acterized by largely young, unattached males or solteros who the United States were brought by the Bracero program, which saw their stay as temporary and with little interest in seeking permitted Mexican citizens to take temporary agricultural work naturalization or citizenship (García 2004). As noted by the tes- in the United States. In those years, the number of Mexican timonies of early Mexican settlers, many did not intend to settle immigrants in the Bracero program in Nebraska rose steadily permanently in the state (Grajeda 1976:62) and were usually but did not significantly increase Mexican migration in the portrayed as a “floating” population (Sullenger 1924). None- state. At peak agricultural times, the documented number of theless, small Mexican settlements developed alongside many braceros was 154 in 1943, 1,035 in 1947, and 1,831 in 1963 of the railroads and towns as some employers hired families to (Martínez 1958; Needs 1965). Yet, according to estimates based maintain a more permanent workforce (Valdés 2000). on birthplace using the IPUMS data, the number of Mexican During the years of the Great Depression (1929-1939), the immigrants remained at about 1,500 during those years. One Mexican-origin population and particularly the number of Mexi- reason the Bracero program did not have an important impact in can immigrants shrank considerably in Nebraska. According to Nebraska was the exclusion of Texas at the start of the program. census data, the Mexican-origin population declined to a total of Texas was an important gateway that directed workers through 5,500 in 1940, a decrease of 13% in ten years. Estimations from Kansas to Nebraska (Davis 2001). Additionally, the technological IPUMS suggest that from a total of 4,016 Mexican immigrants changes in the planting and harvesting of sugar beets in Western in 1930, this population dwindled to 1,710 in 1940. Removal Nebraska contributed to a diminishing need for migrant farm from relief rolls, discrimination in hiring practices, and forced workers over the years (Sanchez 2011). repatriations are the main factors that contributed to the sudden After the end of the Bracero program, Mexican migration started decline of the Mexican-origin and immigrant populations in the to increase but its overall contribution to population growth was Midwest (García 2004). Nationally, more than 400,000 persons minor. From 1960 to 1970, Mexican immigrants in Nebraska in the United States were forcefully repatriated to Mexico from increased by 70% to a total of 2,703 in 1970. Between 1970 1929 to 1937 (Hoffman 1974:174–175). In Nebraska, many and 1980, a time corresponding to Nebraska’s farm crisis, there studies show how Mexican communities were affected. Grajeda was only a 9% increase. After the U.S. Immigration Control documents how Mexican-born parents with U.S.-born children and Reform Act of 1986 (IRCA), which granted residence to serving in World War II were routinely targeted by immigration many former agricultural migrant workers in the United States, authorities (1976:68). Arbelaez narrates how the building of the increase was more sizeable. Between 1980 and 1990, the Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Church in Omaha, founded as number of Mexican immigrants almost doubled to a total of parish in 1919, was delayed until 1944 because of the radical 4,602. Nonetheless, after 1960 and up to 1990, Mexican im- drop in the number of parishioners (2006:17). From 1940 to 1980, the offspring of the early im- Figure 1: Mexican-Origin Population in Nebraska, 1870-2012 migrant wave became the principal source of growth for the total Mexican-origin population in Nebraska.