Report Northern Ireland Assembly Commissioner for Standards Basil
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Get Involved the Work of the Northern Ireland Assembly
Get Involved The work of the Northern Ireland Assembly Pól Callaghan MLA, Tom Elliott MLA, Gregory Campbell MP MLA and Martina Anderson MLA answer questions on local issues at Magee. Contents We welcome your feedback This first edition of the community We welcome your feedback on the newsletter features our recent Community Outreach programme conference at Magee and a number and on this newsletter. Please let of events in Parliament Buildings. us know what you think by emailing It is a snapshot of the Community [email protected] or by Outreach Programme in the Assembly. calling 028 9052 1785 028 9052 1785 Get Involved [email protected] Get Involved The work of the Northern Ireland Assembly Speaker’s overwhelmingly positive. I was deeply impressed by Introduction how passionately those who attended articulated Representative democracy the interests of their own through civic participation causes and communities. I have spoken to many As Speaker, I have always individuals and I am been very clear that greatly encouraged genuine engagement constituency. The event that they intend to get with the community is at Magee was the first more involved with the essential to the success time we had tried such Assembly as a result. of the Assembly as an a specific approach with effective democratic MLAs giving support and The Community Outreach institution. We know advice to community unit is available to that the decisions and groups including on how support, advise and liaise legislation passed in the to get involved with the with the community and Assembly are best when process of developing voluntary sector. -
Political Constructions of a Cross-Community Identity in a Divided Society
Edinburgh Research Explorer Political constructions of a cross-community identity in a divided society Citation for published version: McNicholl, K 2017, 'Political constructions of a cross-community identity in a divided society: How politicians articulate Northern Irishness', National Identities, pp. 1-19. https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1312325 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1080/14608944.2017.1312325 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: National Identities Publisher Rights Statement: This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in National Identities on 27 Apr 2017, available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14608944.2017.1312325. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 27. Sep. 2021 Political Constructions of a Cross-Community Identity in a Divided Society: How Politicians Articulate Northern Irishness. A shared identity has been shown to reduce prejudice between conflicting social groups. One such common national category is the ‘Northern Irish’ identity which can be inclusive of both Catholics and Protestants. -
Review of European and National Election Results 2014-2019 Mid-Term January 2017
Review of European and National Election Results 2014-2019 Mid-term January 2017 STUDY Public Opinion Monitoring Series Directorate-General for Communication Published by EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Jacques Nancy, Public Opinion Monitoring Unit PE 599.242 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit REVIEW EE2014 Edition Spéciale Mi-Législature Special Edition on Mid-term Legislature LES ÉLECTIONS EUROPÉENNES ET NATIONALES EN CHIFFRES EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTIONS RESULTS TABLES Mise à jour – 20 janvier 2017 Update – 20th January 2017 8éme Législature 8th Parliamentary Term DANS CETTE EDITION Page IN THIS EDITION Page EDITORIAL11 EDITORIAL I.COMPOSITION DU PARLEMENT EUROPÉEN 6 I. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 6 A.REPARTITION DES SIEGES 7 A.DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS 7 B.COMPOSITION DU PARLEMENT 8 B.COMPOSITION OF THE PARLIAMENT 8 -9-9AU 01/07/2014 ON THE 01/07/2014 -10-10AU 20/01/2017 ON THE 20/01/2017 C.SESSIONS CONSTITUTIVES ET PARLEMENT 11 C.CONSTITUTIVE SESSIONS AND OUTGOING EP 11 SORTANT DEPUIS 1979 SINCE 1979 D.REPARTITION FEMMES - HOMMES 29 D.PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN 29 AU 20/01/2017 ON 20/01/2017 -30-30PAR GROUPE POLITIQUE AU 20/01/2017 IN THE POLITICAL GROUPS ON 20/01/2017 ET DEPUIS 1979 AND SINCE 1979 E.PARLEMENTAIRES RÉÉLUS 33 E.RE-ELECTED MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 33 II.NOMBRE DE PARTIS NATIONAUX AU PARLEMENT 35 II.NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN 35 EUROPEEN AU 20/01/2017 PARLIAMENT ON 20/01/2017 III.TAUX DE PARTICIPATION 37 III. TURNOUT 37 -38-38TAUX DE PARTICIPATION -
Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants
Ethnicising Ulster’s Protestants Tolerance, Peoplehood, and Class in Ulster-Scots Ethnopedagogy Peter Robert Gardner Jesus College, The University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Contents Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations and Short Forms v Acknowledgements vi Word Limit and Plagiarism Statement vii Abstract viii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Research Questions, Methods and Chapter Overview 5 1.2 Tolerance, Peoplehood, Dignity 7 Chapter Two: Protestantism, Unionism and Consociational Ideology 11 2.1 Shifting Peoplehoods 12 2.1.1 From British Rule to Unionist Rule 12 2.1.2 From Multiplicity toward Britishness 15 2.1.3 Defeatism and the Cultural Turn 18 2.2 Consociationalism, Normativity, Power 21 2.3 Ulster-Scots 26 2.3.1 Ethnic Peoplehood 26 2.3.2 Who are the Ulster-Scots? 30 2.3.3 “Revival” 35 2.4 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three: Communal Segregation and Educational Peace-Building 39 3.1 The Current State of Segregation 39 3.2 Segregated Education 45 3.3 Education and Peace-Building 55 3.4 Conclusion: De-segregating the Mind 63 Chapter Four: Methods 65 4.1 Research Design and Methods 65 4.1.1 Educational Materials 66 4.1.2 Interviews 67 4.1.3. Primary School Survey 69 4.2 Analysis 70 4.2.1 Euphemism, “Telling” and Reading Silences 72 4.2.2 Reflexivity, Stickiness and Power Dynamics 75 4.3 Conclusion 78 Chapter Five: The Development of Ulster-Scots Education 79 5.1 Processes of Peoplehood-Building 79 5.2 Three Phases of Development 81 5.2.1 Phase One: Grass-Roots Education, Elite Lobbying -
Abortion and Same-Sex Marriage: How Are Non-Sectarian Controversial Issues Discussed in Northern Irish Politics?
Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Westminster's legislation regarding marriage rights for same sex couples has not be extended to Northern Ireland. Similarly, Northern Ireland has never been under the jurisdiction of the 1967 Abortion Act, making abortion effectively illegal in the province unless it is necessary to preserve the long-term life or health of the woman. This article considers contemporary political debate around abortion and same-sex marriage in Northern Ireland to ask; how are controversial (but non-sectarian) issues such as abortion and same sex marriage dealt with in a divided society? Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey and selected debates from the Northern Irish Assembly, it considers how political parties and post-conflict governance have shaped debate on these issues. Keywords: Northern Ireland, gender, abortion, same-sex marriage 1 Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Falling outside of the dominant conception of post-conflict identity as primarily ethno- national, cross-cutting issues around sexuality and gender in divided societies such as Northern Ireland and Bosnia-Herzegovina have had less attention within academic literature. Consideration of ethno-national identity has been dominant, and has come at the expense of understanding other types of social difference. In work on post-conflict governance and policy-making, non-ethno-national issues are largely left to one side (for example Noel, 2005); equally, in literature on gender or sexuality politics, divided societies are deemed a ‘special’ case, or overly specific due to their complex politics, and not included in discussion (Larsen et al, 2012, Sheldon, 1997). -
The Politics of Northern Ireland
The Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland Dominic Bryan The British Isles • Settlers - Plantations in 16th- and 17th-century Ireland • 18th Century: Loyalty, Protestantism and Orangeism • Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland • Act of Union 1800: the idea of a United Kingdom • The landed class and industrial class and a working class • The empire, the bible and the crown • The Irish Unionist Party • The Orange Order • Identity: Britishness – Irishness – Ulster Origins of Unionism • Also the Official Unionist Party or simply the Unionist Party • Derived from the Irish Unionist Party in 19th Century • Foundation – the Ulster Unionist Council of 1905 • Key role of the Orange Order • The role of the gentry and upper-class • Edward Carson, James Craig and the UVF • 1921 – Northern Ireland • Prime Ministers: Craig, Andrews, Brooke, O’Neil and Chichester-Clarke and Faulkner. • Northern Ireland – a study in political control • Ian Paisley and Civil Rights Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • 1972: The end of Stormont • 1973: splits over the Sunningdale Agreement • Faulkner v Harry West • 1974: Vanguard and the United Ulster Unionist Council • Leader James Molyneaux 1979-1995 • Anglo Irish Agreement • 1995 – 2005 David Trimble and the Belfast Agreement • Division and Defeat. • Leadership of Sir Reg Empey and Mike Nesbitt • Leadership of Robin Swan Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • Ian Paisley – life and times • 1966 -1971 The Protestant Unionist Party • More Unionist, more Protestant and more working class • Growth in popularity in 1980’s and 1990’s • Staunch opposition to the 1998 Agreement – No talking to terrorists! • Took there seats in Government • 2007: Largest Party in Assembly • First Minister • Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster. -
Fordham International Law Journal
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Fordham University School of Law Fordham International Law Journal Volume 40, Issue 1 2016 Article 3 Does Every Cloud Have a Silver Lining?: Brexit, Repeal of the Human Rights Act and the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights Anne Smith∗ Monica McWilliamsy Priyamvada Yarnellz ∗ y z Copyright c 2016 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Does Every Cloud Have a Silver Lining?: Brexit, Repeal of the Human Rights Act and the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights Anne Smith, Monica McWilliams, and Priyamvada Yarnell Abstract Following the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and the Conservative’s plans to re- place the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights, this article argues that this is an oppor- tunity to re-open the debate on how best to address the current political stalemate on a Northern Ireland Bill of Rights, an unfulfilled element of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. We argue that at a time when there is so much uncertainty about the protection and safeguarding of rights with a real risk of lesser rights for fewer people in the United Kingdom, more than ever is the need to provide an alternative to progress the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights. This article provides that alternative. The article is supported in its conclusions by a series of semi-structured interviews with a range of key players involved in the Northern Ireland process and point to the pressing need for an alternative approach to a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. -
Report on a Complaint Against Mr Basil Mccrea MLA
Committee on Standards and Privileges Report on a complaint against Mr Basil McCrea MLA Together with the Report of the Assembly Commissioner for Standards; other evidence considered by the Committee; and the Minutes of Proceedings of the Committee Ordered by the Committee on Standards and Privileges to be printed on 1st March 2016 THE REPORT REMAINS EMBARGOED UNTIL 10:01AM on 3rd March 2016 Mandate 2011/16 Seventeenth Report - NIA 284/11-16 Report on a Complaints made against Mr Basil McCrea MLA Committee Powers and Membership 1. The Committee on Standards and Privileges is a Standing Committee of the Northern Ireland Assembly established in accordance with paragraph 10 of Strand One of the Belfast Agreement and under Assembly Standing Order Nos. 51 and 57. The Committee has 11 members including a quorum of 5. 2. The Committee has power: . to consider specific matters relating to privilege referred to it by the Assembly; . to oversee the work of the Assembly Clerk of Standards; . to examine the arrangement for the compilation, maintenance and accessibility of the Register of Members’ Interests and any other registers of interest established by the Assembly, and to review from time to time the form and content of those registers; . to consider any specific complaints made in relation to the registering or declaring of interests referred to it; . to consider any matter relating to the conduct of Members; . to recommend any modifications to any Assembly code of conduct as may from time to time appear to be necessary. 3. The Committee is appointed at the start of every Assembly, and has power to send for persons, papers and records that are relevant to its enquiries. -
Professor Rick Wilford Paper
Hi I've been away on & off so too little time available to furnish a response to the Bill. Had I more notice I could have done something. Instead, perhaps the Committee might take a look at my article in the current issue of Parliamentary Affairs, 'Two Cheers for Consociational Democracy.....' Its focus is on Assembly & Executive reform. Rick Wilford Parliamentary Affairs (2015) 68, 757–774 doi:10.1093/pa/gsu024 Advance Access Publication 11 November 2014 Two Cheers for Consociational Democracy? Reforming the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive Downloaded from Rick Wilford* School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queen’s University, 25 University Square, Belfast BT7 1PB, UK *Correspondence: [email protected] http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/ This article discusses the attempts to reform the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive by the former’s Assembly and Executive Review Committee. It situates the Committee’sreview of the Belfast Agreement’sStrand One institutions within the context both of prior proposals to effect reform and the constraints, institu- tional and behavioural, created by Northern Ireland’s model of consociational democracy. at Northern Ireland Assembly on November 5, 2015 1. Introduction In his 1938 essay, ‘What I Believe’, E M Forster voiced ‘two cheers for democracy: one, because it admits variety and two, because it permits criticism’ (Forster, 1972). ‘Variety’ or, to adopt the consociational lexicon, ‘inclusiveness’,is a corner- stone of devolved institutional design in Northern Ireland (NI), and the compos- ition of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee (AERC) tasked to review the potential for reform of the Strand One institutions—the subject of this paper—meets that test (see below). -
Report on Women in Politics and the Northern Ireland Assembly Together with Written Submissions
Assembly and Executive Review Committee Report on Women in Politics and the Northern Ireland Assembly Together with Written Submissions Ordered by the Assembly and Executive Review Committee to be printed 17 February 2015 This report is the property of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. Neither the report nor its contents should be disclosed to any person unless such disclosure is authorised by the Committee. THE REPORT REMAINS EMBARGOED UNTIL COMMENCEMENT OF THE DEBATE IN PLENARY. Mandate 2011/16 Sixth Report - NIA 224/11-16 Membership and Powers Membership and Powers Powers The Assembly and Executive Review Committee is a Standing Committee established in accordance with Section 29A and 29B of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and Standing Order 59 which states: “(1) There shall be a standing committee of the Assembly to be known as the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. (2) The committee may (a) exercise the power in section 44(1) of the Northern Ireland Act 1998; (b) report from time to time to the Assembly and the Executive Committee. (3) The committee shall consider (a) such matters relating to the operation of the provisions of Parts 3 and 4 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 as enable it to make the report referred to in section 29A(3) of that Act; and (b) such other matters relating to the functioning of the Assembly or the Executive Committee as may be referred to it by the Assembly.” Membership The Committee has eleven members including a Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson with a quorum of five. The membership of -
Constituency Profiles for Further and Higher Education in Northern Ireland
COUNTMAKE EDUCATION CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN NORTHERN IRELAND CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION MAKE EDUCATION COUNT IN NORTHERN IRELAND Introduction It’s 2010 – the second decade of the 21st century – and it remains a stark reality that Northern Ireland is still riddled with some of the more dire statistics in the UK, when it comes to educational attainment and employment. Northern Ireland is bottom of UK tables that measure employment rates and people with qualifications, according to UCU analysis. Just over two-thirds of people in Northern Ireland (69.7%) are employed, the worst percentage of the UK's 12 regions. The South East of England tops the table with over three-quarters of people (78.5%) employed. The average is 74%. Northern Ireland has the highest percentage of people without qualifications. One in five (21.8%) have no qualifications, which is a long way off the national average of 12.4%. Northern Ireland fares slightly better when it comes to the percentage of people with a degree though. Over a quarter of people (25.7%) have a degree, which puts Northern Ireland in the middle of the regions' table but still some way behind the average of 29%. Contents Political constituency analysis 03 Lagan Valley 13 Summary of key findings 03 Mid Ulster 14 Constituency profiles Newry and Amargh 15 Belfast East 05 North Antrim 16 Belfast North 06 North Down 17 Belfast South 07 South Antrim 18 Belfast West 08 South Down 19 East Antrim 09 Strangford 20 East Londonderry 10 Upper Bann 21 -
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has Political Isolation, Sectarianism, Secularism, Or Declining Social Capital Proved the Biggest Challenge?
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has political isolation, sectarianism, secularism, or declining social capital proved the biggest challenge? Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Andrew McCaldon August 2018 Department of Politics University of Liverpool Liverpool L69 3BX The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Contents Dedication 003 Acknowledgements 004 Abstract 005 List of Abbreviations 006 List of Tables 007 Introduction 008 Chapter One The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: The State of Play 037 Chapter Two From pre– to post–Agreement Northern Ireland: 070 Political isolation and the Grand Orange Lodge Chapter Three Intolerance in a tolerant society? 106 Parading, sectarianism, and declining middle–class respectability Chapter Four An Order Re–routed: 135 Interface Orangeism in Drumcree and Ardoyne Chapter Five ‘The Biggest Threat’? The impact of secularism 167 Chapter Six Parading Alone: The decline of social capital in 195 Northern Ireland and its impacts on the Orange Order Conclusion 228 Bibliography 239 Appendix I Interview Questions 266 Andrew McCaldon Page 2 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland For my mother who, by the second Twelfth of July parade, started to enjoy them and my uncle, Ian Buxton (1968–2018) who never got to see it finished Andrew McCaldon Page 3 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Acknowledgements To Professor Jon Tonge, I offer my sincere thanks for having withstood the mental anguish of supervising both my undergraduate and postgraduate research at the University of Liverpool. His advice has been beyond invaluable and he is the model of patience, whose professionalism, knowledge–base, and subject enthusiasm never cease to amaze me.