Middle Class Dreams By: Stanley B
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S:\OHP\Tames, George Oral History\Tamespreface.Wpd
George Tames Washington Photographer for the New York Times PREFACE In 1846, an unknown cameraman took the first photograph of the United States Capitol, a view of the East Front. Thereafter the Capitol, from all angles, became the subject of countless amateur and professional photographers. During the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth most photography took place outside the building, due both to its dimly lit interior and to the antipathy many committee chairmen felt about the distractions of flash powder and bulbs. Eventually, photographers moved into the building, shooting everywhere at will, except within the Senate and House chambers. By the 1980s, television cameras penetrated even this haven. Nearly a century after that first photo, George Tames began photographing the people and events of Capitol Hill, first for Time-Life and later for the New York Times. During the course of a long career that ranged from the 1940s through the 1980s, Tames developed access to, and captured the likenesses of more significant members of Congress, and had his work reproduced more widely in influential publications than any other photographer in American political history. He developed a style contrary to the "herd instinct" that led other photographers to group together outside a closed door waiting for a standard shot. Instead, his pictures demonstrate an artistic eye, an intense sense of place, and a special intimacy with his subjects. George Tames was born in the shadow of the Capitol Dome, in a Washington alley house on January 21, 1919, into a Greek-Albanian immigrant family, and "born into the Democratic party" as well. -
Persuading the Public a Linguistic Analysis of Barack Obama’S Speech on “Super Tuesday” 2008
Högskolan Dalarna Engelska C-uppsats Supervisor: Soraya Tharani Persuading the Public A Linguistic Analysis of Barack Obama’s Speech on “Super Tuesday” 2008 Spring 2008 Mikael Assmundson 800326-7112 [email protected] Table of contents Abstract.......................................................................................................................3 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................3 1.1 Aim...............................................................................................................................5 2. Theoretical Background ..........................................................................................5 2.1 Previous Studies ..........................................................................................................5 2.2 Aristotelian Rhetoric .....................................................................................................7 2.2.1 Ethos ............................................................................................................................................8 2.2.2 Pathos ..........................................................................................................................................8 2.2.3 Logos............................................................................................................................................9 3. Method and Data ..................................................................................................10 -
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Updated October 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43824 Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Summary The electoral college method of electing the President and Vice President was established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and revised by the Twelfth Amendment. It provides for election of the President and Vice President by electors, commonly referred to as the electoral college. A majority of 270 of the 538 electoral votes is necessary to win. For further information on the modern-day operation of the college system, see CRS Report RL32611, The Electoral College: How It Works in Contemporary Presidential Elections, by Thomas H. Neale. The electoral college has been the subject of criticism and proposals for reform since before 1800. Constitutional and structural criticisms have centered on several of its features: (1) although today all electors are chosen by the voters in the presidential election, it is claimed to be not fully democratic, since it provides indirect election of the President; (2) it can lead to the election of candidates who win the electoral college but fewer popular votes than their opponents, or to contingent election in Congress if no candidate wins an electoral college majority; (3) it results in electoral vote under- and over-representation for some states between censuses; and (4) “faithless” electors can vote for candidates other than those they were elected to support. Legislative and political criticisms include (1) the general ticket system, currently used in all states except Maine and Nebraska, which is alleged to disenfranchise voters who prefer the losing candidates in the states; (2) various asserted “biases” that are alleged to favor different states and groups; and (3) the electoral college “lock,” which has been claimed to provide an electoral college advantage to both major parties at different times. -
Cesifo Working Paper No. 3752 Category 2: Public Choice February 2012
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Krasa, Stefan; Polborn, Mattias Working Paper Elites or masses? A structural model of policy divergence, voter sorting and apparent polarization in U.S. presidential elections, 1972-2008 CESifo Working Paper, No. 3752 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Krasa, Stefan; Polborn, Mattias (2012) : Elites or masses? A structural model of policy divergence, voter sorting and apparent polarization in U.S. presidential elections, 1972-2008, CESifo Working Paper, No. 3752, Center for Economic Studies and ifo Institute (CESifo), Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/55874 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. -
Grreat Sept07.Indd
GRREATNEWS Golden Retriever Rescue, Education and Training, Inc. • September/October 2007 • Vol. 18, No. 5 IN THIS ISSUE: Belle: My Amazing Story Letter from the President By Lesleigh Cook 3 My name is Belle. They tell me I am a didn’t know what to do, for the more I Time for Goodbye miracle dog and that my nickname, Belle, pulled, the worse my tongue got stuck, and 4 is short for Campbell, as in the soup. it hurt. My “now mom” tells the story that the can was stuck there for one day shy of Adoption Report This part of my story begins when, three weeks. The lady who was watching Adoption Day Directions 5 somehow, somewhere, for some reason, I me from the house and whose dog I played became lost in the hills of West Virginia. with, saw me as I licked the inside of the Accupuncture Maybe I was traveling with my family soup can. For almost three weeks I could 6 when I was just a pup, maybe I got caught only lay down in an artesian well and let On Dogs up in the river in Harpers Ferry—so long the water trickle into my mouth. I was get- 7 ago and so very fuzzy to me—I just can- ting very tired and weak when I found an old abandoned Smelling My Elbows not remember. 8 All I know is house with an that I was “run- open front door; Pet Massage ning at large”, I went inside and 9 as humans say, climbed the very steep stairs to the Donations in the hills for a 10-12 very long time. -
Rhodes Scholarship, First Year Retreat, Rhodes House, Hilary 2019
RHODES SCHOLARSH P First Year Retreat Rhodes House Hilary 2019 ‘No one way to lead’ Home – Shadow and Light Justice – Lived and Applied No One Way to Lead – Recreate and Create Table of contents Home – shadow & light Session 1: Listening to our Stories Intercultural Alliance, ‘How well do you listen’ (2pgs) R P Warren, ‘Voices from Home’ (1pg) J Steinberg (South Africa-at-Large & Balliol, 1995), ‘Why I am moving back to South Africa’ (5pgs) Session 2: Sharing Experiences and Values A Einstein, ‘The World As I See It’ (2pgs) E Esfahani Smith, ‘Relationships Are More Important Than Ambition’ (6pgs) Session 3: Understanding across Conflict, Challenges and Differences N Mandela, excerpt on Human Nature and Leadership (1pg) A Srinivasan, (Connecticut & Corpus Christi 2007), ‘In Defence of Anger’ (5pgs) Discussion with Warden Elizabeth Kiss: ‘Shadow & Light’ – How has my home and life experiences thus far shaped my values? P Palmer, excerpt from Leading from Within (5pgs) Justice – lived & applied Reflections from Scholars: ‘Justice as Personal’ – How has Rhodes has impacted my views on justice, on serving and leading? The Guardian March 27th 1902, Obituary of Cecil John Rhodes R Rotberg, ‘The Founder: Cecil Rhodes and the Pursuit of Power’ (13 pgs) Scott Bear Don’t Walk (Montana & Merton, 1993), ‘Road Warrior’ (9pgs) M Guruswamy (India & Univ 1998), Address at 40 Years of Rhodes Women Celebration (4pgs) H Walker (New Zealand & Univ 2001), ‘How Do You Do It?’ (2pgs) A Giridharadas, ‘The Thriving World, the Wilting World, and You’ -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
41 Novak.Pm7
Bruce Novak 253 No Child Left Behind, Or Each Human Person Drawn Forward? Arendt, Jaspers, and the Thinking-Through of a New, Universalizable Existential–Cosmopolitan Humanism Bruce Novak Truman College The thinking of Hannah Arendt has in recent years become quite prominent in the field of philosophy of education, and in educational thinking more generally. Yet it has to be said that Arendt’s influence to this point has been more to provide us with a number of stimulating ideas about education than to provide a coherent under- standing of the nature and importance of education in human life. I suggest here that we can begin to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of Arendt’s educational thought once we see how it follows from and is in constant dialogue with the educational thinking of Karl Jaspers — her personal and philosophical mentor for forty years. I trace this influence by following the course of the four essays Arendt wrote in the 1940s and 1950s about her teacher and his work, using them to interpret her writings on education — both the much-discussed essay “The Crisis in Education” of 1958, and her last, uncompleted book, The Life of the Mind, largely undiscussed in our circles, though it contains her final and most complete vision of education. And I will argue that in the latter work Arendt saw her task as laying the ground for a certain kind of universalizable philosophical education that would, in turn, lay the ground for the establishment of more thoughtful, less banal forms of democratic political life. Most importantly, I argue that understanding together the philosophical, politi- cal, and educational implications of Arendt’s and Jaspers’s thought could help lead us to formulate a philosophical framework for a truly democratic educational policy. -
Why Obama Probably Can't Win--But Romney Could Still Lose July 24, 2012
Why Obama Probably Can't Win--But Romney Could Still Lose July 24, 2012 G. Terry Madonna & Michael L.Young It’s known as Ockham’s razor. Attributed to 14th-century philosopher William of Ockham, it advocates seeking the simplest explanation necessary to make sense of things. The popular acronym KISS captures its spirit—“keep it simple stupid.” Alas, Ockham’s adage finds few takers today among contemporary electoral analysts. Amid the pundit literati predicting presidential elections, the slogan might be, “seek complexity, lots of it.” This criticism applies particularly to the various and sundry “models” used by the “punditocracy” to predict who will win the next election. These models usually include dozens of variables using arcane statistics to make electoral predictions. Complex and convoluted, they use bazookas to hunt flies when a good, serviceable fly swatter works just as well. But the even more serious problem with some of the presidential predictions models is that they ignore much of the enormous changes in the history of presidential elections since the end of World War II. Not well understood is that American electoral history divides sharply into two very different eras. The first era now largely irrelevant to modern elections ranged from 1800-1945. During this period, one or the other of America’s two major political parties tended to dominate presidential elections, sometimes for decades at a time. From 1800-1856, the Democrats dominated, winning 13 of 15 elections while opposition Whigs won only two. Then from 1860-1928, the Republicans had their turn, winning 18 elections while holding Democrats to just two presidents, each winning two terms. -
Reunion Strife for Survivors of Students: Those Who Withdrew from Courses
112th YEAR, ISSUE 200 collegiatetimes.com January 19, 2017 COLLEGIATETIMES An independent, student-run newspaper serving the Virginia Tech community since 1903 Students omitted from SPOT Virginia Tech students who withdraw from a course are not able to submit feedback on the class or evaluate the professor. LEWIS MILLHOLLAND managing editor At the end of every semester, students are BEN WEIDLICH / COLLEGIATE TIMES bombarded with emails Alumni and their families plan their return to Blacksburg for the 10th anniversary of the April 16 shootings, but physically uninjured reminding them to evaluate their professors survivors might not receive the same assistance as those who were injured or killed and their families. on SPOT (Student Perceptions of Teaching). However, this system omits a critical group Reunion strife for survivors of students: those who withdrew from courses. One survivor of the April 16 shootings requests fi nancial support from Virginia Tech for the 10-year reunion’s travel expenses. Students withdraw from courses for a host of ALY DE ANGELUS Tech’s denial to this request has Hamp said. “I don’t think it’s has offered to cover hotel fees for reasons: the workload is news editor left Lisa Hamp, Virginia Tech Virginia Tech’s fault, but I do those physically injured, and she too much, the course turns alumna and computer analyst for think that the other survivors and sent a letter to this office in hopes out to not match the online On Sept. 7, 2016, a survivor of the Department of Defense, ques- I deserve some additional TLC, of a similar outcome. -
Voters Overwhelmingly Positive On
The Harris Poll b For release: Sunday AM, July 17, 1988 1988 W57 ISSN 0895-7983 VOTERS OVERWHELMINGLY POSITIVE ON DUKAKIS NOMINATION: GOVERNOR RATED MORE PCSJTIVELY THAN BUSH ON LEADERSHIP SCALE By Louis Harris As Governor Michael Dukakis prepares for his nomination as the Democratic candidate for President, he is more positively perceived by the voters than nearly any Democrat in many years. For example, a substantial 77-17 percent majority of the voters say they feel positive about his upcoming nomination this week in Atlanta. Even a 66-26 percent majority of Republicans say they are reacting positively to his being named, as does a higher 81 percent of Democrats who left their party four years ago to vote for the President. A just finished Harris Poll, taken by telephone between July 7th and 12th, asked a cross section of 1,252 voters nationwide to rate the two current candidates and Presidents Ronald Reagan, Jimmy Carter, and John F. Kennedy as "leaders," on a scale of 1 to 10, with one the most negative and 10 the most positive. These results reveal how well Dukakis stands on the eve of the Democratic convention: L -- A dramatically high 81-15 percent come up positive on President Kennedy as a leader. -- A substantial 65-34 percent are positive about Ronald Reagan as a leader. -- Close behind Reagan comes Dukakis, rated positively as a leader by a 55-38 percent margin. -- Vice President George Bus\ emerges on this same measurement at 50-47 percent negative. -- Finally, the American people give President Jimmy Carter a 61-37 percent negative rating on his leadership capabilities. -
What's on the Minds of Persuadable Voters in Michigan and Minnesota?
What’s on the Minds of Persuadable Voters in Michigan and Minnesota? Both Michigan and Minnesota are must-win states for the Democratic nominee in the upcoming 2020 presidential election. Michigan played a pivotal role in Donald Trump’s 2016 victory – the state voted for a Republican president for the first time since 1988, shattering the so-called “Blue Wall.” While Minnesota has been a more consistently blue state (at least in presidential races), Trump lost by a razor-thin margin of just 1.52 percent in a contest where Hillary Clinton did not win a majority of votes. To better understand how voters are processing the current political moment in these key states, Working America deployed its professional canvassers to working-class communities to better understand their views on hot button issues and how they judge the president’s first term in office. The findings in our latest Front Porch Focus Group report revealed that while there are divisions between urban and rural areas, voters in these states are more often than not aligned in their support for a strong progressive agenda, creating an opening for Democrats. Working America canvassers spoke with 280 persuadable and Democratic-leaning infrequent voters in Michigan (Macomb, Monroe, and Wayne counties) and 150 persuadable voters in the suburban Twin Cities area in Minnesota from December 17, 2019 through January 17, 2020. We augmented these interviews with an additional 566 online responses from the Minnesota suburbs and exurbs. To identify persuadable voters, Working America’s unique targeting model combines analysis of dozens of our randomized clinical canvass trials conducted during elections over the last decade.