How Technology Enabled Civil Disobedience by Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Protesters 8Th Asian Privacy Scholars Network Conference Paper 2020
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Surrounded by Slogans Perpetual Protest in Public Space During the Hong Kong 2019 Protests
12 Spaces of perpetual protest The breakdown of ‘normal’; continuously The Study reacting to and accommodating the protests Surrounded by slogans Perpetual protest in public space during the Hong Kong 2019 protests Milan Ismangil On the way to the metro, I walk past graffiti and posters asking me to be conscious and supportive of the protests. In the metro itself footage of protesters is shown on the many television screens.1 Public space in Hong Kong can no longer be neutral, it seems. The protests in Hong Kong are entering their fifth month at the time of writing. Originally demanding the withdrawal of a controversial extradition bill, they quickly transformed into a larger cry for accountability of those in power, with universal suffrage and an independent investigation into police brutality amongst the five main demands. The Lennon Walls 2 that have popped up all over Hong Kong and other places across the world are home to post-its, posters and various other visual media, put there by anyone wishing to Fig. 1 (above): express their support for the movement. In this The ‘Lennon Bridge’ in Tai Wo Hau. article I discuss the transformation of Hong Fig. 2 (left): Kong’s public areas into spaces of perpetual Remembering the movement near Wong protest. Tai Sin temple. Fig. 3 (below): Appeals to history and memory at the Chinese t is nearly impossible to walk anywhere the attacks on protesters by assailants with University of Hong Kong. in Hong Kong today without encountering knives on 21 July 2019, and the second to Fig. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Reddening Or Reckoning?
Reddening or Reckoning? An Essay on China’s Shadow on Hong Kong Media 22 Years after Handover from British Rule Stuart Lau Journalist Fellow 2018 Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism University of Oxford August 2019 CONTENTS 1. Preface 2 2. From top to bottom: the downfall of a TV station 4 3. Money, Power, Media 10 4. “Political correctness”: New normal for media 20 5. From the Big Brother: “We are watching you” 23 6. Way forward - Is objective journalism still what Hong Kong needs? 27 1 Preface Hong Kong journalists have always stood on the front line of reporting China, a country that exercises an authoritarian system of government but is nonetheless on track to global economic prominence. The often-overlooked role of Hong Kong journalists, though, has gained international attention in summer 2019, when weeks of citywide protests has viralled into the largest-scale public opposition movement ever in the city’s 22-year history as a postcolonial political entity under Chinese sovereignty, forcing the Hong Kong government into accepting defeat over the hugely controversial extradition bill. While much can be said about the admirable professionalism of Hong Kong’s frontline journalists including reporters, photojournalists and video journalists, most of whom not having received the level of warzone-like training required amid the police’s unprecedentedly massive use of potentially lethal weapons, this essay seeks to examine something less visible and less discussed by international media and academia: the extent to which China influences Hong Kong’s media organisations, either directly or indirectly. The issue is important on three levels. -
Individual Civil Society Report Submitted to the Human Rights
Individual Civil Society Report submitted to the Human Rights Committee ************************** for consideration in the preparation of the list of issues at the 129th Session (29 June 2020- 24 July 2020) of ICCPR ************************** Submitted by: Sounds of the Silenced Human Rights Now April 2020 Sounds of the Silenced & Human Rights Now 1. Introduction 1. The Sounds of the Silenced1 (‗SOS‘) was founded in response to the rapid erosion of rights in Hong Kong amid the 2019 Protests. The SOS is a non-profit organisation comprising of Hong Kong citizens that are legal practitioners, law students and individuals with a legal background. Human Rights Now2 (‗HRN‘) is a Tokyo-based international human rights NGO focusing on human rights issues in the Asia region through fact-finding, advocacy, and empowerment work. HRN was founded in 2006 by lawyers, academics, and journalists; has over 700 members; and received special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council in 2012. 2. This report responds to the Fourth Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (―HKSAR‖) in light of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ("ICCPR") (hereinafter referred to as the "HKSAR 4th ICCPR Report") and the concluding observations on the fourth report of Hong Kong, adopted by the Committee at its 107th session (hereinafter referred to as the ―Concluding Observations 2013‖). 3. In view of the recent protests that began over the now withdrawn Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019 (the ―Amendment Bill 2019‖, or ―Extradition Bill‖) in June 2019, we can see an opportunity to provide critical updates and supplementary information to that already contained in the HKSAR 4th ICCPR Report. -
Hong Kong: in the Name of National Security Human Rights Violations Related to the Implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law
HONG KONG: IN THE NAME OF NATIONAL SECURITY HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS RELATED TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HONG KONG NATIONAL SECURITY LAW Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 10 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2021 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2021 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 17/4197/2021 June 2021 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 2 1. BACKGROUND 3 2. ACTS AUTHORITIES CLAIM TO BE ‘ENDANGERING NATIONAL SECURITY’ 5 EXERCISING THE RIGHT OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY 5 EXERCISING THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 7 EXERCISING THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION 9 ENGAGING IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ADVOCACY 10 3. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS ENABLED BY THE NSL 12 STRINGENT THRESHOLD FOR BAIL AND PROLONGED PERIOD OF PRETRIAL DETENTION 13 FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT 15 RETROACTIVITY 16 SPECIALLY APPOINTED JUDGES 16 RIGHT TO LEGAL COUNSEL 17 ADEQUATE TIME AND FACILITIES TO PREPARE A DEFENCE 17 4. -
VI. Developments in Hong Kong and Macau
VI. Developments in Hong Kong and Macau Findings • During the Commission’s reporting year, a number of deeply troubling developments in Hong Kong undermined the ‘‘one country, two systems’’ governance framework, which led the U.S. Secretary of State to find that Hong Kong has not main- tained a high degree of autonomy for the first time since the handover in July 1997. • On June 30, 2020, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) passed the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (National Security Law), by- passing Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. To the extent that this law criminalizes secession, subversion, terrorist activities, and collusion with foreign states, this piece of legislation vio- lates Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which specifies that Hong Kong shall pass laws concerning national security. Additionally, the National Security Law raises human rights and rule of law concerns because it violates principles such as the presumption of innocence and because it contains vaguely defined criminal offenses that can be used to unduly restrict fundamental free- doms. • The Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (PRC Liaison Office) declared in April 2020 that neither it nor the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, both being State Council agencies, were subject to Article 22 of the Basic Law—a provision designed to protect Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. The Hong Kong government had long interpreted the provision to cover the PRC Liaison Office, but it reversed itself overnight in an ap- parent attempt to conform its position to that of the central government. -
Prospects for Democracy in Hong Kong: China's December 2007
Order Code RS22787 January 10, 2008 Prospects for Democracy in Hong Kong: China’s December 2007 Decision Michael F. Martin Analyst in Asian Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Summary The prospects for democratization in Hong Kong became clearer following a decision of the Standing Committee of China’s National People’s Congress (NPCSC) on December 29, 2007. The NPCSC’s decision effectively set the year 2017 as the earliest date for the direct election of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive and the year 2020 as the earliest date for the direct election of all members of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council (Legco). However, ambiguities in the language used by the NPCSC have contributed to differences in interpretation of its decision. According to Hong Kong’s current Chief Executive, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, the decision sets a clear timetable for democracy in Hong Kong. However, representatives of Hong Kong’s “pro- democracy” parties believe the decision includes no solid commitment to democratization in Hong Kong. The NPCSC’s decision also established some guidelines for the process of election reform in Hong Kong, including what can and cannot be altered in the 2012 elections. Since China established the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) on July 1, 1997, there have been questions about when and how the democratization of Hong Kong will take place.1 At present, Hong Kong’s Chief Executive is selected by an “Election Committee” of 800 largely appointed people, and its Legislative Council (Legco) consists of 30 members elected by universal suffrage in five geographic districts and 30 members selected by 28 “functional constituencies” representing various important sectors. -
Hong Kong's National Security
FEBRUARY 2021 HONG KONG’S NATIONAL SECURITY LAW: A Human Rights and Rule of Law Analysis by Lydia Wong and Thomas E. Kellogg THE NATIONAL SECURITY LAW constitutes one of the greatest threats to human rights and the rule of law in Hong Kong since the 1997 handover. This report was researched and written by Lydia Wong (alias, [email protected]), research fellow, Georgetown Center for Asian Law; and Thomas E. Kellogg ([email protected]), executive director, Georgetown Center for Asian Law, and adjunct professor of law, Georgetown University Law Center. (Ms. Wong, a scholar from the PRC, decided to use an alias due to political security concerns.) The authors would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments on the draft report. We also thank Prof. James V. Feinerman for both his substantive inputs on the report, and for his longstanding leadership and guidance of the Center for Asian Law. We would also like to thank the Hong Kongers we interviewed for this report, for sharing their insights on the situation in Hong Kong. All photographs by CLOUD, a Hong Kong-based photographer. Thanks to Kelsey Harrison for administrative and publishing support. Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY i The National Security Law: Undermining the Basic Law, Threatening Human Rights iii Implementation of the NSL iv I INTRODUCTION 1 THE HONG KONG NATIONAL SECURITY LAW: II A HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW ANALYSIS 6 The NSL: Infringing LegCo Authority 9 New NSL Structures: A Threat to Hong Kong’s Autonomy 12 The NSL and the Courts: Judicial -
Hong Kong Protests
Country Policy and Information Note China: Hong Kong protests Version 1.0 February 2020 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Mass Internment Camp Implementation, Abuses
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2020 ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION DECEMBER 2020 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: https://www.cecc.gov 2020 ANNUAL REPORT CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2020 ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION DECEMBER 2020 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: https://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 40–674 PDF WASHINGTON : 2020 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate JAMES P. MCGOVERN, Massachusetts, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Co-chair Chair JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio TOM COTTON, Arkansas THOMAS SUOZZI, New York STEVE DAINES, Montana TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey TODD YOUNG, Indiana BEN MCADAMS, Utah DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon BRIAN MAST, Florida GARY PETERS, Michigan VICKY HARTZLER, Missouri ANGUS KING, Maine EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS To Be Appointed JONATHAN STIVERS, Staff Director PETER MATTIS, Deputy Staff Director (II) CONTENTS Page Section I. Executive Summary ................................................................................ 1 a. Statement From the Chairs ......................................................................... 1 b. Overview ....................................................................................................... 3 c. Key -
“Chineseness” and Tongzhi in (Post)Colonial Diasporic
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Texas A&M University “CHINESENESS” AND TONGZHI IN (POST)COLONIAL DIASPORIC HONG KONG A Thesis by CHI CH’ENG WAT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE December 2011 Major Subject: Sociology “Chineseness” and Tongzhi in (Post)colonial Diasporic Hong Kong Copyright 2011 Chi Ch’eng Wat “CHINESENESS” AND TONGZHI IN (POST)COLONIAL DIASPORIC HONG KONG A Thesis by CHI CH’ENG WAT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Approved by: Co-Chairs of Committee, Ashley Currier Sarah N. Gatson Committee Members, Zulema Valdez Head of Department, Jane Sell December 2011 Major Subject: Sociology iii ABSTRACT “Chineseness” and Tongzhi in (Post)colonial Diasporic Hong Kong. (December 2011) Chi Ch’eng Wat, B.S., National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan; M.S. Texas A&M University Co-Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Ashley Currier Dr. Sarah Gatson In this thesis, I examine how colonial constructs on Chinese culture affects people’s views toward sexual minorities in Hong Kong. In the first Chapter, I explain the shift of my research focus after I started my research. I also conduct a brief literature review on existing literature on sexual minorities in mainland China and Hong Kong. In the second Chapter, I examine interviewees’ accounts of family pressure and perceived conflicts between their religious beliefs and sexual orientation. -
China's National Security Law for Hong Kong
China’s National Security Law for Hong Kong: Issues for Congress Updated August 3, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46473 SUMMARY R46473 China’s National Security Law for Hong Kong: August 3, 2020 Issues for Congress Susan V. Lawrence On June 30, 2020, China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) passed a Specialist in Asian Affairs national security law (NSL) for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Hong Kong’s Chief Executive promulgated it in Hong Kong later the same day. The law is widely seen Michael F. Martin as undermining the HKSAR’s once-high degree of autonomy and eroding the rights promised to Specialist in Asian Affairs Hong Kong in the 1984 Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong, an international treaty between the People’s Republic of China (China, or PRC) and the United Kingdom covering the 50 years from 1997 to 2047. The NSL criminalizes four broadly defined categories of offenses: secession, subversion, organization and perpetration of terrorist activities, and “collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security” in relation to the HKSAR. Persons convicted of violating the NSL can be sentenced to up to life in prison. China’s central government can, at its or the HKSAR’s discretion, exercise jurisdiction over alleged violations of the law and prosecute and adjudicate the cases in mainland China. The law apparently applies to alleged violations committed by anyone, anywhere in the world, including in the United States. The HKSAR and PRC governments have already begun implementing the NSL, including setting up the new entities the law requires.