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Activism and LGBT Psychology has been co-published simultaneously as Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, Volume 11, Numbers 3/42007. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

212x152 HB Monographs from the Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy For additional information on these and other Haworth Press titles, including descriptions, tables of contents, reviews, and prices, use the QuickSearch catalog at http://www.HaworthPress.com.

1. Addictions in the Gay and Lesbian Community, edited by Jeffrey R. Guss, MD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 3, No. 3/4, 2000). Explores the unique clinical considerations involved in addiction treatmentfor gay men and lesbians, groups that reportedly use and abuse alcohol and substances at higher rates than the general population. 2. Gay and Lesbian Parenting, edited by Deborah F. Glazer, PhD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 4, No. 3/4, 2001). Richly textured, probing. These papers accomplish a rare feat: they explore in a candid, psychologically sophisticated, yet highly readable fashion how parenthood impacts lesbian alld gay identity and how these identities affect the experience ofparenting. Wonderfu(ly informative. (Martin Stephen Frommer, PhD, Faculty/Supervisor, The Institute for Contemporary Psychotherapy, New York City) .. 3. Sexual Conversion Therapy: Ethical, Clinical, and Research Perspectives, edited by Ariel Shidlo, PhD, Michael Schroeder, PsyD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 5, No. 3/4, 2001)."This is an importal1t book. ... al1 invaluable resource for mental health providers and policymakers. this book gives voice to those men al1d women who have experienced painful, degradil1g, and unsuccessful conversion therapy and survived. The ethics and misuses of conversion therapy practice are well documented, as are the harmful effects." (Joyce Hunter, DSW, Research Scientist, HIV Center for Clinical & Behavioral Studies. New York State Psychiatric Institute! Columbia University, New York City) 4. The Mental Health Professions and Homosexuality: International Perspectives, edited by Vittorio Lingiardi, MD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 7. No. 112.2003). "Provides a worldwide perspective that illuminates the psychiatric, psychoanalytic, and mental health professions' understanding and treatment of both lay and professiol1al sexual minorities. " (Bob Barrett, PhD, Professor and Counseling Program Coordinator, University ofNorth Carolina at Charlotte) 5. Transgender Subjectivities: A Clinician's Guide, edited by Ubaldo Leli, MD. and .Tack Drescher, MD (Vol. 8, No. 112, 2004). "Indispensable for diagnosticians and therapists dealing with gender dysphoria, important for researchers, and a direct source of help for all individuals sufferingfrom painful uncertainties regarding their sexual identity. " (Otto F. Kernberg, MD, Director, Personality Disorders Institute, Weill Medical College of Cornell University) 6. Handbook of LGBT Issues in Community Mental Health, edited by Ronald E. Hellman, MD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 8, No. 3/4,2004). "Comprehensive . .. Richly strewn with data, useful addresses of voluntary and other organizations, and case histories." (Michael King, MD, PhD, Professor of Primary Care Psychiatry, Royal Free and University College Medical School, London) 7. A Gay Man's Guide to Prostate Cancer, edited by Gerald Perlman, PhD, and Jack Drescher. MD (Vol. 9, No. 112,2005). "Excellent. ... highly recommended. Patients reading this book will find themselves here, and professionals will learn what they need to help their patients as they

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 struggle with these emotional topics." (Donald Johannessen, MD, Clinical Assistant Professor of Psychiatry, NYU School of Medicine) 8. Barebacking: Psychosocial and Public Health Approaches, edited by Perry N. Halkitis, PhD, Leo Wilton, PhD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 9, No. 3/4, 2005). An examination of the psychological, social, and health issues involving intentional unprotected gay or bisexual sex. 9. Crystal Meth and Men Who Have Sex with Men: What Mental Health Care Professionals Need to Know, edited by Milton L. Wainberg, MD, Andrew Kolodny, MD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. to. No. 3/4, 2006). "This comprehensive book captures not just the extent of the problem and how to recognize it, it oflers excellent clinical interventions and treatments . ... invaluable. " (Robert Paul Cabaj, MD, Director, San Francisco Department of Public Health's Community Behavioral Health Services Member, Mayor's Task Force on Methamphetamine Abuse, San Francisco) 10. British Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Psychologies: Theory, Research, and Practice, edited by Elizabeth Peel, PhD, Victoria Clarke, PhD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 11. No. 112, 2007). "A comprehensive examination of the latest developlllents in lesbiall, gay, alld bisexual psychological alld psychotherapeutic theory, research. alld practice ill the United Kingdom. " 11. Activism and LGBT Psychology, edited by Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD, and Jack Drescher, MD (Vol. 11, No. 3/4, 2007). An examination of how mental health professionals can create broad change in LGBT mental health and be activists in their professional lives. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Activism and LGBT Psychology

Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD Jack Drescher, MD Editors

Activism and LGBT Psychology has been co-published simultaneously as Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, Volume 11, Numbers 3/42007. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 i~ ~~o~1~~n~~~up NEW YORK AND LONDON First Published by

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Activism and LGBT psychology / Judith M. Glassgold, Jack Drescher, editors. p.cm. "Activism and LGBT Psychology has been co-published simultaneously as Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, Volume 11, Numbers 3/4 2007." Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7890-3674-2 (hard cover: alk. paper) -ISBN 978-0-7890-3675-9 (soft cover: alk. paper) 1. Homosexuality-Psychological aspects. 2. Sexual orientation-Psychological aspects. 3. Gay Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 liberation movement.!. Glassgold, Judith M., 1957- II. Drescher, Jack, 1951- III. Journal of gay & les­ bian psychotherapy. RC558.A28 2008 362.196'8583-dc22 2007045719 Publisher's Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent. AGGREGATOR SERVICES I EBSCOhost As part of Ingenta ~ lngenta ~ Haworth's J-Gate

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CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Activism and LGBT Psychology: An Introduction 1 Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD Jack Drescher, MD

HISTORY

Wearing Two Hats: The Psychologist as Activist and Therapist 9 Charles Silverstein, PhD

PSYCHOTHERAPY AND CLINICAL PRACTICE

"In Dreams Begin Responsibilities" Psychology, Agency, and Activism 37 Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD

Liberating Psychotherapy: Liberation Psychology and Psychotherapy with LOBT Clients 59 Glenda M. Russell, PhD Janis S. Bohan, PhD

Transactivism as Therapy: A Client Self-Empowerment Model Linking Personal and Social Agency 77

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Rupert Raj, MA

RESEARCH, COMMUNITY AND POLICY ISSUES

Collaborative Community-Based Research as Activism: Giving Voice and Hope to Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Youth 99 Gary W Harper, PhD, MPH Omar Bashir Jamil, MA Bianca D. M. Wilson, PhD Using the Arts to Challenge Hate, Create Community: Laramie Lives in Lowell 121 Anne Mulvey, PhD Charlotte Mandell, PhD

Activism in the Schools: Providing LGBTQ Affirmative Training to School Counselors 143 Joy S. Whitman, PhD Stacey S. Horn, PhD Cyndy J. Boyd, PhD

INTEGRATING THE PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL

Coming Out and Being Out as Activism: Challenges and Opportunities for Mental Health Professionals in Red and Blue States 155 Amy Rees-Turyn, PhD

Being a Heterosexual Ally to the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Community: Reflections and Development 173 Peter Ji, PhD

Index 187 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 ABOUT THE EDITORS

Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD, is a Contributing Faculty member of the Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology at Rutgers University, President-Elect of the New Jersey Psychological Associa­ tion, a Fellow of the American Psychological Association, and Presi­ dent Emeritus of the Society for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay, & Bisexual Issues (Division 44 of APA). She has written exten­ sively on sexual orientation and psychotherapy, including (with Suzanne Iasenza, PhD): Lesbians and Psychoanalysis: Revolutions in Theory and Practice (Free Press) and Lesbians, Feminism & Psychoanalysis: The Second Wave (Harrington Park Press). Dr. Glassgold is in private practice in Highland Park, NJ. Jack Drescher, MD, is a Fellow, Training and Supervising Analyst at the William Alanson White Institute and Adjunct Assitant Professor at New York University Postdoctoral Program in Psychotherapy and Psy­ choanalysis. He is a Distinguished Fellow of the American Psychiatric Association and Past Chair (2000-2006) of the Committee on GLB Is­ sues as well as a Past President of APA's NYC Branch. Dr. Drescheris author of Psychoanalytic Therapy and the Gay Man (The Analytic Press) and editor of a score of books dealing with gender, sexuality and public health. He is Editor-in-chief of the Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy and Editor of the Bending Psychoanalysis Book Series (The Analytic Press). Dr. Drescher is in private practice in New York City. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 INTRODUCTION

Activism and LGBT Psychology: An Introduction

Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD Jack Drescher, MD

This special issue of the Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy focuses on integrating activism into the mental health fields in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender psychology. 1 The impetus for this issue was inspired by events within the mental health field, induding the sup­ port for malTiage equality by the American Psychological Association (2003) and the American Psychiatric Association (2005), as well as the 2003 death of an early psychologist-activist Martin Rochlin, PhD.

Judith M. Glassgold is a psychologist in private practice in Highland Park, NJ and a visiting faculty member at the Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology of Rutgers University. Jack Drescher is Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy. Address correspondence to: Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD, 324 Raritan Avenue, Highland

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Park, NJ 08904 (E-mail: [email protected]). [Haworth co-indexing entry note]: "Activism and LGBT Psychology: An Introduction." Glassgold, Judith M., and Jack Drescher. Co-published simultaneously in Journal o(Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11; No. 3/4, 2007. pp. l-S; and: Activism and LGET Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc .. 2007, pp. l-S. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [I-SOO-HAWORTH. 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address: [email protected]). A vailable online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_01 1 2 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Rochlin2 was an activist, par excellence. A psychotherapist for much of his career, he was fully engaged with the issues of his times. In 1972, he was the first out psychologist in Los Angeles. He was active in the struggle to remove homosexuality from the American Psychiatric Asso­ ciation Diagnostic and Statistical Manual and was an initial organizer of the Association of Gay Psychologists, the first organization for lesbian and gay psychologists. Rochlin was also involved in the creation of Di­ vision 443 of APA and later served in leadership roles. He founded a Gay Studies program at Sacramento State Community College. In other words, Rochlin was the epitome of how a psychologist could advocate for change within the mental health fields themselves for LGBT issues. Rochlin did not write much, but what he wrote was important: "Sexual orientation of the therapist and therapeutic effectiveness with Gay cli­ ents" (1982) is one of the first articles of its time discussing important is­ sues such as homophobia and bias in treatment as well as, the need for identification and role models in gay clients. More important, is his "Het­ erosexual Questionnaire," which is wonderful tool to debunk stereotypes about same-sex orientation and heterosexist assumptions. His question­ naire is still being disseminated, and is now spread all over the Internet, has been translated into many languages and immediately accessible by simply typing into any search engine.4 First circulated in 1972, it predates the removal of homosexuality from the DSM by a year (Bayer, 1981). It exemplifies Rochlin's acute intelligence, as well his ability to use humor and paradox to debunk stereotypes. The questionnaire remains timeless, unfortunately, as the stereotypes ofLGBT lives have still not changed. Thus, this issue is dedicated to Rochlin's memory. We also dedicate it to all the other early activists in LGBT mental health who challenged their respective disciplines of psychology, psychiatry, and social work to rethink the pathologization of homosexuality and to become involved in efforts to change the social conditions that caused and still cause the LGBT community such distress. The publication of two resolutions supporting same sex marriage by

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 the major mental health organizations in the United States is an example of the new trend within mental health to apply science to social prob­ lems and to view mental health issues not as isolated personal phenom­ ena, but as resulting from real-life conditions. This type of activism runs counter to the stereotype of the mental health practitioner, which is of an individual who in devotion to objectivity is removed from the concerns of everyday life. The myth of the objective mental health observe was put forward by Freud (1912) who urged his colleagues "to model them­ selves during psycho-analytic treatment on the surgeon, who puts aside Introduction 3

all his feelings, even his human sympathy, and concentrates his mental forces on the single aim of performing the operation as skillfully as pos­ sible" (Freud, 1912). As LGBT mental health professionals know all too well, one did not have to be a psychoanalyst to wrap oneself in the mantle of "scientific objectivity." Early activists like Rochlin under­ stood that the professions of psychiatry and psychology held privileged roles in science and society that allowed them to define what is normal and what is not. This privilege brings with it responsibility to fairness, both within and outside the profession. The activist perspective has gained greater support as we better un­ derstand the relationship between social conditions and mental health. Although psychotherapy is about change, psychotherapy traditionally defined its role as focusing solely on the individual and neglecting the social issues that might either cause or remediate suffering. Recently, the role of discrimination, oppression, and other adverse social condi­ tions has been seen as the root of mental health concerns of minority groups. Han Meyer (2003), writing about minority stress and mental health, notes that adversity brought about by prejudice and discrimination causes many of the symptoms that bring individuals into psychother­ apy. The LGBT, feminist, and progressive movements have challenged mental health providers and the professions to pay attention to prejudice and its potential impact on treatment. In offering some activist roles for psychotherapists, this special issue ofthe JGLP builds on diverse perspectives from psychology. It presents community, counseling and clinical perspectives, as well as personal re­ flections by professional colleagues and critiques of social policy. This issue begins with Charles Silverstein, PhD's "Wearing Two Hats: The ·Psychologist as Activist and Therapist." Silverstein, a distinguished member of JGLP's editorial board, is a long-time activist for LGB psychology who has been previously been a subject of a journal profile himself (Sbordone, 2003). Over the course of four decades of practice, Silverstein was involved in many ofthe political struggles as well as the

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 evolution of gay-affirmative mental health practices. His article, from the vantage point of personal history, gives an intimate history of political and professional change. Silverstein looks back on activism within gay psy­ chology, and lays out future challenges as well. The next three papers by Judith Glassgold, PsyD, Glenda Russell, PhD and Janis Bohan, PhD, and Rupert Raj, MA, provide views on inte­ grating activism into clinical practice. The first two papers show the influence of alternate paradigms in psychology, liberation psychology and postmodernism and offer theoretical alternatives for clinical practice. 4 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Glassgold's "In dreams begin responsibilities' Psychology, Agency, and Activism" asserts that psychology must abandon the practice of see­ ing mental health issues as individual problems and more willing to see these issues as the consequences of social injustice. This then leads to theoretical and intervention models that focus on social and political awareness, including psychodynamic models that integrate paradigms from liberation psychology. Russell and Bohan's "Liberating Psychotherapy: Liberation Psychol­ ogy and Psychotherapy with LGBT Clients" argues that neither science nor psychotherapy can be separated from values, and they calion the insights of liberation psychology to. examine the role of the social and the political in understandings ofLGBT experiences. Using the concept of internalized homophobia as an illustrative construct, their paper ex­ plores strategies for bringing these understandings to bear in psycho­ therapy with LGBT people, as well as in interventions that move beyond the therapy hour. In "Trans activism as Therapy: A Client Self-Empowerment Model Linking Personal and Social Agency," Raj, a trans-identified transactivist and psychotherapist, outlines a number of ways in which an activist-cli­ nician can bring to the therapeutic process an integrated clinical approach that encourage client empowerment and self-definition. Raj presents a case vignette that permits the reader to understand the complexity of psy­ chotherapy with some Trans clients who address multiple oppressions and clinical issues. The next three papers deal with research, community and policy issues. These papers are from psychologists working in non-clinical settings. "Collaborative Community-Based Research as Activism: Giving Voice and Hope to Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Youth" is by Gary Harper, PhD, Omar Bashir Jamil, MA and Bianca D. M. Wilson, PhD who discuss how research can be a form of social activism. They discuss ways in which psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals can engage in LGB youth activism through structural-level change efforts,

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 with a specific focus on: (1) raising awareness within the academy about the issues that confront LGB youth and the need for activism, while working to elevate the status ofLGB research within these academic in­ stitutions; (2) creating safe settings in which LGB youth can be affirmed and validated when they engage in self expression; and (3) improving the capacity of local community organizations to advocate for LGB youth. The authors purport that one way to affect structural-level factors is through the development and execution of collaborative participatory re­ search projects that engage community members and community-based Introduction 5

organizations (CBOs) that serve LGB youth. By participating in research, that permits self-reflection and participant involvement LGBT youth can gain a greater level of self-awareness and self-actualization. Anne Mulvey, PhD and Charlotte Mandell, PhD are next with "Using the Arts to Challenge Hate, Create Community: Laramie Lives in Lowell." They describe a production of Moises Kaufman's The Laramie Project staged at a northeast public urban university and a related educational campaign focused on changing community attitudes and thus changing an environment. This project is an example of community psychology within an academic environment using a theatre production as a central intervention. Their project's goals were to discourage homophobia, en­ courage dialog, and increase visibility and acceptance of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered students. The project was produced by a coalition including student groups, academic departments, and admin­ istrative units. A variety of indices show the play was immediately suc­ cessful for the audience and community and had a deeper impact on cast members and planners. They assert that collaborative relationships span­ ning interpersonal, cultural, and political boundaries and the use of the arts for social change were key factors in the program's success. Research suggests that school experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth are overwhelmingly neg­ ative and that anti-LGBTQ violence and victimization in school lead to both acute and chronic negative developmental outcomes for these youth. The counseling psychology profession is uniquely situated to address and ameliorate these negative environments by providing training and support to school counselors on LGBT youth and prevention education. In "Activism in the Schools: Providing LGBTQ Affirmative Training to School Counselors," Joy Whitman, PhD, Stacey Horn, PhD and Cyndy Boyd, PhD describe a model developed in partnership between a com­ munity-based organization and a local University to train school coun­ selors and other educational professionals to be agents of change within their own school community, so as to create safer and supportive envi­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 ronments for LGBTQ youth. The last two papers present compelling personal, yet scholarly, ac­ counts of integrating activism into the lives and roles of psychologists. These authors illustrate how the personal is the professional is the politi­ cal. Amy Rees-Turyn, PhD, begins with "Coming Out and Being Out as Activism: Challenges and Opportunities for Mental Health Profession­ als in Red and Blue States. She notes that for LGBT professionals, the act of coming out or being out is a basic form of activism. In the context of environmental pressures that professionals come out or be out, she 6 ACTNISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

argues that it is important to acknowledge both the potential for this ba­ sic form of activism to reduce prejudice, and the risk individual's may be taking. Rees feels it is important to recognize and support profession­ als in their decisions about when to come out or be out in the same man­ ner that one supports clients in similar situations. The final paper in this issue is by Peter Ji, PhD "Being a Heterosexual Ally to the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Community: Reflections and Development." Ji tells of his development as a hetero­ sexual ally of the LGBT community. He uses those parts of his own ex­ perience that are consistent with components of existing ally identity development models to provide qualitative evidence regarding the validity of those models. Ji goes on to discuss the role of affect components in ally identity development and the implications of these models for training allies for the LGBT community. These varied papers focusing on clinical issues and theory, community settings and research, and the integration of the personal and the profes­ sional outline paths for integrating activism into mental health research and practice. Hopefully these examples will inspire others to find their own creative ways to make sure that the mental health fields truly make a positive difference in the lives of LGBT individuals and communities.

NOTES

1. The subject of activism and some profiles of mental health activists were previ­ ously addressed in Volume 6, Number 4 of the JGLP (See Ashley, 2002; Drescher, 2002; Geltman, 2002; Levine, 2002; Mass, 2002; McFarlane, 2002; Mitchell, 2002; Scasta, 2002). 2. For more information on Rochlin's life, see Steven Morin and Douglas Kimmel's obituary in the American Psychologist. 3. Society for the Psychological Study of I,-esbian, Gay, and Bisexual Issues.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 4. Heterosexual Questionnaire (Rochlin, 1972) This questionnaire is for self-avowed heterosexuals only. If you are not openly hetero­ sexual, pass it on to a friend who is. Please try to answer the questions as candidly as pos­ sible. Your responses will be held in strict confidence and your anonymity fully protected. 1. What do you think caused your heterosexuality? 2. When and how did you first decide you were a heterosexual? 3. Is it possible your heterosexuality is just a phase you may grow out of? 4. Could it be that your heterosexuality stems from a neurotic fear of others of the same sex? Introduction 7

5. If you've never slept with a person of the same sex, how can you be sure you wouldn't prefer that? 6. To who have you disclosed your heterosexual tendencies? How did they react? 7. Why do heterosexuals feel compelled to seduce others into their lifestyle? 8. Why do you insist on flaunting your heterosexuality? Can't you just be what you are and keep it quiet? 9. Would you want your children to be heterosexual, knowing the problems they'd face? 10. A disproportionate majority of child molesters are heterosexual men. Do you consider it safe to expose children to heterosexual male teachers, pediatricians, priests, or scoutmasters? 11. With all the societal support for marriage, the divorce rate is spiraling. Why are there so few stable relationships among heterosexuals? 12. Why do heterosexuals place so much emphasis on sex? 13. Considering the menace of overpopUlation, how could the human race survive if everyone were heterosexual? 14. Could you trust a heterosexual therapist to be objective? Don't you fear slhe , might be inclined to influence you in the direction of herlhis own leanings? 15. Heterosexuals are notorious for assigning themselves and one another rigid, stereotyped sex roles. Why must you cling to such unhealthy role-playing? 16. With the sexually segregated living conditions of military life, isn't heterosexu­ ality incompatible with military service? 17. How can you enjoy an emotionally fulfilling experience with a person of the other sex when there are such vast differences between you? How can a man know what pleases a woman sexually or vice-versa? 18. Shouldn't you ask your far-out straight cohorts, like skinheads and born-against, to keep quiet? Wouldn't that improve your image? 19. Why are heterosexuals so promiscuous? 20. Wby do you attribute heterosexuality to so many famous lesbian and gay peo­ ple? Is it to justify your own heterosexuality? 21. How can you hope to actualize your God-given homosexual potential if you limit yourself to exclusive, compulsive heterosexuality? 22. There seem to be very few happy heterosexuals. Techniques have been developed that might enable you to change if you really want to. After all, you never deliber­ ately chose to be a heterosexual, did you? Have you considered aversion therapy or Heterosexuals Anonymous? Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

REFERENCES

American Psychiatric Association. (2005), Position Statement in Support of Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Civil Marriage. Accessed 1111112005 from http://www. aglp.org/pages/positionstatement.html. American Psychological Association. (2004), APA Resolution on Sexual Orientation and Marriage. Accessed 1111112005 from http://www.apa.org/pingbc/policy/ marriage.html. 8 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Ashley, K. (2002), An interview with Stuart E. Nichols, Jr., MD. J. Gay & Lesbian Psy­ chotherapy, 6(4):55-71. Bayer, R. (1981), Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics ofDiagnosis. New York: Basic Books. Drescher, J. (2002), Editorial: In your face: Social activism and mental health. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 6(4): 1-7. Freud, S. (1912), Recommendations to physicians practicing psycho-analysis. Standard Edition, 12:109-120. London: Hogarth Press, 1958. Geltman, D. (2002), An interview with Arthur Kravitz, MD. J. Gay & Lesbian Psycho­ therapy, 6(4):97-105. Levine, J. (2002), Community: Risk, identity and love in the age of AIDS. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 6(4):23-43. Mass, L. (2002), Papa Bear: Remembering Stuart E. Nichols, Jr., MD (1936-2002). J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 6(4):45-54. McFarlane,R. (2002), Lessons for psychil;ltry from the AIDS activist movement. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 6(4):9-22. Meyer, I. H. (2003), Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129:674-697. Mitchell, R. (2002), An interview with Richard A. Isay, MD. J. Gay & Lesbian Psycho­ therapy, 6(4):85-96. Morin, S. & Kimmel, D. (2004), Obituary: Martin Rochlin. American Psychologist, 59(9):958. Rochlin, M. (1972), Heterosexual Questionnaire. Accessed 1111112005 from http:// monster-island.org/tinashumorlhumor/quest.html. Rochlin, M. (1982), Sexual orientation of the therapist and therapeutic effectiveness with Gay clients. In: Homosexuality and Psychotherapy: A Practitioner's Handbook ofAffirmative Models, ed. J. Gonsiorek. New York: HawOlth Press, pp. 21-30. Sbordone, A. J. (2003), An interview with Charles Silverstein, PhD. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 7(4):49-61. Scasta, D.L. (2002), John E. Fryer, MD, and the Dr. H. Anonymous episode. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 6(4):73-84.

doi:1O.130011236vl1n03_01 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 HISTORY

Wearing Two Hats: The Psychologist as Activist and Therapist

Charles Silverstein, PhD

SUMMARY. Developments in LGBT psychotherapy are best under­ stood by taking stock of the past while preparing for the future. Using a personal and historical perspective, the last forty years of psychology is assessed. This is a personal history of key events in the removal of homosexuality from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, as well as the evolution of gay-affirmative mental health practices. doi:lO.l300/J236vll n03_02 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Deliv­ ery Service: J-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Activism, diagnosis, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, gay, gay affirmative therapy, history, homophobia, homosexuality, les­ bian, psychiatry, psychotherapy

Charles Silverstein presented the case for removing homosexuality as a mental disorder before the NomenClature Committee of the American Psychiatric Association in 1973. Address correspondence to: Charles Silverstein, PhD, 233 West 83 Street, New York, NY 10024 (E-mail: [email protected]). His website is http://www.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 doctorsilverstein.com. [Haworth co-indexing entry note]: "Wearing Two Hats: The Psychologist as Activist and Therapist." Silverstein, Charles. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 9-35; and: Activism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 9-35. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail ad­ dress: doc deli [email protected]]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1300/J236vlln03_02 9 10 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

INTRODUCTION

Gay people must look backward in time in order to understand our present status in society. To do otherwise is to lose the important mean­ ings of the past as history. Toward that end, this paper attempts to recapture the period of gay liberation during the 1970s onward and its influence upon the twenty-first century role of a gay therapist (Silverstein, 1991, 1997). However, there are limitations contained herein. For one, it is a New York story, reflecting a vision of New York radical gay politics in the 1970s (Clendinen and Nagoumey, 1999). Other sections of the coun­ try have their own stories, but these will have to be written by those who lived there. The bias, however, is even more personal. It is my story and it is about the way I experienced radical gay politics and its influence upon me as a therapist. It is axiomatic that every social movement is also a political one. No sense of goodness, altruism, right or wrong or even science is separable from politics. Proceeding from this perspective, "truth" is irrelevant in explaining social advancesl as they are determined by politics. Politics is power and power determines truth as well as its companion, goodness. Providing evidence for these assertions can be easily found in the field of mental. illness. An axiom here is that the diagnosis and treatment for a "mental abnormality" is independent of any evidence for its efficacy (Davison, 1978, Silverstein, 1984) and professional politics controls the­ ory and practice.2 Treatments in the field of behavior change are used solely because they carry the cachet of the high-status professionals who argue for their use. Examples abound in the 20th century for the cure of mental illness, which is oftentimes synonymous with the social control of condemned behavior: hydrotherapy, insulin shock, cerebral ablation (and its therapeutic sister, lobotomy), aversion therapy, and years of psycho­ analysis for the purpose of conditioning social conformity in patients (Broslow, 1997).3 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 THE HARMFULNESS OF PEJORATIVE LABELING

The Dark Ages of homosexuality last roughly until the 1970s. Until that time, the lives of most gay people in New York City and other cities were hellish. Mafia-controlled bars were required to provide graft to the po­ lice because it was against the law to serve alcohol to a "homosexual" (Carter, 2004). These bars were raided on an irregular schedule, often accompanied by reporters and photographers who published the names, History 11

addresses, places of employment and photographs of the gay men ar­ rested.4 Gay and lesbian members of the Armed Forces were dishonorably discharged-as they still are today (Berube, 1990). The concept of "moral turpitude" controlled a gay person's entry into professional groups. A homosexual would not be admitted to the legal profession or given a license to practice medicine, law or psychology, and if such people hid their sexual orientation, but were later exposed, their licenses were revoked. Prior to social and legal changes, gays were entrapped by police in toilets or outdoor places, fined, and sometimes jailed, at other times blackmailed on the spot. Gangs of teen-aged boys could beat up a gay man or woman and not be arrested. Under indictment for the murder of a gay man, the defendants often claimed that he made a pass at them, and the court found the killings justified. Unfortunately, this is still the case in some parts of our country (Lindenberger, 2005). In the mid-20th century, psychiatrists once labeled gay people as "Psy­ chopathic with Pathologic Sexuality" (American Psychiatric Associa­ tion, 1942). The pejorative labeling changed over time, so that later editions carried the labels of "Sexual Deviation" and then "Ego-dystonic homosexuality" (American Psychiatric Association, 1952, 1968, 1980). No sane graduate student in clinical psychology was out in his/her school in the heyday of the illness theory of homosexuality. At that time, only two questions were asked: what causes homosexuality and how can we cure it? The literature routinely described homosexual men and women as suffering from significant psychopathology (Socarides, 1968). And now, what is the reality for gay people over 50 years later? We have openly gay and lesbian members of Congress, ,a United States Con­ gressman, any number of homosexual legislators throughout the country, openly gay presidents of mental health organizations, publications (like this journal); Chambers of Commerce, LGBT college groups, and land­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 ladies who prefer to rent their apartments to gay men because they believe we are cleaner than straights. The achievements have been considerable and it is now hardly noticeable in large cities when two women or two men walk down the street hand-in-hand. How were we gay people transfonned from depraved and dangerous members of society, to citizens in good standing? Moreover, for purposes of this paper, how did we go from sociopathic personalities, treated by our fellow mental health professionals with electrical aversion therapy, to respected members of the professional associations? 12 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

THE POUTICAL CHANGE

People often ask what made the times ripe for social change? My answer is the Vietnam War. It radicalized and provided the training gromid for many of us who later fought in the gay liberation movement. I had been one ofthe leaders against the war at Rutgers University and I led the New Jersey student antiwar movement. It was my apprentice­ ship in social change. In the next few years, many college students who also fought against the war brought their newly learned political skills into the neophyte gay rights movement. This is why the 1970s gay liber­ ationists rejected the assimilationist agenda of older gay organizations. Previous gay groups such as the Mattachine Society wanted to show that they were good little boys and girls. As we believed we had contrib­ uted significantly toward ending the war and bringing down the presi­ dency of Lyndon Johnson, we were ready for a scrap, and we knew how to fight. However, gay radicals stood their place in line after others, braver than we, who paved the way in fighting oppression. It began with Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Black civil rights movement. The women's movement followed. Finally, we gays came out of the closet and fought for our rights. All three groups fought for equality, sometimes together, sometimes in conflict. The Kinsey study was a second variable for social change (Kinsey, Pomeroy and Martin, 1948). It reported that almost all men masturbated and that almost a third had homosexual sex to orgasm at some time. These figures shocked the nation and Kinsey was vilified by religious leaders, conservative psychiatrists and the press. He would shortly lose his funding. His study probably looks tame by present standards, but in 1948, it was nothing short of revolutionary. A third contribution to the political and social change was the writ­ ings of a few maverick psychiatrists. Halleck (1971) attacked the politi­ cal foundation of psychotherapy in much the same terms as gay radicals.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Szasz (1974) called gay people "scapegoats" of psychiatry. Both their books, as well as others, were on the must~read list of gay liberationists and professionals. In 1970, I was a graduate student in clinical psychology at the, City College of New York. I was also an active member of New York's Gay Activist Alliance (GAA), the city's premier radical gay liberation orga­ nization (Richmond and Noguera, 1979). While participating in one of GAA's demonstrations, I thought that I might bring my newly learned skills as a psychology student into play in order to help gay people. A History 13

few of us in-the-closet professionals believed that we could devise a model of psychology to help rather than to harm gay people.

ATTITUDE TOWARD PROFESSIONALS

In the early 1970s, professionals such as psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers were feared-always mistrusted-by gay people. Pro­ fessionals (even if they were gay) were considered "the enemy" because they were members of the group that had diagnosed gay people as men­ tally ill in the first place. Hoffman, a gay psychiatrist wrote that the image of psychiatry deserved to be tarnished because of its anti-homosexual diatribes (Hoffman, 1972). From this prospective, professionals had to have divided loyalties, and in the end, stand with professional organiza­ tions and against gay people. This distrust was never resolved and ended by further splitting gay service organizations in New York City.

1971-Idelltity House

Identity House was a good example of the problem. In 1971, five of us organized a peer counseling walk-in center for gay people in New York. We were Bernice Goodman (a social worker), Sidney Abbot, Barbara Love, Tina Mandel and I. We shared a sense of moral outrage at society'S unrelenting discrimination against gay people. Sidney and Barbara had considerable experience in the women's movement. They had already published a book on lesbians and feminism (Abbott and Love, 1972). Tina had been a long-time member of the New York chapter of Daughters of Bilitis (DOB), and Bernice was one of the few openly lesbian thera­ pists in the city. We constituted ourselves as a Steering Committee under the name Identity House. I was asked to serve as director and committed myself to an almost full-time, unpaid career in gay psychology. Bernice became chairwoman of the Steering Committee. There could not have

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 been a better partnership than among the five of us as we set up our service. Identity House was a walk-in peer counseling center where gay peo­ ple could confide in another openly gay person about their problems. No fee was charged, although contributions were welcomed. If professional treatment was required, clients were referred to our consulting staff, a small group of mostly gay professionals. Second, I House served as a training institution and thereby legitimatized peer counseling as an al­ ternative to psychoanalytic treatment. Volunteer peer counselors were 14 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

supervised by therapists, who exchanged their pro bono supervision for referrals from the center. Gay people had never before heard another voice telling them they were "okay." We were that voice, and we said that a gay peer counselor or therapist was better suited to their needs than a homophobic straight one. The straight analyst always made "cause and cure" the centerpiece of therapy, rather than responding to the felt needs of the gay person. We believed with the fervor of religious zealots that gay people would eventually reject oppressive psychiatry and switch to what eventually became known as "gay affirmative psychotherapy" (Malyon, 1981/82). During this organizing phase, the five of us appeared on radio and tele­ vision, and were featured in newspaper articles, something quite radical in those days. But there were two problems that eventually caused a split in the or­ ganization. The nonprofessional founders ofIdentity House were suspi­ cious of, and feared the intentions of any professional, including Bernice and me. At the same time, they were dependent upon us and other thera­ pists to train and supervise them. This ambivalent conflict simmered for over a year. The second problem was endemic to the times. I House operated on the principle of "participatory democracy," and a consensus was re­ quired to formulate all policy. This organizational structure led to an extraordinary number of internal conflicts. Participatory democracy en­ couraged anyone to take up as much time at a staff meeting as he or she wanted, to attack anyone, and to hold the floor until being shouted down by someone else. As a result, important decisions were usually post­ poned because there was not enough time to solve them. As chair of the meeting, I was not allowed to curtail discussion because that would have been "elitist." Elitism, according to the political correctness of the day, was the foundation of a "vertical" organizational structure and was devalued because someone would be in charge. Ideological purity de­ manded a "horizontal" structure in which decision-making was formed

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 through consensus. Bernice and I often called it "participatory insanity." Staff meetings regressed into exercises in anarchy and mean-spirited vituperative attacks, much of them directed against Bernice and me. We were repeatedly accused of being "elitists" (which was also a code word for professional) and unsympathetic to the process of participatory democracy-both accusations were hue. Our refusal to allow peer coun­ selors to become therapists without training only alienated us even fur­ ther from most of the peers.5 The conflict between professionals and non-professionals accelerated over time, until finally, in the summer of History 15

1972, the split became permanent. Bernice and I resigned, leaving I House to the peers, and went on to form a wholly professional organiza­ tion, The Institute for Human Identity.6

1972-The American Psychological Association Convention

After the political split at I House, I left for the American Psychologi­ cal Association (APA) meeting in Hawaii. It was the summer of 1972. There was one panel on homosexuality during the conference. Sitting on the panel were four psychologists, none of them gay. I knew two of them: Harold Greenwald and Albert Ellis. Just before the panel discus­ sion began, a gay colleague told me he had overheard another psycholo­ gist say, "I have to leave now and go to the fag panel." In the audience were a number of gay psychologists, although we did not know each other yet. The panel members made their presentations, describing gay life in the usual pejorative ways. At the end of the panel, the chair asked if there were any questions. Furious, I jumped to the microphone and asked why there were not any gay psychologists on the panel. The chair replied, "There aren't any in APA." "Well, you're looking at one!" I responded-and thereby became the first gay psychologist to come out on the floor of the convention of the American Psychological Association. Since I had already asked one question, the chair asked me to sit down. I refused, saying that I in­ tended to stay at the microphone long enough to balance out the panel's prejudice against homosexuals. I gave a critique of the bias of the panel and asked both Howard and Al to tell the audience whether they ever had any homosexual experiences, and how they felt about them.? My boldness encouraged a number of other gay psychologists in the audi­ ence to speak up, although few identified themselves as gay. After the meeting, Martin Rochlin and Steven Morin chatted with me saying that they were planning to organize a gay caucus in APA. They did 'and held their first meeting at the Montreal convention in 1973. That group (As­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 sociation of Gay Psychologists) became the foundation of the present Division 44 (Society for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Issues) of the American Psychological Association.

1972-The Mental Status of Homosexuality

October 8th, 1972 was an important day for gay people. Bernice Goodman and I had been invited to make a presentation on a panel at the annual meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Behavior 16 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Therapy (AABT) in New York City. It was the first time that openly gay professionals had been invited to speak before a national association. This meeting was a perfect setting for "wearing two hats." The first was our professional presentation before the convention (Silverstein, 1972). However, because there were a number of papers being presented on us­ ing aversion therapy to "cure" gay people, I felt there was also a need for a radical gay demonstration. I therefore recommended to the executive board of the Gay Activist Alliance that we organize a demonstration against AABT. They agreed. There were two parts to the demonstration. There was to be a picket line on the street with placards calling aversion therapy "torture" and "sadism." Literature about discrimination against gay people was also prepared for distribution. The second part of the demonstration was against an aversion therapist, Dr. Quinn, a psychologist from Belfast, Ireland, who used electrical aversion therapy on gay men. We were to pepper the conference room with a number of gay activists, give him about ten minutes to speak, and then take over the meeting. Since I was a fellow psychologist, I was asked to discuss our gay takeover with him beforehand.8 Both demonstrations were successful as far as publicity is concerned, but the professional meeting at Quinn's workshop led to an extremely important event. In the audience was Robert Spitzer who suggested that we make a presentation before the Nomenclature Committee of the American Psychiatric Association to argue for the deletion of homo­ sexuality as a mental disorder.9 This invitation was discussed at the executive board of GAA and they decided that while most of the repre­ sentatives going to the meeting were from GAA, we were instructed to present ourselves as individuals. To do otherwise, according to the poli­ tics of the time, was to cooperate with psychiatrists, who were, after all, the enemy,lo Ron Gold was assigned by GAA to chair our committee. Jean O'Leary was· appointed to make a presentation about how the illness theory of

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 homosexuality had harmed people. I was asked to discuss the profes­ sional issues. Brad Wilson and Rose Jordan wrote a paper summing up the extant research on homosexuality (Wilson and Jordan, 1972). Bernice Goodman and others were slated to field questions at the meeting. What were our goals? Of course we wanted to convince the commit­ tee to remove homosexuality as a mental disorder in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual. However, some of us were after bigger game than that. Our intention was to attack the use of morality as the foundation for the diagnosis and treatment of outlawed sexual behavior (Suppe, 1984). History 17

We wanted the whole house of moral cards to collapse so that all forms of variant sexuality would be acceptable (Silverstein, 1984). While we did not mention it at the meeting, we wanted the American Psychiatric Association to drop what would later be called the paraphilias as a diag­ nostic category as well (Silverstein, 1973). We hoped to shepherd the death of the illness theory of homosexuality, and to substitute the admis­ sion that discrimination and prejudice were the source of gay psychologi­ cal difficulties. We also intended to hurt the psychiatric profession in the pocketbook by taking their patients away. We intended to do that by offering them a treatment that encouraged a positive gay identity. It was for these reasons that my presentation emphasized, with humor, how mo­ rality, not scientific research, led to diagnosis and treatment (Silverstein, 1976/1977). We reasoned that the psychiatric professions were "gatekeepers" of society's attitude toward sexuality. Change their minds about variant forms of sexuality, and the rest of society such as the legal system, licens­ ing boards, and teachers' unions would fall in step. It would also isolate those psychologists and psychiatrists who had made their reputations on "curing" homosexuals.

1973-The Deletion of Homosexuality as a Mental Disorder

On February 8th, 1973, the Nomenclature Committee of the Ameri­ can Psychiatric Association received us cordially. They had read our written report, and they listened carefully· to our arguments. During lunch, Henry Brill, the committee chair, mentioned some of the impedi­ ments to removing homosexuality as a mental disorder from the DSM. Psychoanalysts formed the biggest roadblock, he said. They were ada­ mant in their belief that homosexual behavior was aberrant and doomed a gay person to a life of loneliness and depression, ultimately ending in suicide (Socarides, 1968).11 During lunch, Brill and I talked about the analysts, and gossiped about famous gay psychoanalysts such as Anna

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Freud and Harry Stack Sullivan (Blechner, 2005). He was shocked at my estimate that between 10-20% of his colleagues were gay. Based on recommendations from the Nomenclature Committee, on December 15th, 1973 the American Psychiatric Association Board of Trustees announced that homosexuality per se was no longer a mental disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 1973). In making this de­ cision, they forged a compromise between members who wanted the deletion and those who did not. 12 They decreed that homosexuals who were distressed about their sexual preference suffered from "Sexual 18 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Orientation Disturbance" (SOD). Those who were comfortable with their homosexuality were "normal." 1980' s DSM -III, replaced SOD with "Ego-Dystonic Homosexuality" (EDH). It was a diagnosis that would not last long and in 1987's 3rd (revised) edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, homosexuality was in turn removed. 13

1973-The Institute for Human Identity

On June 1, 1973, The Institute for Human Identity (lHI) opened its doors to serve the psychotherapeutic needs of the gay community.14 I was IHI's full-time director, Bernice became Chairwoman of the Board of Directors and Michael Giovinco (from GAA) the full-time Adminis­ trative Assistant. Many gay and lesbian therapists who had shunned Iden­ tity House because of its hostility toward professionals, volunteered their services to IHI three or more hours a week. As Bernice and I had planned, IHI was a safe haven for gay therapists of all disciplines. Just as gay patients wanted to be open about their homosexuality, gay pro­ fessionals wanted to serve in a setting where they too could be open and meet other gay therapists. Therapy fees were turned over to IHI to pay expenses. Within the first few months, all the clinic's available therapy hours were booked. This was an example of therapeutic "Natural Selec­ tion." There had always been gay people who felt positively about their homosexuality, but their voices were never before heard. With clinics like I House and IHI, gay people found a home to address their needs. They wanted to be treated in a gay setting, and expected to work with an openly gay therapist, something that was impossible in traditional clin­ ics of that time. Advertising our services was always a problem because there was virtually no local gay press in 1973. Perhaps the most humorous way we created publicity for the clinic was to use "the trucks" in Greenwich Vil­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 lage. This was an open area on Washington Street in Greenwich Village where many deli very trucks were stored at night. On weekends, one could find hundreds of men along Washington Street having anony­ mous sex there. On a few Friday and Saturday nights, Don Sussman and I drove to the Village, set up a folding table on the sidewalk, and served coffee and cookies to the sexual adventurers. Along with each cup of coffee went an IHI brochure. This led to conversations about the coun­ seling needs of gay people. We later saw "the trucks" as "referral source" written on several intake forms. History 19

Some of IHI's services were unique. For instance, we advertised a natural childbirth class for lesbians and their lovers in the Village Voice. The ad drew a large number of homophobic phone calls, but it also piqued the interest of reporters who wrote about IHI's class and our counseling center. I5 We quickly filled a therapy group for lesbian cou­ ples, and another one for male couples. We also advertised for a group of gay men in heterosexual marriages, and our phones did not stop ring­ ing for two weeks. Unfortunately all of them were looking for sex with other gay married men, not for a support group.

The Changing Clinical Role

Still, the role of the therapist at IHI was fundamentally different from traditional clinics. No therapist wore a suit and tie; jeans and sport shirts were common. Therapists disclosed their own sexual orientation, some even divulged parallel experiences from their own lives to patients when appropriate. All literature from IHI emphasized our goals of creating a positive gay identity, and we never agreed to a therapeutic contract to change sexual orientation, even if requested. 16 Bernice and I ran a yearly training seminar for therapists who wanted to learn more about treating gay men and women. There were also occasional workshops for staff to talk about their own conflicting feelings about themselves and working so openly with gay clients. As a staff, we did agree however, that social contact with clients was not acceptable. Horne phone numbers were kept confidential. As a rule, therapists in traditional clinics seldom meet patients in so­ cial settings; at least this is true in large cities. However, the gay world is far smaller, and even in New York we gay therapists ran into our patients­ and sometimes in the most compromising places. Meeting in a bar or at a gay activity was easy to handle; a nod of recognition, perhaps shaking the hand of a lover or friend, a short chat, then moving to the other side of the bar. More problematic was passing one another in a gay bath­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 house, sex club or the trucks. Even more problematic at a bathhouse was feeling someone's hand on your butt, and turning around to find that it belonged to "Thursday at eight p.m." As a staff, we often talked about these incidents and how to handle them. We agreed that no matter the situation, sex with patients was grounds for dismissal. Here I can cite a number of personal examples. I remember, for in­ stance, one Saturday night at a Gay Activist Alliance dance in New York City when a patient asked me to dance with him. I did not want to reject him, so I agreed, and for the next few minutes we danced. At the 20 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

end of it, he thanked me and went his way with his friends as I went with mine. No psychologist or psychiatrist in supervision at a straight clinic would report this incident for fear of retribution by his supervisors. When we met for our regular session a few days later, he told me how much the dance meant to him. He said that it showed him that I was will­ ing to touch him, which meant that I respected him. An even more striking example occurred at "the trucks." One found hundreds of men there having sex at night. I occasionally joined them. One night, while I was "engaged" with another man, I heard someone announce, "Well, I never expected to see my therapist in a place like thiS!" i said "hello," walked away, and feared our next session together. But my client had worked it out by himself before he arrived. He rea­ soned that if the trucks were okay for him, why not for his therapist? He realized that his reaction the previous night was like trying to desexualize his psychologist, just like children do to their parents. While I admired his handling of the situation, I decided not to go to the trucks again for fear of meeting more patients.17 Another difference between the old model of the therapist and the one developed by out gay professionals was the public appearances of the psychologist or social worker. We'appeared on radio, television and in the press; we debated psychiatrists on the radio and TV. We represented a social movement and the media wanted to show it. A good example was a CBS Sixty Minutes broadcast from the Institute for Human Identity after the removal of homosexuality as a mental disorder in December 1973. The program filmed our clinic, interviewed Barbara Gittings (an eady gay activist) and me, and then filmed a therapy session in progress. However, not all patients welcomed our public appearances. For in­ stance, I met another patient at a GAA dance and he told me that he did not expect to find his therapist in a public setting. I cannot remember exactly how I responded, but I made clear that I would continue public professional and personal activities. He quit therapy. There were other therapists, many of whom were openly gay, and

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 who rejected the illness theory of homosexuality. For the most part, they were unlicensed people who, like homosexuals, felt like outcasts by comparison to, the licensed professionals. I was, for instance, trained as a gestalt therapist by Laura Peds, and both she and her husband, Fritz (both unlicensed), had no reservation about training gay people as therapists. Many of these unlicensed people were very good, and they contributed toward the development of gay affirmative therapy. They marched to a different tune than the traditional professionals of the day, and influ­ enced students and newly trained therapists. History 21

1974-The Behaviorists and the Death of Aversion Therapy

The 1970s also heralded a change in the perception of homosexuality by behavioral psychologists. As a group, they rebelled against the hege­ mony of psychoanalysis. While analysts worked from the foundation of a Freudian theory about subterranean mental forces, behaviorists pro­ posed a foundation of empirical data. They believed in evidence through psychological study. At first behaviorists were just as biased about homosexuality as any­ one else, and it was they who originated various forms of aversion ther­ apy designed to convert homosexuals to heterosexuals. There were three techniques of aversion therapy that behavioral therapists (both psychologists and psychiatrists) used against gay men. The first was electrical where the subject was shocked ifhe had arousal to pictures of nude men (Bancroft, 1974, Feldman and MacCulloch, 1971). The sec­ ond was injecting noxious, nausea-producing drugs, such as anectine in order to cause vomiting in the subject when aroused by pictures of nude men (McConaghy, 1969),18 The third technique was called "covert" aversion therapy, where the subject was instructed to imagine himself vomiting while having sex with nude men (Cautela, 1967),19 By the early 1970s, some behaviorists started accepting the notion that there was no evidence that gay people were any more disturbed than hetero­ sexuals, except by a society that consistently punished them.20 Gerald Davison was the primary mover in the American Association of Behavior Therapists (AABT) against attempts to treat sexual orienta­ tion as an illness. Davison (1968) had previously published a report on "Playboy Therapy" in which he tried to cure sadistic sexual fantasies by having students masturbate to pictures in Playboy Magazine. 21 He also suggested that the same technique might be used to cure homosexuals, although he never actually made the attempt. Davison attributes his change of heart about sexual orientation to his discussions with me (Davison, 1976). Davison and I teamed up to make aversion therapy

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 persona non grata. We were supported by quite a few behaviorists at AABT who publicly sided with our position.22 I made it a practice at AABT conventions to invite aversion therapists to lunch and discuss their work and its effects on gay people. Better than anyone else, these therapists knew how ineffective the technique was. In 1974, Gerald Davison was elected President of AABT. His presi­ dential speech argued against converting homosexuals into heterosex­ uals on moral grounds, regardless of the efficacy of the treatment (Davison, 1974). It was a remarkable speech. He maintained that all 22 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

psychologists (especially those who used aversion therapy) had caused only harm to gay people, and they should stop (Davison, 1976, 1978). Within a few years, the lack of support from colleagues, the demon­ strations of gay activists, the drying up of research funds, and Davison's and my politicking led to a melting away of aversion therapy. It is now one of those quaint techniques from the past, like hydrotherapy or lobotomy.23 By 1976 Davison was publishing papers proposing that psychologi­ cal treatment be directed toward helping gay people live satisfying lives. He wrote: "I am convinced that data on efficacy are quite irrelevant. Even if we could effect certain changes, there is still the more important question of whether we should. 1 believe we should not" (Davison, 1976, 162). Davison's presentation helped end all aversion therapy in the United States, and the AABT supported the deletion of homosexuality as a mental disorder. Freund, one of the leading sex researchers of his day, supported Davison's position on clinical grounds. He wrote that in the 20 years of his longitudinal study trying to cure homosexuals with aversion therapy, only 20% married. He wrote: "I am not happy about my therapeutic ex­ periment which, if it has "helped" at all, has helped clients to enter into marriages that later became unbearable or almost unbearable (Freund, 1977, p. 239). Freund went on to say that of the 20% who were cured, "Virtually not one "cure" remained a cure (1977, p. 238). Davison attacked from the side of the ethical treatment of gays, while Freund attacked from the side of therapeutic efficacy. 1 did whatever 1 could to get their voices heard.

1974-The Journal of Homosexuality

Since there were very few openly gay.psychologists in the 1970s, and 1 was director of a gay-positive clinic, 1 was asked to found the Journal ofHomosexuality (JH). This was an extremely important event. History

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 is what has been written down over time, regardless of actual events. If it is not published, it did not happen. JH was the first gay edited profes­ sionaljournal to publish empirical research abouthomosexuality.24 Our editorial board was composed of both gay and straight scholars and many of them submitted first rate papers for publication; they wanted JH to become a reputable journal. JH also featured opinion articles that dis­ cussed various aspects of treatment for gay people, and 1 made it a prac­ tice always to invite dissenting voices. My objective was to keep the "ball in the air" as long as possible, keeping a discussion going about History 23

both the morality and efficacy of sexual reorientation. The journal also became a source of recruitment for both gay and straight scholars who advocated a positive approach to homosexual treatment.25

NEW THEORETICAL MODELS

The role of the gay therapist as it developed from the 1970s onward was in marked contrast to the model of traditional psychiatric treatment. There were two parallel roads of inquiry within the psychological pro­ fession. One was the development of a non-prejudiced theoretical model to replace the illness theory of homosexuality, and the other was a non­ illness clinical model to treat gay people. In truth, these practices over­ lapped, and both clinicians and academicians contributed to both, but for instructional purposes they are divided here. Gay radical politics also continued into the 1980s as AIDS reached epidemic proportions. Gay clinical practice was transformed by the epidemic; therapy sessions were held in homes and hospitals. The first step in developing a new theoretical model was the inven­ tion and propagation of the term "homophobia," the feelings of aversion some people feel toward homosexuals (Weinberg, 1972). This term was quickly adopted and was a brilliant strategy of name-calling by the gay community. If we suffered from "homosexuality," they suffered from "homophobia." The political use of the term quickly spread to academia where psychologists began a program of research on the dimensions and development of homophobia in a person. Herek (1984, 1989) has produced the longest running investigation of this specific kind of prej­ udice, although he refined "homophobia" to include "heterosexism." Gonsiorek (1981/1982) published an early edited book on what he called "affirmative models" of psychotherapy. It contained Alan Maylon's (198111982) groundbreaking paper that attempted to define the devel­ opment of homophobia in gay men (which he called "internalized

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 homophobia") and a remedial model of psychotherapy that he called "gay-affirmative" psychotherapy. Malyon wrote: "Thus, one of the primary objectives of gay-affirmative psychotherapy is to provide cor­ rective experiences to ameliorate the consequences of biased socializa­ tion" (p. 62). He also suggested that gay therapists should be open about their own homosexuality. More and more gay professionals came out of the closet and used the terms "homophobic" and "gay-affirmative" to describe our society and the proper therapeutic treatment of gay people, respectively. Research 24 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

on homosexuality became accepted in graduate psychology programs; talk shows featured gay people as experts in the area; and even psychiat­ ric residency programs began inviting gay professionals to speak before their trainees. While gay liberation and early gay therapists fought discrimination from a defensive position, the theoretical papers from the 1980s demon­ strated that gay people had gone on the offensive against oppressive psychiatry. From the 1990s to the present, there has been common ground between traditional psychiatry, psychological practice and gay people. This is mainly due to the work of gay psychiatrists within the American Psychiatric Association and local aS,sociations of gay psychiatrists.26

THE CURRENT CHALLENGE TO GAY PSYCHOTHERAPY

There are two current challenges to the progress of gay psychother­ apy. The first is the battle being joined against "Reparative Psychother­ apy." The second is the concept of "Parental Selection," currently only percolating in the background, but one that may force us to fight "cure" yet again, but on a more difficult field of battle.

The Request to Be "Cured," Then and Now

Most people who sought our help at both I House and the Institute for Human Identity were comfortable with their homosexuality. They wanted a therapist who would listen to their concerns and not concentrate on the etiology of their sexual orientation. That was the easy part of being an openly gay therapist in the 1970s. More problematical were gay men (they were always men) who came to our clinic with the request that we change their sexual orientation from gay to straight. They always had good reasons. Some were turned on by adolescent boys and rightly feared public exposure and arrest. Some

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 were clergymen who believed they were sinners (Silverstein, 1977). There were a few so depressed that suicide was seriously considered. Most of them were heterosexually married. They asked to be treated and reoriented. I always refused, saying that since I did not consider homo­ sexuality a disorder, I cannot cure them. The next question was always whether I would refer them to someone who would. It would have been easy to pass them on to another professional-but whom? Anti-homosexual psychoanalysts made their reputations with claims of curing homosexuals. I knew these claims were fraudulent. To History 25

refer them, I reasoned, would only subject them to more years of self­ hatred and failure. I refused the referral and recommended their partici­ pation in local gay groups instead. Yet I knew that many of these men were caught in a time warp, trapped between a society that said they were sick, and gay liberationists (like me) who told them to come out. "There are no gay organizations down here," said a man in his 50s who called me from the south. He explained that he was jailed once and feared a significantly longer sentence if he was caught again. He was right; there was no hope for him unless he left home, job, and fami! y, a very difficult thing to do. I spoke and wrote about refusing to help someone who asks to be cured of his homosexuality. Many straight professionals were outraged by my stance and attacked me in professional journals and books (Feldman, 1977, McConaghy, 1977). They worked with gay people, some of whom threatened suicide unless they were cured. These profes­ sionals considered me cold, heartless, and fascistic for refusing to help. I did not consider these men, most of whom made their reputations in aversion therapy or psychoanalysis, cruel. They were diligent in their attempt to find the holy grail of treatment that would change a person's sexual orientation, and they were motivated by a sincere desire to help. However, we were all in the same time warp: patients, the cure thera­ pists and the gay liberation therapists. Society was changing, and in a few years, there would no longer be a treatment called aversion therapy, or a psychoanalysis whose goal was sexual reorientation. The difference between us was that we were right and they were wrong. Regrettably, many patients would be lost along the way. I never dreamed that we would have to fight the "cure" approach from the 1970s once again in the twenty-first century. Regressive forms of religion have now banded together to turn back the clock so that reli­ gious fundamentalism once more controls the lives of vulnerable peo­ ple. They call their treatment "reparative therapy" (Nicolosi, 1991). The Scopes "monkey" trial in the 1920s is being fought again today, and

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 young men and women are told that if they pray to Jesus every day in a religious community, their sin (homosexuality) will be forgiven. It did not work in the 1970s when I often received hand-written pages of scripture from people praying for my soul. It does not work now, no matter how much participation there is in a religious community. While sexual desire can be suppressed, it is never gone, and in time will win out. Our colleagues have responded quickly to the challenge of religious conversion (Haldeman, 1991, 1999,2001; Schroeder & Shidlo, 2001: 26 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Silverstein, 2003). Unfortunately, Spitzer's new study provides am­ munition to the right's claim that religion cures homosexuality (Spitzer, 2003). In response, both the Archives of Sexual Behavior and the Jour­ nal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy devoted whole issues to the sub­ ject (Drescher, 2003; Zucker, 2003: also see Drescher and Zucker, 2006). There are also well-documented claims of fraud and promiscuous sex at religious-based anti-sexual conclaves of "reparative psychotherapy" (Besen, 2003; Lawson, 1987). Many professionals have attacked the claims of cure through religious prayer.27 The National Association ofResearch and Therapy (NARTH) is one of the oldest groups claiming to cure people through religious and other means. Our old nemesis, Socarides had been an official in the organiza­ tion since the beginning.28 NARTH holds national meetings and wel­ comes both professional and non-professional people in their society­ except me.29 The salient question is how serious a threat is reparative psychother­ apy to the progress of gay rights? To what extent can these regressive forces turn back the clock and re-pathologize homosexuality (and all non-religious sanctioned sexuality)? And make no mistake; they would also reintroduce criminal sanctions against homosexuals.3D It's all part of the "culture war" that has broken out in this country over abortion, the Ten Commandments, and gay marriage (Drescher, 2001). Some of our colleagues are extremely worried (Haldeman, 1999). I tend to be less concerned, although fundamental extremists are likely to exert the most control over their own geographical turf against those they see as invaders: New Yorkers, liberals and homosexuals (redundant terms to fundamentalists). However, now, the young gay man living in rural Tennessee, for in­ stance, cannot be totally isolated because he has the Internet, something that was not available in the 1970s. In the privacy of his room, he can find an unlimited number of Internet sites that sell gay books and maga­ zines, and information about living a gay life. He can also search out dis­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 cussions on the most esoteric forms of sexuality, and find someone nearby with whom he can practice. There are gay characters on television, and the number of gay social organizations and services available to him is far greater than his father had thirty years ago. There are more gay groups in colleges and universities than ever before (although it should be acknowledged that some religious-based colleges have prohibited them). The Internet has also changed professional practice. I now have peo­ ple who come into my office and say '~Oh! I know all about you. I Googled History 27

YOU." Many of us also have websites. Potential patients know more about us than patients have ever known in the past, especially about our values and experience. The fundamentalists also have their heroes. One is Dr. Paul Cameron who has published "research" on the pathology of homosexuality, how gays molest children more than straights and other such rubbish. His willful distortion of psychological research ended by his being booted out of the American Psychological Association in 1983 (American Psy­ chological Association, 1983), the Nebraska Psychological Association dissociating itself from him, the American Sociological Association condemning him, and ajudge calling him a "fraud."31 Still, NARTH and anti-homosexual fundamentalist churches often cite his work as "evi­ dence" that homosexuals are depraved and dangerous. What ofthe men and women who fall prey to groups such as NARTH or Exodus International, a non-professional umbrella group advocating religious conversion? Many of them will suffer as their parents did in previous generations. They will marry under the auspices of the church, multiply and live miserable lives. Their only alternative is to be rejected by family, friends and church; a hard thing to ask. One has to be very brave to reject one's church and family. It is true that evangelicals are bolder than ever before, especially given the conservatism of the current administration and the Supreme Court. If our gay-positive person in Tennessee can contact other gay people via the Internet, then the guilt-ridden person living next door can find alternative Internet sites showing him/her how to join a religious­ based cure program and become an "ex-gay" person. We have every rea­ son to believe that as the evangelical movement grows, there will be a corresponding increase in the number of their children hoping that Jesus will save them from sin. While it is true that courts have stated that a child cannot be forced into reparative therapy, the definition of "volun­ tary" is extremely loose. It is unfortunate that the gay movement does little to help these gay people who are still hounded by feelings of guilt

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 and isolation.

Parental Selection

"Parental Selection" refers to the belief that parents can custom order the physical and mental characteristics of a fetus. Want a baby with blue eyes, or a male rather than a female, smart, musically inclined, or perhaps all of them? How about a child that looks just like you? The scientific work on the human genome and the cloning of animals (like "Dolly" the 28 ACTNISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

sheep) has spurred a rush of private research to give parents the charac­ teristics they want in a baby. Biologists are most interested in prevent­ ing disease in the child, but many parents want status characteristics. One can be sure that if there were "a magic pill," some way of manipu­ lating the genes that "cause" homosexuality, which many parents would rush for the treatment. The idea has a history that began in the 1950s. The first published statement on the subject of parental selection for sexual orientation came from a then-West German sex researcher Dorner (1976). He had written extensively about sexual brain differentiation and hormones. He claimed that "abnormal" sex hormones caused ho­ mosexuality. He was then roundly attacked by a group of other German sex researchers (Sigusch, et al., 1982). Dorner (1983) responded by writing that: " ... it might be possible in the future-at least in some cases-to correct abnormal sex hormone lev­ els during sexual brain differentiation in order to prevent the develop­ ment of homosexuality. However, this should be done, if at all only ifit is urgently desired by the pregnant mother (p. 577, emphasis added)." This statement opened the door for discussion of whether parents should have the right to choose the sexual orientation of their children, should such a procedure become possible. Dorner's idea of parental selection has gotten more help lately and it is fast becoming an important research and ethical question. For in- stance, Greenberg and Bailey (2001) recently wrote " ... to avoid having homosexual children does no direct harm to anyone ...." (p. 424). They also claim that the procedure would be "morally acceptable" (p. 436). Any other action, they argued would "deprive parents of the freedom to determine what their children would be like" (p. 436). In the same issue of Archives ofSexual Behavior, West (2001) challenged their assertions saying that parental selection would enhance prejudice against gay people. Even more recent is the work of Canter and colleagues (2005) who claim to have found a correlation between IQ and pedophilia, both of

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 which, they believe is caused by a common brain etiological factor. While they do not consider homosexuality an abnormality (at least they seem to be neutral about it), and make no claim for parental selection, it is not hard to see how more mischievous writers might use their work as a foundation for supporting "choice" as a parental right. 32 What is po­ tentially threatening about their research is that they use sex offenders, particularly pederasts, as subjects. Homosexuals have always been ac­ cused of molesting children, and as we have seen, were, and in some places today still are defined as "sexual deviants." History 29

History has taught us that professionals will use any procedure avail­ able to them, regardless of moral implications. That happened, for in­ stance, in Germany where "sexually deviant" patients were subjected to psychosurgery, until other professionals attacked the practice (Rieber and Sigusch, 1979; Schmidt and Schorsch, 1981; Schmidt, 1984). Some of these unfortunate patients were subjected to cerebral ablation only because they masturbated. While that cannot happen here, parental se­ lection may be an even more dangerous possibility. It should receive far more attention from gay professionals than it has so far. There is no evidence that the technology for parental selection lies just over the horizon. However, that will not stop sex and biological researchers from trying. While social constructionists may reject the notion at all, the fact is that science may soon discover variables that influence the origin of sexual orientation. We cannot stop scientific research, nor should we. What we can and should do is start a dialogue about the ethics of parental selection in the scientific, religious and lay communities. Gay people are not the only ones to be threatened by the potential procedure. Thus, in my mind it is clear as Santayana wrote: "Those who ignore the past are doomed to repeat it," or be victimized by it. Although, LGBT mental health has made impressive gains, the same prejudices that dom­ inate mental health fields in 1970's still exist, albeit, less frequently. As long as there is any stigma surrounding sexual orientations and gender identities, individuals will be at risk from the very professions that claim to heal.

NOTES

1. Whether a social change is an advance is another question altogether. 2. Another example of politics controlling diagnosis was a proposal by the nomen­ clature committee that rape be included as an official diagnosis of the American Psy­ chiatric Association. Female professionals were outraged by the suggestion, fearing Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 that "mental illness" could be used by rapists as a way to ameliorate their guilt. The proposal was not adopted. 3. If one looks at the writings of mental health professionals who advocated for a particular treatment, one usually finds them motivated by goodness 'and an honest de­ sire to heal. So much for goodness. Henry David Thoreau once said, "If I knew for a certainty that a man was coming to my house with the conscious design of doing me good, I should run for my life." 4. I recently heard the officer leading the attack on the now-famous Stonewall Inn say that he never had anything to do with graft. He seemed unaware of his complicity; that graft was possible only because the bars feared his raids. 30 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

5. Peer counselors wanted to become therapists because of the added social status and the opportunity to make money. 6. The word "identity" was very popular in that decade, much as "homophile" was the decade before. 7. In retrospect, I am shocked at the rudeness of my demand. 8. I pulled Dr. Quinn to the side just before the meeting and told him that we were gay activists and that we were going to let him talk for ten minutes and then take it over to demand that psychologists stop using aversion therapy. I assured him that there would be no violence and no personal attacks against him. It was publicity we were af­ ter. He caved in immediately, gave his ten-minute talk, then sat down. It was a perfect example of how cooperation sometimes brings its own rewards. 9. Spitzer was a hero to gay people at the time. More recently he published a strange paper in which he claimed that gay people could be cured and made straight (see Spitzer, 2003). 10. GAA invented the "Zap," a form of gay liberation demonstration. Perhaps the most relevant Zap to today's battles, was the time they zapped the New York City County Clerk's office requesting marriage licenses. The GAA activists arrived with two "wedding" cakes. One had two men on top, the other, two women. Two gay cou­ ples requested marriage licenses. When refused, they cut up the cakes and served them (with coffee) to the staff, interfering with the work of the office. The usual literature and posters were left in the office after the police arrived to throw them out. There was no violence, and it made a hell of a good story in the papers the next day. 11. Charles Socarides, the most strident ideologue among the analysts, claimed that only psychoanalysis could save the homosexual from himself. In 1965, Socarides had wanted the federal government to set up a residential Center for Sexual Medical Reha­ bilitation (a concentration camp for faggots). Even other psychiatrists were shocked at the idea, and no one supported him. 12. An excellent discussion of the battle between opposing groups and its aftermath will be found in Bayer, 1981. 13. Sexual Orientation Disturbance was replaced by Ego-dystonic homosexuality in 1980's DSM-III. It was the diagnosis used for those who were distressed by their sexual orientation. 14. IHI was the first full-time gay counseling center to open in New York City, but it was not the first in the country. That honor goes to the Homophile Community Health Center, organized by Rev. Don McGaw and Dr. Richard Pillard in Boston. Counseling centers also opened later in Seattle, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 15. One evening, a new client who was looking for the bathroom opened a door and saw a pregnant lesbian on the floor, with a nurse standing over her. Then she opened a second door and found my lover, William, who had just taken a shower, standing stark naked in the bedroom. "What kind of place are you running here?" she asked the recep­ tionist. 16. This approach was quite revolutionary in those days. The therapeutic standard of the time was to accept the therapeutic goal of the patient, especially if it were "volun­ tary." So if a person asked to change hislher sexual orientation, therapists were told to work toward that goal. Refusing to cooperate in changing sexual identity was consid­ eredan example of harming the patient. History 31

17. There is an insufficient literature about sexual attraction between a therapist and hislher patient. An exception is Diane Elise's excellent chapter on the subject (Elise, 1981). Also see, Sherman (2005). 18. The film, "A Clockwork Orange" attacked this form of treatment. Behaviorists were furious about it. 19. Awful as these techniques were, an even more dreadful procedure was used by Heath (1972). He implanted electrodes in a gay man's head, put him in a room with a naked prostitute, then sent a jolt of mild electricity through the electrodes. He believed he was stimulating the "pleasure center" of the brain, and that the gay man would be "cured" by associating the prostitute with pleasure. It didn't work. There is also no dis­ cussion of informed consent in the published paper. 20. Many of them had been influenced by Hooker's (1957) study where blind raters could not distinguish between homosexual and heterosexual Rorschach responses. 21. His research was very popular among male students at Stony Brook. 22. Behavior Therapy, the journal associated with AABT was edited by Cyril Franks. Cyril was against trying to cure gay people. He asked me to review John Bancroft's Deviant Sexual Behavior: Modification and Assessment (1974). The book summarized many years of Bancroft's work using electrical aversion therapy on homo­ sexuals. The review (Silverstein, 1975) caused quite a stir, and it infuriated Bancroft enough to write a rejoinder in a later issue. The rejoinder kept "the ball in the air," which pleased me. 23. Though forms oftreatment is notthe subject ofthis paper, I would be remiss not to briefly mention therapists who injected testosterone into gay men in the hope that the "male" hormone would butch the men up (Tennent, Bancroft and Cass, 1974). Since testosterone is highly correlated with libido, this procedure only resulted in creating very horny homosexuals. Some unpublished scuttlebutt reported that men kept asking for more injections. 24. There were two sexology journals at the time: Archives of Sexual Behavior and the Journal of Sex Research. Both published empirical research about homosexuality and both had gay people on their editorial boards. JH was exclusively devoted to homo­ sexuality. 25. The Journal ofHomosexuality is still being published today under the steward­ ship of its editor, John DeCecco, PhD. 26. The parent organization of this journal is one such organization: The Associa­ tion of Gay and Lesbian Psychiatrists. In the New York metropolitan area, Gay and Lesbian Psychiatrists of New York has served a similar function.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 27. On the Geraldo Show some years ago, I sat next to a man who had attended these cure retreats. He claimed that he had more sex there, than on the outside, espe­ cially so since he knew everyone there was homosexual, including the leaders. 28. Charles Socarides passed away on December 25,2005. 29. Some years ago I applied for membership. In response I received a letter from the immediate past NARTH President, Joseph Nicolosi, PhD, saying that I was rejected because they did not approve of my position on homosexuality. He also returned my ten-dollar membership check. 30. They are fond of saying that they love the sinner, but not the sin. They should tell that to all the gay men and women who have been murdered by their fellow Christians. 32 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

On a radio program in Houston, one man said that all gay people should be locked in a barn and then burn it down. He said that after announcing that he was a Christian. 31. Greg Herek has collected a great deal of information about Cameron at the website: http://psychology.ucdavis.eduirainbowlhtmIlCameron. 32. "Choice" is an interesting word. Gay liberation and the women's movement support the concept with regard to abortion, but would they accept this freedom for parents? It is a dilemma that should not be avoided.

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Halleck, S.L. (1971), The Politics of Therapy. New York: Science House. Heath, R.G. (1972), Pleasure and brain activity in man. J. Nervous & Mental Diseases, 154:3-18. Herek, G.M. (1984), Beyond homophobia: A social psychological perspective on the attitudes towards lesbians and gay men. J. Homosexuality, 10:1-21. Reprinted in: Bashers, Baiters & Bigots: Homophobia in American Society, ed. 1. DeCecco. New York: Harrington Park Press, 1985, pp. 1-21. Herek, G.M. (1989), Heterosexuals' attitudes toward lesbians and gay men: Correlates and gender differences. J. Sex Research, 4:451-477. Hoffman, M. (1972), Philosophical, empirical and ecologic remarks. International J. Psychiatry, 10:106. Hooker, E.A. (1957), The adjustment of the male overt homosexual. 1. Projective Tech­ niques, 21:18-31. Kinsey, A.C., Pomeroy, W.B. & Martin, C.E. (1948), Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders. Lawson, R. (1987), Scandal in the Adventist-Funded Program to "Heal" Homosexu­ als:Failure, Sexual Exploitation, Official Silence, and Attempts to Rehabilitate the Exploiter and His Methods. Paper given at the American Sociological Association, Chicago. Lindenberger, M. (2005). "They asked for it": Murderers of gay and transgender people across the country are still blaming the victims, claiming sexual advances can cause homicidal rage. Now prosecutors are joining together to get rid of the "gay panic" defense once and for alL" The Advocate. Retrieved 05/1712006 from http:// www.findarticJes.com/p/articJes/mLm 1589/is_2005_ApriCI2/ai_n 13606961. Malyon, A.K. (1982), Psychotherapeutic implications of internalized homophobia in gay men. J. Homosexuality, 7(2/3):59-69. McConaghy, N. (1969), Subjective and penile plethysmography responses following aversion-relief and apomorphine aversion therapy for homosexual impulses. Brit­ ish J. Psychiatry, 11 :723-730. McConaghy, N. (1977), Behavioral intervention in homosexuality. J. Homosexuality, 2(3):221-227. Richmond, L & Noguera, G. (1979), The New Gay Liberation Book: Writings and Pho­ tographs about Gay (Men's) Liberation. Palo Alto: Ramparts Press. Rieber, I. & Sigusch, V. (1979), Guest editorial: Psychosurgery on sex offenders and sexual "deviants" in West Germany. Archives Sexual Behavior, 8:523"527. Schmidt, G. (1984), Allies and persecutors: Science and medicine in the homosexual

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 issue. J. Homosexuality, 10(3/4):127-140. Schmidt, G. & Schorsch, E. (1981), Psychosurgery of sexually deviant patients: Review and analysis of new empirical findings. Archives Sexual Behavior, 10:301-323. Schroeder, M. & Shidlo, A. (2001), Ethical issues in sexual orientation conversion . therapies: An empirical study of consumers. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 5(3/4): 131-166. Reprinted in: Sexual Conversion Therapy: Ethical, Clinical and Research Perspectives, eds. A. Shidlo, M. Schroeder & 1. Drescher. New York: The Haworth Press, 2001, pp. 131-166. Sherman, E. (2005), Notes from the Margins: The Gay Analyst's Subjectivity in the Treatment Setting. Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press. History 35

Sigusch, V., Schorsch, E., Dannecker, M. & Schmidt, G. (1982), Guest Editorial: Offi­ cial statement by the German Society for Sex Research (Duetsche Gesellschaft fur Sexuaiforschung e. V.) on the research of Prof. Dr. Gunter Domer on the subject of homosexuality. Archives Sexual Behavior, 11 :445-449. Silverstein, C. (1972), Behavior Modification and the Gay Community. Paper presented at the annual convention of the Association for the Advancement of Behavior Ther­ apy, New York City, October, 1972. Silverstein, C. (1973), Letter to A.A. Brill, Chairman of the Nomenclature Committee of the American Psychiatric Association, February 18. Silverstein, C. (1975), Book review of J. Bancroft's "Deviant Sexual Behavior: Modi­ fication and Assessment." Behavior Therapy. 6:576-580. Silverstein, C. (1976-77), Even psychiatry can profit from its past mistakes. J. Honw­ sexuality, 2(2): 153-158. Silverstein, C. (1977), Symposium on homosexuality and the ethics of behavioral in­ tervention (paper no. 2), J. Homosexuality, 2(3):205-211. Silverstein, C. (1984), The ethical and moral implications of sexual classification: A commentary. J. Homosexuality, 9(4):29-38. Silverstein, C. (1991), Psychotherapy and psychotherapists: A history. In: Gays, Lesbi­ ans and Their Therapists: Studies in Psychotherapy, ed. C. Silverstein. New York: Norton, pp. 1-14. Silverstein, C. (1997), The origin of the gay psychotherapy movement. In: A Queer World, ed. M. Duberman. New York: New York University Press, pp. 358-381. Silverstein, C. (2003), The religious conversion of homosexuals: Subject selection is the voir dire of psychological research. J. Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 7(3): 31-53. Socarides, C.W. (1968), The Overt Homosexual. New York: Grune and Stratton. Spitzer, R. L. (2003), Can some gay men and lesbians change their sexual orientation?: 200 subjects reporting a change from homosexual to heterosexual orientation. Archives Sexual Behavior, 32(5):403-417. Suppe, F. (1984), Classifying sexual disorders: The diagnostic and statistical manual of the American Psychiatric Association. J. Homosexuality, 9(4):9-28. Szasz, T. (1974), The Myth of Mental ILlness: Foundations of a Theory of Personal Conduct, Revised Edition. New York: Harper & Row. Tennent, G., Bancroft, J. & Cass, J. (1974), The control of deviant sexual behavior by drugs: A double-blind controlled study of benperi dol, chlorpromazine and placebo. Archives Sexual Behavior, 3:261-271. West, D. J. (2001), Parental selection of children's sexual orientation: A commentary. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Archives Sexual Behavior:30, 439-441. Wilson, B. & Jordan, R. (1972), Draft of Memo to Committee on Nomenclature of the American Psychiatric Association, December 20. Zucker, KJ. (2003), The politics and science of "reparative therapy." Archives Sexual Behavior, 32(5):399-402.

doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_02 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 PSYCHOTHERAPY AND CLINICAL PRACTICE

"In Dreams Begin Responsibilities" Psychology, Agency, and Activism

Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD

SUMMARY. This article proposes that psychotherapists must abandon the practice of seeing mental health issues as individual problems and more willing to see these issues as the consequences of social injustice. This leads to an imperative to develop models of insight that focus on a client's awareness and understanding of social and political forces,

Judith M. Glassgold is a psychologist in private practice in Highland Park, NJ and a Contributing Faculty member at the Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology of Rutgers University. Address correspondence to: Judith M. Glassgold, PsyD, 324 Raritan Avenue, High­ land Park, NJ 08904 (E-mail: [email protected]). A previous version of this paper was presented at the meeting of the American Psy­ chological Association, 2003, as the Presidential Address of Division 44, the Society

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Issues. [Haworth co-indexing entry note]: " •In Dreams Begin Responsibilities' Psychology, Agency, and Activ­ ism." G1assgold, Judith M. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 37-57; and: Activism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 37-57. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [I-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m (EST). E-mail address: docdeli [email protected]]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_03 37 38 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

through integrating concepts from liberation psychology. Therapeutic models should be revised to avoid deterministic explanations of social is­ sues and rather incorporate contextualist models that better explain con­ cepts such as social power, freedom, agency, and resistance, which are 'more compatible with psychotherapy. Finally, socially-aware psychother­ .apy must focus on re-envisioning the therapeutic relationship, specifically on factors in that relationship that allow individuals to reclaim personal and social agency. doi: 10. 1300/J236v 111103_03 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service;' J-800-HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: ©2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights resenJed.j

KEYWORDS. Activism, agency, bisexual, gay, lesbian, liberation psychology, psychoanalysis, psychotherapy, therapeutic relationship, trans gender

INTRODUCTION

I went into psychology, like many mental health professionals, be­ cause I wanted to make a difference in the world. In wanting to make a difference, I imagine a more just and equitable society. Once any of us have those dreams, we have a responsibility to make those dreams a reality. We must do this not only out of a duty to ourselves and to others, but because "Our lives begin to end the day we are silent about things that matter" (King, 1963). Thus my title, In Dreams Begin Responsibili­ ties (Yeats, 1956), has ethical, psychological, and even spiritual meaning: Activism and engagement in the world are necessary for both personal and professional integrity and are an antidote against despair and hope­ lessness. I believe it is essential, as mental health professionals, to make our

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 work a liberatory experience, to be among those who offer solutions to problems of social justice. LGBT mental health professionals have been able to help end ideological oppression that masqueraded as medical treatment, first by contributing to the process of removing homosexual­ ity from the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statis­ tical Manual and later by asserting the health and positive contributions of the LGBT individuals. As professionals, we have resisted other aspects of oppression: studying hate crimes, prejudice, and inequality, and their relationship to mental health. Over the past two years, major Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 39

mental health associations have created policy statements in support of same-sex marriage and rights for families (American Psychiatric Asso­ ciation, 2005; American Psychological Association, 2003). The urgency we felt years ago cannot be lost, even now that we have come of age (see Silverstein, this issue). Although we have made many advances, there are still threats that constantly emerge. As members of the LGBTQ communities, we remain outside the heterosexist norm. As a result of our outsider status, we have been able to point out many of the contradictions in conventional society and have been able to embrace alternate views of progress. However, our national culture in the United States resists change and distrusts disequilibrium, so we must continue to embrace change, while realizing how threatening it is to some. Further, mainstream psychology has not always progressive, and as we become more accepted within this organization, there will be pressures to ac­ commodate others and change could become more difficult (see Russell and Bohan, this issue). We must remain vigilant against being integrated into the existing order and then being co-opted. As a psychotherapist, I am aware of how easily psychotherapy can become part of the problem. Outside forces, insurance companies, med­ ical diagnostic systems, and other institutions, constantly pressure psy­ chotherapists to focus on the narrowest interpretation of situations, see the problem as that of an individual, and to isolate the solution away from social context and injustice. We cannot fall into the trap oflocating the problem solely in the individual while ignoring the social matrix in which· the problem arises. I think of how psychotherapy can be a liberatory practice, much as

Bell Hooks (1994), a feminist1 progressive, African-American educator and writer, has called for education to be a liberatory practice. I want to know how we can create therapeutic tools that can help individuals, sin­ gly and in communities, increase personal and social agency, with the goal being for these individuals to become activists in their own lives and perhaps in the lives of others.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Other world-views can help psychotherapy go beyond its focus on the individual to focus on the problems of society. Community psychology, anthropology, postmodern and constructivist philosophy, and politi­ cal science are helpful. However, in particular, Liberation Psychol­ ogy (Martin-Baro, 1994), conceived of mostly by those from Latin and South America and adopted by many community and multicultural psy­ chologists (Varas-Diaz and Serrano-Garcia, 2003; Comas-Diaz, Lykes, and Alacrn, 1998; Watts, Grifith and Abdul-Adil 1999; Watts, Williams and Jagers, 2003) is a particularly useful antidote to individualistic and 40 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

apolitical frameworks. In this paper, I will describe briefly, why Libera­ tion Psychology is important for the LGBTQ communities and how new ideas in political science and psychoanalysis aide in integrating social context into psychotherapy.

WHAT IS OPPRESSION AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THE LGBTQ COMMUNITY

LGBT individuals and communities are oppressed. What is oppres­ sion? Watts, Griffith, and Abdul-Adil (1999), three community psycho­ logists define it " ... as the unjust use of power by one socially salient group over another in a way that creates and sustains inequity in the dis­ tribution of resources" (p. 42). This is an extension of the definition of power by Irma Serrano-Garcia who defined oppression as an asymmet­ rical state of resources (1994, p. 9). Moane (2003), Varas-Diaz and Serrano-Garcia (2003) Watts and Serrano-Garcia (2003) and Watts et al. (2003) describe in their work as community psychologists characteristics of oppressive societies that transcend social groups and nationalities; these characteristics are'rele­ vant to the LGBTQ populations. First, oppressive societies are polit­ ically exclusive: oppressed groups lack representation in governance and mainstream political agendas do not attend to oppressed groups concerns (Moane, 2003, pp. 93-94). This is clearly applicable to LGBT communities as in the lack of national and local hate crimes statutes, the presence of employment discrimination, and the lack of marriage equal­ ity. In fact, for LGBT communities the legal and political system may of­ ten serve as a source of oppression. Second, oppressive societies are marked by violence against the oppressed, whether state sanctioned or not (Moane, 2003, pp. 93-94). LGBTQ individuals are often the target of violence and hate crimes. The continuing failure of national leaders to pass hate crimes legislation

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 that includes sexual orientation and gender identity represents more than indifference; it reflects deliberate oppression. The direct experience of violence has many psychological consequences (Herek and Berrill, 1993), but the threat of violence leads many members of our community to restrict their behavior. For example, many fear violence if they are public with their affection for each other. LGBTQ individuals have internalized those fears and are controlled by the threat of violence and the knowledge that society will not keep them safe. Because of govern­ ment inaction and political rhetoric that scapegoats our community, we Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 41

experience a form of state-sanctioned intimidation intended to marginalize us and control our behavior. We cannot be made to disappear completely, but we can be made to feel insecure and invisible. Third, oppressive societies are characterized by economic injustice and inequality (Moane, 2003, pp. 93-94), which may be manifest in limits to institutionalized benefits (such as lack of protection for LGB relationships and families), sanctioned discrimination, and a wide range of legal inequities. Fourth, oppressive societies attempt to control the personhood, bod­ ies, and sexuality of its members through legal means as well as attitudes and discourse (Moane, 2003, pp. 93-94). The ideology surrounding sex and gender controls cultural images, excludes authentic diverse views, contains extreme stereotypes, and portrays subordination. Sexual vio­ lence receives few sanctions, and popular images of sexual behavior reflect oppressive social roles and social control. Fifth, oppression is maintained through "ideological violence" (Watts et aI., 2003, p. 186); these are ideologies that mask and justify inequality by "normalizing and justifying oppressive social relationships" (Watts et aI., 2003, p. 186). These beliefs devalue and stigmatize the oppressed through labels such as deviant, ill, criminal, and idealize the traits of those in power by defining normalcy, health, or success in their terms. Qualities that result from oppression are labeled as intrinsic to the fun­ damental nature of the oppressed, and thus are an excuse to continue to deny full legal rights. In the past, diagnostic categories and psychologi­ cal theories were a routine part of this system of ideological violence in their pathologizing same-sex desire and behavior. Finally, oppression is sustained by the psychological consequences of oppression and ideological violence. Individuals suppress emotions and behaviors; they control themselves, reducing the need for actual force or punishment; the focus of punishment is not the body, but the mind

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 (Foucault, 1977; Watts et aI., 1999,2003). As Woodson wrote in 1933 in reference to the African-American struggle for dignity and freedom (quoted by Watts et aI., 1999, p. 257):

If you control a man's thinking you do not have to worry about his action[s]. When you determine what a man shall think you do not have to concern yourself about what he will do. If you make a man feel that he is inferior, you do not have to compel him to accept an inferior status, for he will seek it himself. (Woodson, 1933) 42 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Woodson states the problem quite clearly, decades before Foucault's insights: individuals who have internalized the negative messages about themselves perpetrated by ideological violence, will control and oppress themselves and no longer require explicit social control. Through processes of political power and ideology, oppression has profound psychological effects, particularly on the identity and emotional life of those who are oppressed; Patterns of inferiority, helplessness, and self-destructive behaviors have their roots in powerlessness; then become barriers to both individual and collective action. Social and political rejection not only has emotional consequences for individuals, but also threatens the integrity of communities by reducing cohesion and altruistic behaviors (Watts et aI., 2(02) and by increasing individu­ als'self-destructive behaviors (Twenge~ Catanese and Baumeister, 2002). Thus, understanding oppression is essential for understanding the psy­ chological difficulties our community faces, for much of the behavior that ends up being termed "psychopathology" is not simply an individual trait, but the result of social forces (Watts et aI., 2002, p. 43).

PSYCHOTHERAPY AS A UBERA TOR Y PROCESS

Can psychotherapy, usually an individual experience, speak to liber­ ation at all? George Albee (2000), Celia Kitzinger and Rachel Perkins (1993) assert that individual therapy is the wrong approach, a waste of resources, and may be a type of false consciousness by encouraging individuals to focus on their problems in isolation from others. These authors may have a point, and perhaps moving away from individual interventions is the ultimate solution. Yet, psychotherapy, as it has evolved in the United States, is embedded in our history and culture. It reflects our focus on individualism and our ambivalence about commu­ nity support, as well as the need for new supports as urbanization has

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 brought rapid changes in community coherence. Psychology is ever pres­ ent on TV and is even part of our pop culture. Psychotherapy reflects our yearning for and a cultural fear of dependency. I believe transforming psychotherapy is a better solution than rejecting it. In order to make psychotherapy part of social progress, we have to understand its place in the social and historical order. Once we under­ stand our own historical and ideological context, perhaps therapy can be a social change agent. At a minimum, psychotherapy provides a place for individuals to speak. Ifthose voices cannot be silenced, then oppression Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 43

and its consequences cannot remain hidden. If therapy helps to end those many silences, then it contributes to social change (Herman, 1997). Another rationale for a role for individual therapy, is that political and social activism is foremost a decision, an act, and a commitment of an individual, which then hopefully becomes a collaboration of like-minded individuals. Thus, if therapy can act as a means of counteracting the harm of oppression and supporting changes necessary for personal and col­ lective activism, perhaps it has some greater purpose. In order to make psychotherapy a liberatory endeavor, however, there are changes that must be made in its theory and practice. How can ther­ apy undo the effects of oppression, create the capacity to hope and to commit, so as to overcome powerlessness, anger, and despair? How can therapy focus on helping our clients develop empathy for others and be­ come aware of social issues? Finally, how can therapy encourage resis­ tance and the ability to act with compassionate purpose? I am not sure I have all those answers, but I believe firmly it is in those directions we must move and those goals constitute our own positive psychology. I believe psychotherapy must make the following changes:

• First, psychology must abandon the practice of seeing mental health issues as individual problems and more willing to see these issues as the consequences of social injustice. • Second, psychology must develop models that focus on an individ­ ual's awareness and understanding of social and political forces, similar to the concept of model of critical consciousness of libera­ tion psychology (Freire, 1970). • Third, psychology must r.evise deterministic explanations of social issues and incorporate contextualist models that better explain concepts such as social power, freedom, agency, and resistance, which are more compatible with psychotherapy. • Finally, psychology must focus on the interpersonal relation­ ship in therapy, specifically on factors in that relationship that allow

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 individuals to reclaim agency.

PROBLEMS OF TRADITIONAL PSYCHOLOGY

Traditional psychotherapy focuses on individual deficits or pathol­ ogy, which are often seen apart from context, history and culture. The concept of the individual in most psychological theories (as well as the concept of science and evidence) is derived from a Cartesian belief in 44 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

the separateness of individual consciousness from emotions, physicality, and the larger historical world. This philosophical approach asserts that these influences can be controlled by rational human thought. The im­ pact of these ideas on psychology has been to create a field that privi­ leges rational control of emotions, individuals' inner worlds and deficits, and a discipline that searches for universal generalities rather than unique particulars. The goals of traditional therapies have been a focus on "love and work," irrational beliefs, or perhaps symptom-relief, none of which does necessarily include personal or social freedom. As there are limitations with our traditional models of therapy, there are also limitations with models that point us in the direction of social forces. Most models of oppression conceptualize social systems in overly deterministic ways and even anthropomorphize social forces. They offer explanatory systems with a sense of deliberateness or even an attribution of consciousness to the behavior of social systems (Chodorow, 1978; Dinnerstein, 1977). In overly deterministic theories, the individual or community is under-emphasized-the reverse of prob­ lems of traditional psychological theories. Further, models of social ex­ planation often lose sight of the fact that even the privileged are socially constrained and in need of liberation and that their subjectivitie's are created through violence as well. 1 The tensions between psychology theories that view the individual as separate from social reality, and linear and mechanistic social theories where everything has a cause and there is no possibility for resistance, make it difficult to integrate ideas about social oppression and liberation into psychology.

UBERATION PSYCHOLOGY: THEORY

What does psychotherapy as a liberatory practice look like? I believe that combining liberation psychology with contextualist models of social

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 issues and psychotherapy practice will help us redirect psychotherapy toward liberation. But, first, the only appropriate response to oppression is liberation. Paolo Freire in his seminal work "Pedagogy of the Oppressed" (1970) laid the groundwork for many ideas in education and psychology with his concept of critical consciousness: "learning to perceive social, polit­ ical, and economic contradictions and to take action against oppressive elements of reality" (Freire, 1970, p. 3). Watts and his colleagues (2003) refine this concept in psychology as "[a] process by which individuals Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 45

acquire the knowledge, analytical skills, emotional faculties, and the capacity for action in political and social systems necessary to interpret and resist oppression" (p. 185). The term Liberation Psychology originated with Ignacio Martin-Baro (1994), who was influenced by Freire. Other psychologists, Lillian Comas-Diaz, Rod Watts, Irma Serrano Garcia, and many others, adopt this framework. Comas Diaz (1998) writes:

Psychology of liberation attempts to work with people in context through strategies that enhance awareness of oppression and of the ideologies and structural inequality tliat has kept them subjugated and oppressed, thereby collaborating with them in developing crit­ ical analyses and engaging in a transforming praxis. (p. 778)

Thus, liberation is not only an individual's achievement of undoing internalized oppression, but also the individual's capacity to engage in collective action to change society. This type of approach focuses on how human beings are changed by an active process of engagement with others that alters their conception of reality and views of themselves. It is a process of action-reflection. The action-reflection process is a means for interrupting the cycle of op­ pression and submission through undoing the internalized oppressive ideology (Martin-Baro, 1994, p. 42). Being able to name the world as oppressive immediately changes the world (Freire, 1970), as an individ­ ual perceives her place in the world differently, and conceives of her social identity differently (Martin-Baro, p. 40). Instead of seeing one's issues as individual failings or deficits, which can be disempowering, new solutions are possible when problems are labeled as social issues. Although societies are oppressive, it is not a particular social order that is in itself disempowering in the individual sense, it is how that social order is perceived and how the individual perceives their place in it (Freire, 1970, p. 89). This concept has important implications for psy­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 chology. In order to change and to resist any cycle of oppression, individuals must corne to an understanding of the oppression that exists, and the complex way it has been incorporated into their being, through thoughts, meanings, perceptions, unconscious processes, and relations to others (Watts et aI., 1999,2002,2003). Liberation psychology sets the stage and defines the goal for a liberatory psychotherapy. However, given its roots in Marxist theory, liberation psychology does rely on more deterministic views of social 46 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

forces (Freire, 1970). Thus, to address the limitations in our understand­ ing of social forces, an additional support comes from incorporating modern constructivist and postmodern views of social issues and their relation to the individual into our conceptualization. In this way we can reconceptualize social context as well as individual agency. In the social constructionist framework, the separation of human beings from their social worlds is eliminated (Gergen, 1985). "Human beings always exist within culture: it is as elemental to human life as air. Yet, like air, cul­ ture is so basic it becomes invisible. Human sexuality, personal identity, and psychotherapy are not independent from society and are neither universal nor politically neutral" (Glassgold, 1995). All theories are socially constructed and developed within a network of linguistic, cul­ tural, historical, and ethnic patterns. If we give up the illusion that individuals are separate and embrace our connectedness to all things, then we can come to terms with our lives. Because culture and history are so basic to human nature, social forces are not simply restricting, but are the substance of meaning and possi­ bility that comes when experience and meaning intersect (de Lauretis, 1986). Consciousness comes through a struggle against a limit and cre­ ates valuable qualities that come from the experience of rebellion-the sense of personal responsibility and ultimately possibility (May, 1975, pp. 136-137). This complex interaction of meaning, limits and possibility is obvi­ ous in our own community. LGBTQ histories illustrates that although people are born in a social context with oppressive social messages and political structures, human consciousness is aware and able to analyze and resist these elements. If resistance did not exist, we, as LGBTQ in­ dividuals would not exist. This is an ontological statement of LGBTQ liberation psychology: I resist, therefore I am. On a community level: we resist, therefore we exist. This resistance manifests itself in the polit­ ical activities of our community as well as in the details of our lives. Our culture of play and camp, dress and culture are all forms of resistance.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Our ability to resist social messages and labels is courageous. Hope­ fully, each of us can recognize this in our own life and draw courage from these bits of resistance. This ability to resist represents fundamen­ tal aspects of human nature-resilience and agency-and becomes the foundation of liberatory psychology. Simultaneously, our ability to create new meanings and then act on the possibilities created by those meaning unleashes new potentials. Our categories and identities evolve with both the recognition of differ­ ence, new frames of meaning, and community identities. With each Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 47

name, new possibilities are created. From homosexual to gay, to gay and lesbian, to gay, lesbian, bisexual, to queer, transgender and on­ ward. A complex feedback loop comes from engaging in the world, where new meanings create new possibilities, which in turn brings new meanings and so on. Harnessing our natural ability to create meaning within groups, to observe ourselves, to re-name ourselves, and to keep on discovering ourselves anew, represents something fun­ damental about humanity. Too bad our strengths cannot be recognized by society. Too bad our community's ability to survive and thrive can­ not be seen as a model for others, an example of the resilience and strength of human beings. Understanding the world, creating new social meanings and social definitions are forms of agency: they free up new ways to act with awareness and purpose in the world. Individual agency in a politically constrained and socially constructed world does not disappear, but is a resistance and a creative endeavor to build new meanings and then take action. In this model, agency and freedom, are not individual endeavors separate from the world at large. Rather agency and the experience of freedom are endeavors created through interactions with each other in the world: " ... freedom does not come through autonomy and individu­ alism nor by any individual qualities or characteristics, but by the nature of our involvement in the social and historic world" (Williams, 1992). Agency is an attempt to live as authentically in the world as we can, given its restraints and limits; and it occurs when we commit to meeting each limit with resistance, then finding a creative solution to transcend that limit. This process is one of constant change as our perceptions of and feel­ ings about of the world are in constant motion and each new meaning creates new possibilities and new actions. This embracing of change is common in non-Western philosophies, for instance, in the Buddhist concept of impennanence, defined by Thich Nhat Hahn2 (2004) in the

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 following way:

Nothing remains the same for two consecutive moments [we must] not just ... talk about impermanence, but also to use it as an instru­ ment to help us penetrate deeply into reality and obtain liberating insight. Without impermanence, life is not possible. How can we transform our suffering if things are not impermanent? How can the situation in the world improve? We need impermanence for so­ cialjustice andfor hope . .. Without impermanence, nothing would 48 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

be possible. With impermanence, every door is open for change. Impermanence is an instrument for our liberation. [http://wWW. serve. com/cmtan/buddhismfFreasure/impermanence. html]

What we learn from Thich Nhat Hahn is that there are opportunities for change, even social change, in every moment. We just have to train our­ selves to see them. Realizing that the world is impermanent can give us hope in the pres­ ent and optimism for the future. The LGBTQ communities' strengths are in our ability to create new meanings. I firmly believe we will keep on changing, discovering, and expr~ssing new aspects of identity. We cannot fall into the trap of seeing the world or ourselves as static. The self is a site of many potential identities (Gergen, 1985; Lyddon and Weill, 1997).

LIBERA TORY PSYCHOTHERAPY: PRACTICE

How does all this apply to psychotherapy? Certainly, psychotherapy can become a place to discover and engage in critical consciousness. Psychotherapy can be a place to create new meanings and to resist the devaluing meanings. However, we must add to that, as critical conscious­ ness as a concept is overly cognitive and intellectual, and thus leaves out important parts of human existence-emotions especially suffering­ issues with which we as therapists struggle. Emotions are essential to understanding oppression and liberation. Fanon (1965) was the first to study the mental health consequences of oppression and its manifestation as mental illness. Researchers studying the legacy of colonialism and the psychology of ethnic minority popula­ tions describe how powerlessness and oppression have profound emo­ tional consequences that are usually manifested in shame about one's individual self and the stigmatized group identity (Diaz, Benin, and

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Ayala, 2006; Varas-Diaz and Serrano-Garcia, 2003). The cultural de­ valuation of the self and the humiliation of powerlessness become emo­ tions that are avoided through individual maladaptive strategies (substance abuse, compUlsive behaviors, and depressive symptoms) and on the social level intragroup aggression and intergroup passivity. Thus, any remedy for the suffering of oppression must address the emotional life of individuals and the way that oppression affects emotions. Here is a role for therapeutic action. Psychologists are well suited to the role of addressing emotions. When feelings that are the result of Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 49

oppression remain unresolved, mental health and behavioral problems emerge that impair the ability of individuals and groups to develop agentic solutions to their lives. One can reframe these feelings as not part of the "natural order" or stemming from personal defects. Showing how these feelings come from living in a society which uses ideological violence and force to harm and control is therapeutic. For instance, I have had success reframing the impulsive and compulsive behaviors that can result from these feelings as a struggle to find purposive action and overcome powerless anger. This reframes the problem from an in­ dividual disease with immense self-blame to a broader dilemma of find­ ing agency in an oppressive world. Emotions contribute to liberation. Emotions are important ways we perceive the world, process information, and identify injustice. If we dampen our ability to feel in order to avoid feelings of shame or humili­ ation, we limit our ability to perceive injustice. Injustice should make us angry and when we get angry, we need to envision goal-directed actions through our knowledge ofthe world. Emotions are also ways of creating ties to others, influencing others, and a way oflinking meaning to events (Varas-Diaz & Serrano-Garcia, 2003). Further, liberating one's emo­ tionallife is essential if one is to be able to act beyond one's own self­ interest and be able to create ties with others. The emotions linked to hope and faith become the basis of the energy to persist and commit to activ­ ism. Emotions become a positive tool for collective action; love, fidel­ ity, loyalty are all-necessary for engaged commitment. However, resolving feelings of shame and humiliation are essential for social movements. Although anger and hurt caused by injustice can provide the energy for political engagement, anger's influence on the means and the ends of our goals must be tempered. As long as unre­ solved feelings of shame and humiliation exist, there is the danger that those emotions will either be "acted out" within the oppressed group, Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 causing divisiveness or self-destructiveness, or directed at others in hurtful or oppressive ways. Unfortunately, we do not have to look far to see those who claim oppressed status oppressing others. Many of us know activists who are motivated not only by a sense of justice and compassion, but are trying to heal feelings of deprivation, shame, anger, and humiliation with power. The avoidance of pain, the displacement of these feelings and issues onto social causes can derail social movements due to competition, corruption, in fighting, and betrayal. 50 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

LIBERA TORY PSYCHOTHERAPY: PROCESS

Fundamentally, if psychotherapy is to change, therapists must take on that responsibility. Therapists must rethink their roles and behavior with others. At the.heart of liberatory psychology is that human and social relationships are essential to change (Freire, 1970; Hooks, 1994, Comas-Diaz, 1998). Change occurs in dialogue and interaction with others. Freire (1970), Martin-Baro (1994), and Hooks (1994), describe the process as "engaged," a process where the focus is the entire person, where educators or psychologists are active, caring participants, but the needs of the students or clients are foremost. The psychotherapy rela­ tionship can enhance agency if the relationship incorporates emotional, moral, and intellectual engagement. Liberation psychology reminds us that therapy, as well as education, is not a banking system, where knowledge is deposited by an expert into the client. Instead, it is a mutual process of understanding and liberation, where two people enter a situation and change. Lillian Comas-Diaz (1998) and anthropologist Nancy Schepper-Hughes (1995) see their roles as companeras, accompanying another on a journey. According to Comas-Diaz (1998), within the framework of liberation, accompany means standing alongside people, working with them, seeking to develop collaborative relations (Comas-Diaz, 1998, p. 779). This certainly is consistent with feminist therapy and other more egalitarian models, where the image of a detached, separate expert is discarded. We must adopt that stance, as well, if our practice is to be liberatory. How does one create a therapeutic process that is consistent with critical consciousness and is a psychotherapeutic version of the term "engagement and accompanying?" There are certain concepts within modern psychoanalysis that lend themselves to such a transformation. Most importantly the new intersubjective and relational models posit new models of self and relations with others that are compatible with

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 postmodern and contextualist philosophies. For instance, relational psychoanalysis describes "recognition," a de­ sire to be known and "self-assertion" a desire to act (Benjamin, 1988). However, in liberation psychology recognition must go beyond mirror­ ing of the emotions of the client in the sense of Winnicott (1971) or Kohut (1977), and involve the therapist's ability to distinguish and separate out the consequences of oppression that suppress potential selves with fear, shame, self-blame, and doubt. The therapist must recognize and acknow­ ledge the struggle to realize oneself in this complicated world. Being Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 51

known by another is important, but being known in an environment where there is an awareness of the impact of oppression is crucial. If this type of recognition is absent, there will be no validation the social reali­ ties in which individuals live. Therapy in that sense would not represent protection from messages of ideological violence, and would instead collude through silence with oppression. This viewpoint is consistent with feminist, LGBT and multicultural models that understand the reali­ ties that Meyer's (2003) research describes where mental health prob­ lems are created through oppressive environments. Further, the therapeutic relationship must become more of an opportu­ nity for the development of agency, an arena for action and mutual im­ pact: "the self requires the opportunity to act and have an effect on the other to affirm his [her] existence" (Benjamin, 1988, p. 53). The sense of powerlessness that haunts those who are oppressed is a result of not having an impact and is a consequence of their invisibility as well as so­ cial indifference to their concerns. This can result in a lack of faith in ever being able to change themselves or the world around them. Ther­ apy becomes an arena for healing oppression if the goal includes the recognition and assertion of the self in the mutuality of the therapeutic relationship. This enables the development of a sense of efficacy that moves the client closer to the next step of self-assertion: insisting on recognition from the outside world. Self-assertion and recognition go hand-in-hand and are a therapeutic translation of critical consciousness (Freire, 1970; Martin-Baro, 1994). Thus, the engaged therapist must be emotionally open to the impact of the other and be able to reflect that back. By permitting the client to affect the therapist while the therapist re­ mains truly human-without the shield of the invulnerability of power­ the therapist increases the sense of agency for the client is essential for growth of her subjectivity. Accompanying others is crucial to transforming suffering into com­ passion for oneself and others. Being with another, listening, and shar­ ing the emotional burden helps address the overwhelming despair and

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 hopelessness that springs from suffering. Similarly, when we help hold another's anger so that it can be borne, then that anger can be used as en­ ergy to commit to a cause, without consuming the bearer (Hahn, 2001). Finally, self-forgiveness brings with it emotional freedom (Cavell, 2003). By understanding the reasons for past actions, letting go of indi­ vidual frameworks of self-blame that are isolating, and then moving to qualified notions of what is truly possible in a world marked by social injustice brings with it new options for action. There is a different sense of possibility when one is freed from emotional memories of shame and 52 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

humiliation (Margalit, 2002); this permits both a new relationship with oneself and new connections to others.

RECONNECTING SOCIAL AND INDIVIDUAL THEORIES

These psychological concepts complement modern theories of politi­ cal thought, reconnecting the individual with a community. Modern political scientists are revisiting political theory to include issues of gender, postcolonial identities (Benhabib, 1992), and the concept of "social con­ tract" to include psychological iss!Jes and themes of individual and community recognition. Axel Honneth, a German political scientist, incorporates Hegel and developmental psychology into a model where recognition and mutuality are essential parts of the relationship of the individual to society (1995). Here the social contract does not protect us from chaos, as in the traditional Anglo-American model derived from Hobbes and Locke, but permits the individual to gain recognition, vali­ dation, legitimacy, and respect. 3 Rights or protections, as goals of the individual in the political arena, are not necessarily an end in them­ selves, but rather a way of institutionalizing recognition, validation, and belonging. The ideal social and political community permits the indi­ vidual to gain psychological and political self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem (Honneth, 1995). These relationships are not necessarily a given, but are created through a struggle for recognition. Political con­ flicts are seen as motivated by feelings of outrage, driven by rejection of claims for recognition, and are criticism of the status quo. This clearly re­ flects many of the impulses behind the LGBTQ rights movement. However, Honneth recognizes a psychological foundation that must be in place, a type of self-confidence developed in the experience of loving ties with early caretakers. These are later further developed in the social institutions for children and adolescents, allowing self-respect and self-esteem. For those who are stigmatized minorities, these cul­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tural sources and social institutions do not promote such qualities. Psy­ chological theories of minority mental health all stress very similar ideas, for many stigmatized individuals recognition (acknowledgment), validation (sharing views & values), legitimacy (feeling you belong), satisfaction (rewarded for what you do), respect (treated by others as ·someone of value and worth) dignity (self-perception as having value and worth), identity (sense of self, pride, self-satisfaction) are not pro­ vided through cultural and social inclusion throughout childhood into adulthood (Franklin, 2004). The literature on minority mental Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 53

health names the constant and pervasive insults and non-recognition as micro aggressions-discriminatory events-which assault or injure both the psychological and political self. Honneth's focus on early self-confi­ dence as well as self-respect provides a way to integrate these psycho­ logical concepts into social theory. Political agency then becomes a developmental process based on the formation of the self-in-rela­ tion-to-a-mutually-recognized-other. Fundamental self-cohesion and integration must occur before an individual can act in the world.

CONCLUSION

In order to incorporate liberation psychology into our own work, we need to start with self-analysis. Without applying critical consciousness to our profession, our organizations, and our own lives, any attempt to transform others will fail. Theories of mental health and psychotherapy practice reflect social values, education systems, and scientific methods (Gergen, 1985). The existing political and economic system shapes it efforts. That is not a criticism but a fact. Understanding those forces is essential if we are to act with integrity and maintain our core values. For many years, psychiatry and psychology were part of the problem, first by labeling LGBTQ individuals as mentally ill and then colluding with oppression by seeing problems as only in individuals and not in so­ cial systems. This mirrors ideological beliefs of our own society, which focused not on political injustice, but on individual deficits. We must re-focus on oppression; call it by its true name, identifying the problem as the entire social structure that oppresses many. LGBTQ individuals cannot see their own oppression as separate or unique from that of others. The ideological beliefs and oppressive pro­ cesses affect everyone and as mental health practitioners we cannot truly offer safety and opportunity to all of us unless we address all oppressions and deal with the profound structural inequalities that face

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 our world. This is an oppressive social structure that embraces stasis that refuses to incorporate changing identities and forms of life into the mainstream. This system posits a normal and tries to make all comply. This normal tries to fix identities and definitions of core concepts such as male, female, sex, gender, natural, normal, healthy, love and mar­ riage ... the list goes on and on. Due to emotions such as anger, fear of change, and shame, many individuals, when confronted by our courage to be different, are terrified. They cling to safety, often in the form of conformity, and then try to force others to conform as well.4 54 ACTIVISM AND LGET PSYCHOLOGY

We must find ways to create flexibility in our social and political sys­ tems to allow for constant change. As psychologists, we must focus on understanding and embodying the strengths of our communities: the re­ silience, the resistance, those elements that illustrate how people can overcome adversity and social injustice. For, if we are to encourage agency, activism, courage, and resistance, we have to understand them as well as embrace them ourselves. Activism comes from the intersec­ tion of individuals and communities with opportunities to act. We must embrace new models of leadership that are not about individual hubris, but aim to engage others in critical consciousness and that create oppor­ tunities for others to act. We must reclaim the original meaning of deviance, its Latin root, deviate, meaning "off the road." We should be path breakers, not those who seek the safety or the certainty of the straight and narrow path. We must look to expand meanings, not to limit them. We must seek to em­ brace the diverse possibilities for human identity, creativity, energy, and love. As an ethical imperative, we must remember that human beings al­ ways exist in relationship to others (Schepper-Hughes, 1995). We can­ not ignore our impact on another; our connectedness is a universal aspect of human existence and thus is an implicit moral situation. Our obligations to others and their welfare necessitates that we speak out about injustice and act with compassion. We must avoid assumptions in our theories that reify the existing order as natural, rather than a tempo­ ral construction. We must become involved in human events and not be afraid to speak and act when it comes to the oppression of others. Com­ bating oppression with liberation is an ethical and moral imperative. Liberation psychology draws on some of the philosophical tradition of existentialism, whose core ethical and ontological principle is action, as it is through action that human essence is defined (Sartre, 1946). Per­ sonal, active, commitment to a cause is central to the formation of that

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 essence. Much of liberation psychology has roots in situations where the choices are stark and not to act is "bad faith." Those of us, who by skin color, social class, and education, are privileged and protected from some of the injustices of these social forces, have a particular re­ sponsibility to those who do not. Our own privilege often prevents us from feeling urgency or can even make change seem a threat. When we become mental health professionals, we become part of a system of privilege, and as such, must avoid colluding with this system. We must focus on making psychiatry, psychology, and psychotherapy more than Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 55

just a band-aid for broader social problems, but as an intrinsic part ofso­ cial and personal liberation. This accountability to others and the responsibility to act on our dreams means that non-involvement and passive decisions are unac­ ceptable. Those passive decisions that are made without conscious thought or purpose, so as not to be involved and not to be committed, ac­ tually collude with injustice. So; harkening back to a saying of an earlier era of activism that influenced activists from the 1960s: "If you are not part of the solution, you are part of the problem." I urge you who are mental health professionals to act.

NOTES

1. For instance, recent research on the psychology of men and masculinity.illus­ trates the negative psychological consequences of the growing up male-even while privileged-in our society (Pollack and Levant, 1998). 2. Hahn is a teacher of engaged Buddhism, a practice developed through a life of opposing colonialism and political oppression in Vietnam. 3. The foundations of Axel Honneth's work, Hegel's philosophy, are similar to those used by psychoanalyst Jessica Benjamin (1988) in The Bonds ofLove. The estab­ lishment of relations of mutual recognition at the level of social and political levels are viewed as " ... intersubjective experiences, through being granted recognition by others whom one also recognizes" (Honneth, 1995, p. xi). 4. When psychology or any system becomes tied to this stasis, it becomes oppres­ sive. Systems that attempt to define what is normal are systems of stasis that attempt to limit human potential. Gon<;alves, a Portuguese postmodern cognitive therapist writes, "Psychopathology becomes synonymous with rigidity in one's knowing system" (1997, p. 106). Thus, our theories must be embraced tentatively, as metaphors, not reified as truth or normalcy.

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Comas-Diaz, L., Lykes, M. B. & Alacm, R. D. (1998), Ethnic Conflict and the Psycho­ logy of Liberation in Guatemala, Peru, and Puerto Rico. American Psychologist, 53(7):778-792. De Lauretis, T. (1986), Feminist Studies/Critical Studies. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University. Diaz, R. M., Been, E., Ayala, G. (2006). Homophobia, Poverty, and Racism: Triple Oppression and Mental Health Outcomes in Latino Gay Men. In A. M. Omoto & H. S. Kurtzman (Eds). Sexual orientation and mental health: Examining identity and development in lesbian, gay, and bisexual people. (pp. 207-224). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Dinnerstein, D. (1977), The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual Arrangements andHu­ man Malaise. NY: Harper and Row. Fanon, F. (1965), The Wretched of the Earth. NY: Grove Press. Foucault, M. (1977), Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. NY: Random House. Franklin, A. J. (2004), From Brotherhood to Manhood: How Black Men Rescue Their Relationships and Dreamsfrom the Invisibility Syndrome. NY: Wiley. Freire, P. (1970), Pedagogy of the Oppressed. NY: Seabury Press. Gergen, K J. (1985), The social constructivist movement in modem psychology. American Psychology, 40:266-275. Glassgold, J. M. (1995), Psychoanalysis with lesbians: Self-reflection and agency. In: Lesbians and Psychoanalysis: Revolutions in Theory ana Practice,eds. 1. M. Gla'lsgold & S. Iasenza. New York: Free Press, pp. 203-227. Gon~alves, O. F. (1997), Postmodem cognitive psychotherapy: From the university to multiversity. J. Cognitive Psychotherapy, 11 (2): 105-112. Hahn, T. N. (2001), Anger: Wisdomfor Cooling the Flames. NY: Riverhead Books. Hahn, T. N. (2004), Impermanence. Accessed 6/30/2004 at http://www.serve.com/ cmtanlbuddhism/Treasure/impermanence.html. Herek, G. & Berrill, KT., eds. (1991), Hate Crimes: Confronting Violence against Lesbians and Gay Men. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Herman, J. A. (1997), Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence-From Do­ mestic Violence to Political Terror. NY: Basic Books. Hooks, B. (1994), Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. NY: Routledge. Honneth, A. (1995), The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar ofSocial Con­ flicts. Cambridge, MA: Polity Press.

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doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_03 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Liberating Psychotherapy: Liberation Psychology and Psychotherapy with LGBT Clients

Glenda M. Rqssell, PhD Janis S. Bohan, PhD

SUMMARY. This paper argues that neither science nor psychotherapy can be separated from values, and it calls on the insights of liberation psychology to examine the role of the social and the political in under­ standings of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans gender (LGBT) experi­ ences. Liberation psychology challenges the separation between the personal and the social, suggesting that their interwoven quality provides fertile ground for both personal and social change. Using the concept of internalized homophobia as an illustrative construct, the paper explores strategies for bringing these understandings to bear in psychotherapy with LGBT people, as well as in interventions that move beyond the therapy hour. doi: 10. 1300/J236v 11 n03 _04 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document DelivelY Service: 1-800- HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.}

Glenda M. Russell and Janis S. Bohan are independent scholars. Addressed correspondence to: Glenda M. Russell, PhD, 536 Ridgeview Drive,

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Louisville, CO 80027 (E-mail: [email protected]). [Haworth co-indexing entry note): "Liberating Psychotherapy: Liberation Psychology and Psychotherapy withLGBT Clients." Russell, Glenda M., and Janis S. Bohan. Co-published simultaneously in Journal ofGay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of TIle Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 59-75; and: Actil'ism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 59-75. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]). Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi:l0.1300/J236vlln03_ 04 59 60 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

KEYWORDS. Activism, bisexual, gay, homonegativity, homophobia, homosexuality, lesbian, liberation psychology, psychotherapy, trans gender, internalized homophobia

INTRODUCTION

It is common for formal psychological training and professional psychological communities to urge a separation between scholarship and advocacy and to eschew the political in favor of the "purely" scien­ tific, scholarly, or professional. Cushman (1995) has pointed out that the prescription for avoiding the sociopolitical has filtered into understand­ ings of psychotherapy, where it has assumed a different form: the indi­ vidual has become the dominant (if hot always the exclusive) point of focus, and the sociopolitical realities of individuals' lives have been largely disregarded or even dismissed as inappropriate for psychologi­ cal consideration. However, we reject this insistence on separating the psychological from the sociopolitical; our disagreement with this posi­ tion rests on several key points. First, we suggest, with many others, that it is impossible to separate scholarship or psychotherapy from the political realities of human experi­ ence (e.g., Bakan, 1977; Bohan & Russell, 1999; Caplan and Nelson, 1973; Cushman, 1995; Fine, 1992; Gergen, 1973, 1985; Glassgold, 2008-in this volume; Gonsiorek and Weinrich, 1991; Hare-Mustin, 1983; Hare-Mustin and Marecek, 1988, 1997; Holzman and Morse, 2000; Martin-Bar6, 1994; Parker, 1989; Parker and Shotter, 1990; Prilleltensky, 1989; Radical Therapist Collective, 1971; Russell and Bohan, 1999; Sampson, 1985, 1989, 1990; Unger, 1982). Protestations of apolitical professionalism and value neutrality notwithstanding, at every stage of professional work-whether that be research, consulting, teaching, clini­ cal practice-psychologists and other mental health professionals make de­ cisions that reflect values, and those values, in tum, have political

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 implications. From this perspective, to avoid explicitly addressing mat­ ters of politics is not to be apolitical; it is to condone by silence a partic­ ular political meaning: the political status quo. While mental health professionals may choose to proceed in this way, it is essential to recognize that this is not an apolitical choice; indeed, such choices have significant personal as well as political meanings. In the clinical domain, for example, a decision not to discuss significant political events during psychotherapy does not neutralize those events in the world or in the life of a client; it simply implies that their impact is Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 61

unimportant-or, perhaps even unspeakable. The tacit message is that the dominant understanding of events is, by default, the only legitimate understanding, and any other is inappropriate or irrelevant as a topic for psychotherapeutic exploration. The suggestion that we must attend to values challenges psychology's historical penchant for separating science from values, scholarship from advocacy, and professionalism from activism. This position stands in contrast to that of (most of) mainstream psychology. For example, Kendler (2005) has recently reiterated the importance of retaining this separation, arguing that this separation of values from science stems di­ rectly from the fact that psychology cannot provide the empirical basis from which to select among values (see also, Kendler 1999,2004). In the face of this empirical insufficiency (and given psychology's allegiance to scientific evidence as the only legitimate form of knowledge), Kendler argued that psychologists must distinguish between the psychological (i.e., the scientific) bases for their positions and the phenomenological (i.e., the personal) grounds that underlie those positions. Of direct rele­ vance here, Kendler (2004, 2005) has brought this argument to bear on the question of the relationship between psychology and politics, sug­ gesting that while psychology might rightfully bring (empirical) psy­ chological knowledge to debates about public policy, psychology should not argue for particular outcomes of those debates, where those out­ comes reflect values that cannot themselves be validated. While we concur that scientific evidence cannot "prove" values or provide criteria for judging the superiority of one value over another, we argue nonetheless that it is impossible not to bring values to matters of public policy; there is no value-neutral position in such debates-and those debates do occur in and affect the lives of psychotherapy clients. We suggest that, far from setting aside values and the political implica­ tions and ramifications they embody-what Kendler (2005) has termed the phenomenological-we inevitably bring politics and values to our work as psychologists, whether those values are invited or not, acknowledged

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 or not. As the late liberation psychologist Martin-Barn (1994) noted, an exclusive focus on those things that have been demonstrated by psycho­ logical science ignores possibilities that have not been thus demon­ strated, and thereby "consecrates the existing order as natural" (p. 21). Our second disagreement with arguments for an apolitical psychology is this: as members of the human community, we believe that we are obligated to contribute where and when we can to the betterment of the human condition. In the spirit of this conviction and as psychologists, we believe that bringing psychological knowledge to bear in matters of 62 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

public policy represents a unique opportunity to make such contributions. In claiming this as our goal we again echo the words of Martfn-Bar6 (1994), "the concern of the social scientist should not be so much to explain the world as to change it" (p. 19). Finally, while it is important to address sociopolitical matters in psychotherapeutic work whoever the client may be, it is particularly crucial when working with clients whose lives are the explicit subject of broad social and political discourse. The political landscape currently surrounding lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans gender (LGBT) experi­ ences brings into stark relief the deeply political nature of our work with members of this population. LGBT people are inarguably the object of extensive and intense political debate at the current time, and psycho­ logical research, theory, and practice that address the individual and collective lives of LGBT people are therefore unavoidably suffused with political meanings. Together, these arguments urge us to bring psychological thinking to bear on the questions ofLGBT experience and to do so with full aware­ ness that our work in this regard has political as well as psychological meaning. With these points as prologue, our goal in this paper is to explore the role of the extra-psychic and value-laden-the social and political-in understanding the experiences of LGBT people, especially as those understandings inform psychotherapeutic work with LGBT clients. We pursue this aim through an examination of one of the core concepts found in the LGBT psychological literature: internalized ho­ mophobia. In this paper we discusses both standard and alternative per­ spectives on internalized homophobia with an eye toward their social and political-as well as their traditionally psychological or intrapsychic­ meanings and implications.

HOMOPHOBIA, HETEROSEXISM, AND INTERNAliZED HOMOPHOBIA Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 It is a truism that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender clients, as other clients, come to psychotherapy with a wide range of issues. In the case ofLGBT clients, however, an additional dynamic is often at work­ albeit frequently an unstated or even unrecognized one. Many of the issues that LGBT clients come to address in therapy are related to their status as members of a particular social group (and as individuals who claim an identity) that is widely regarded as deviant, at least in the normative sense of the term. Indeed, many-perhaps most-of the concerns that Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 63

LGBT clients raise in therapy are influenced directly or indirectly by homophobia and heterosexism. The spectrum of issues reflecting such in­ fluence is broad. It can range from overt intrusions of homophobia in their lives, such as having witnessed or been victim to gay bashing, to more subtle presentations, such as an unexamined sense of shame about themselves and their lives. In between lie a range of experiences and issues that are intertwined to greater or lesser degrees with the daily reality of being non-heterosexual in a heterosexist culture. In recent decades, psychotherapists have, to varying degrees, become more sen­ sitive to LGBT issues and to the impact of homophobia and heterosexism on individuals' and communities' psychological well-being. Yet more sub­ tle influences of homophobia and heterosexism, including the manner in which homonegativity is experienced and expressed by LGBT people, often remain unacknowledged or perhaps unrecognized in therapy.

POLITICAL REALITIES, PSYCHOTHERAPY, AND INTERNALIZED HOMOPHOBIA

A variety of approaches have been helpful as we have worked to ex­ amine the role of political factors in psychotherapy with LGBT clients. Critical psychology and postmodern psychology (e.g., Cushman, 1990, 1995; Fox and Prilleltensky, 1997; Gergen 1973, 1982, 1985, 1992, 1994; Hare-Mustin and Marecek, 1988; Kitzinger, 1987, 1995; Parker and Shotter, 1990; Sampson, 1985, 1989, 1993) have proven valuable in this regard; elsewhere, we have called on these models to explore a range of topics in the broad domain of psychology and sexual orientation (Bohan and Russell, 1999). More recently, we have employed postmodern no­ tions and critical psychology to examine the role of homonegativity in LGBT psychology, deconstructing the concept of internalized homo­ phobia and reframing it in terms of the postmodern dissolution of the boundary between the self and the social (Russell, in press; Russell and Bohan, in press). Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Liberation Psychology

The frank acknowledgement of the intertwining of the sociopolitical world with individual experience found in critical psychology and postmodernism also resonates with the literature of liberation psychology. Here we discuss key elements of liberation psychology, calling on insights garnered from the collected works of Martfn-Baro (1994) to suggest how it can enrich our understanding of the experience of LGBT people 64 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

and enhance psychotherapeutic work with LGBT clients. In particular, we will invoke Martin-Baro's contention that the individual is inseparable from the sociopolitical, that the presumption of a distinction between the two is fraught with both political and psychological meaning, and that recognition of the inseparability of the two is liberating to both. Liberation psychology, represented here in the works of Martin-Baro (1994), shares with postmodern critiques the insistence that psychology has neglected the collective and ,the political in its single-minded attention to the individual and especially to the intrapsychic. Martin-Baro argued that mainstream psychology's virtually exclusive emphasis on the indi­ vidual' fails to recognize that characteristics often attributed to the individual are actually only found in the collective; they do not exist as intra-individual qualities but rather reside "in the dialectic of interper­ sonal relations" (1994, p. 22). According to this view, traditional psychology's individualizing perspective ignores social structures and historical contexts, and in so doing reduces sociopolitical, structural problems to individual problems. The argument is reminiscent of a tenant central to feminist analyses: the political has been rendered persona1. Following in the tradition of Freire (1971, 1978), Martin-Baro referred to the transformative recognition of this intrinsic interconnection be­ tween the individual and the sociopolitical as concientizaci6n. This "awakening of critical consciousness," he wrote, ''joins the psychologi­ cal dimension of personal consciousness with its social and political di­ mension" (1994,p. 18). Once we become aware of this linkage, it is apparent that we cannot address matters of individual psychology with­ out simultaneously addressing matters of the sociopolitical contexts that co-construct experiences. In Martin-Baro's words, "the personal here is the dialectic correlate of the social and, as such, incomprehensible if its constitutive referent is omitted" (p. 41).

Liberation Psychology and Psychotherapy

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 The application of postrnodern and liberation psychological analyses to questions of psychotherapy raises significant challenges for those of us trained in traditional psychological science and traditional psychothera­ peutic approaches. It seems clear that if the (so-called) personal and the (so-caned) social/political are inseparable, then understanding one of these requires and also enhances the process of understanding both. This is a far cry from the individualizing tendency of traditional psychological models. In dealing with LGBT clients, we are charged to address not only questions of individual identity and psychological Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 65

functioning but also matters of political power and social oppression. Speaking of Martfn-Bar6's position on this topic, Mischler (1994) sum­ marized the task of liberation psychology as it is brought to bear on questions of oppression: to focus not on the intrapsychic, the individual in isolation but on "problems of identity development within a system of social relations that are aberrant, dehumanizing, and alienating" (1994, p. x). Seen in this light, psychological distress looks quite different from its traditional portrayal. "How enlightening it is," Martfn-Bar6 wrote, "[to see mental health or illness] not as the result of the individual's internal functioning but as the manifestation, in a person or group, of the human­ izing or alienating character of a framework of historical relationships" (1994, p. 111). To apply this analysis to the topic of internalized homo­ phobia, a (far less elegant) rendition of this argument would regard it not as a psychological malady suffered by LGBT people but as the manifestation of the alienating character of a pattern of historically sustained oppression of LGBT people. Given our collective immersion in this oppression, it is no wonder that we all-LGBT people included-in­ corporate and express the personal and social alienation it embodies. If we take these analyses seriously, the implications for psychotherapy in general and for psychotherapy with LGBT people in particular are enormous. We will explore these implications in two broad categories: those having to do with the content and process of psychotherapy in its usual therapist-client format, and those having to do with suggestions for therapeutic changes that reach beyond the therapy setting and into the sociopolitical realm.

Implications for Formal Psychotherapy

A growing body of research testifies to the adverse mental health consequences of homonegativity and resultant social stress (e.g., Balsam, Rothblum and Beauchaine, 2005; Beals and Pepleau, 2005; Brown,

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 1986, 1988, 1989; Cochran, 2001; Corliss, Cochran and Mays, 2002; deMonteflores, 1986; Garnets, Herek and Levy, 1992; Herek, 1998; Meyer, 2003; Russell, 2000; Russell and Richards, 2003). The present analysis suggests several levels at which these consequences might be addressed in psychotherapy. At the most basic level, the explicit realization that a large proportion of the life experiences of LGBT people are colored in some (often unexamined) way by homonegativity can itself be reassuring. At this level, an analysis by a model that does not regard client distress as an 66 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

internal flaw (in oneself or in others) but as an expression of immersion in alienating sociopolitical circumstances provides an opportunity to demystify (Frank. 1973) much of the discomfort that many LGBT clients experience. It may also pave the way for further explorations, both of how one inadvertently participates in such dynamics and of how one might deal with homonegativity more constructively. The following anecdote is illustrative. One of us (Russell) has con­ ducted extensive research on the psychological impact of anti-gay poli­ tics (see Russell, 2000; Russell and Richards, 2003). One part of this project entailed a questionnaire circulated among LGB people in Colorado following that state's passage of the anti-gay Amendment 2. The ques­ tionnaire inquired about LGB people's experiences around the Amend­ ment, asking specifically about a number of possible psychological responses·to the campaign. While this project was underway, Russell received a call from a gay man who asked that a copy of the question­ naire be sent to his therapist. After assuring him that she would do that, Russell asked his purpose in requesting that the questionnaire be sent. He explained that although he had previously been experiencing steady improvement in therapy, in recent months he had begun feeling depressed; his depression coincided with the campaign about and passage of Amend­ ment 2. He and his therapist had been unable to identify the source of his declining mood. However, when he read the survey, his depression finally made sense to him: it was a response to the homophobic political cam­ paign and vote he had just experienced. He had shared this insight with his therapist and she requested a copy of the questionnaire so that they could explore it further. Simply having the questions raised, noticing the possibility of psychological consequences deriving from this politi­ cal event had demystified his psychological distress. This anecdote points to the personal relief that may come from a clearer understanding of the impact of political events that expose the homonegativity that is often less explicitly expressed and therefore less visible. As Martin-Baro (1994) pointed out, psychology has often regarded

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 alienation as an intrapsychic phenomenon when in fact its origin is often more accurately located in social disconnection than in intrapsychic phenomena. In this case, the client's depression became understandable when it was couched in terms of his encounter with an antigay campaign and vote and was thereby seen as a manifestation of social disconnection. The value of a critical consciousness that links political events to psychological experience also extends beyond the individual sense of alienation that might well be sparked by such encounters with homone­ gativity and the personal relief that comes from recognizing its source. Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 67

This understanding has additional implications for work in psycho­ therapy, particularly work addressing issues related to internalized ho­ mophobia. Most obviously, reframing internalized homophobia as an understandable incorporation of and participation in a miasmic social oppression, as a fundamentally sociopolitical phenomenon, alters the nature of psychotherapeutic considerations of this topic. In a sense, this framing provides another level of demystification. Whereas the simple recognition of the political location and impact of homonegativity may make sense of some feelings of personal alienation, that simple analysis may leave intact the notion that the client is somehow flawed for having taken in these cultural attitudes. From the perspective of liberation psy­ chology, however, internalized homophobia is itself demystified: an in­ dividual's homonegative feelings and acts do not reflect intrapsychic pathological self-hatred; rather, they are manifestations of immersion in a homonegative and alienating environment that is fundamentally polit­ ical rather than individual. For LGBT clients, this analysis means that they are not saddled with pathology; in this case a malady termed internalized homophobia (and traditionally represented as intrapsychic self-denigration). Rather, self-devaluing behaviors and negative attitudes about their own identi­ ties, about LGBT communities, or about LGBT experiences in general are recast. These are regarded as frames of mind whose automaticity! and unreflective quality are products of the pervasively homonegative political circumstance in which we live. Freed from the onus of an inter­ pretatIon that charges them with harboring self-hating beliefs, LGBT people may be freer to examine the ways in which they personally (if in­ advertently) participate in this homonegativity. From this grounding, psychotherapy can work toward helping clients to recognize both their own complicity in and their own power vis-a-vis homonegativity, and to assume responsibility for their future attitudes and behaviors. Further, to invoke liberation psychology's depiction of the personal and the political as entwined, LGBT individuals can explore the possibility that

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 by changing themselves, they are altering the sociopolitical world.2 Similarly, non-LGBT clients can be relieved of the burden of regarding themselves as pathologically or reprehensibly homophobic by acknowl­ edging the pervasiveness and deeply politicaP quality of homonegativity. For heterosexual clients, the challenge lies in recognizing that while homonegativity's assimilation has been automatic, its expression need no longer be. They now bear a responsibility to resist it in the future. This form of demystification and the empowerment it entails may be especially important for heterosexuals who regard themselves as open-minded and 68 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

accepting, but who nonetheless find themselves uncomfortable (often unexpectedly so) with certain encounters with LGBT identity.4 Elsewhere, we have discussed the impact of these changes on the pro­ cesses of psychotherapy in more detail (e.g., Russell, in press; Russell and Bohan, in press). For the remainder of this paper, we will focus on the changes such a model suggests for what happens beyond the therapy office.

LIBERATION PSYCHOLOGY: BEYOND THE PSYCHOTHERAPYSESSION

In addition to the implications for psychotherapy in its usual forms, we suggest that a model grounded in principles ofliberation psychology has profound implications for the relationship between psychotherapy and the political world-and therefore for the broader task of psychother­ apy. The focus on the collective and on social context suggests that tra­ ditional psychotherapy would often not be the sole healing medium of choice. It is true that the therapeutic relationship can be understood as a microcosm of social relations more broadly, and it is clear that individu­ als often sort through some of the interpersonal dimensions of homone­ gativity within the context of that relationship. At the same time, the private, even secretive, parameters of the psychotherapeutic alliance­ including the very appropriate demands of confidentiality-necessarily distinguish that relationship from other social contexts. Psychother­ apy's bounded and circumscribed qualities, while crucial to the clinical endeavor, mark this relationship as a distinctive one, well set apart from broader relationships with LGBT communities. Traditional psychother­ apy thus unavoidably separates the individual from the broader social context in which issues of homonegativity, alienation, oppression, and liberation are largely explored and enacted. From the perspective oflib­ eration psychology, the wider questions of social and political identity­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 of community with other LGBT people with whom one might not feel an automatic alliance-remain largely unaddressed within the circumscribed psychotherapeutic relationship and may be best confronted outside the confines of traditional psychotherapy. This is true for several reasons. First, if we take liberation psychology seriously, the individual is not simply a passive recipient of homonegativity but actively incorporates and enacts it in her or his own life through participation in the politicized culture of which she or he is a part. Since thathomonegativity resides in the nexus of social relationships, the appropriate venue for altering one's Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 69

participation in it is precisely that sociopolitical world. Similarly, since the personal and the social are inseparable, the very act of engaging in processes of social change vis-a-vis homonegative at~tudes in the culture is itself a means of changing one's own relationship to homonegativity. This analysis suggests that active involvement in the broader sociopolitical realm might prove very healing for the individual struggling with issues regarding herlhis relationship to LGBT identity. Key here is the liberation psychology notion that the individual's psychological well-being is inextricably intertwined with the sociopolitical context in which slhe lives. Oppression generates social and personal alienation, a sense of ill-fit, dis-ease, and hopelessness. The remediation of these personal ills, thus, requires joining with others in social change, resistance to oppression, and the empowerment that derives from ac­ tively claiming one's social identity. For Martin-Baro (1994), this shift relies on conscientizaci6n-the process of becoming aware of the inex­ tricable connection between the personal and the political-which makes space for changes in both social systems and individual mental health. The outcome of the process is that "the human being is trans­ formed through changing his or her reality" (p. 41). To clarify what this has to do with the role of psychology and psycho­ therapy, what follows is a discussion of the central points of conscienti­ zaci6n, applying Martin-Baro's insights to the case of homonegativity and calling upon research findings to demonstrate their relevance and viability as explanatory constructs here. According to Martin-Baro, the transforma­ tion that heals both the individual and the social order becomes possible when the person "decodes" the messages implicit in the social order and thereby "grasps the mechanisms of oppression and dehumanization" (1994, p. 40) in which s/he has been living. This decoding is a matter of rec­ ognizing and naming the political power that lies beneath daily events and daily oppression. Interestingly, precisely this sort of grasp was noted in the results of the studies mentioned above that dealt with the impact of anti-gay politics (Russell, 2000; Russell and Richards, 2003).

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 One of the consequences of exposure to the intense and homonegative political campaign waged in Colorado was that many LGBT people (and their allies) were stunned to discover the level of homonegativity that resided, often unspoken and frequently unnoticed, among Colorado citizens-including the families, friends, and co-workers ofLGBT people. For some, this awareness was frightening and led them to withdraw into further isolation. But for others, this realization was one of the factors that inspired some LGBT people to come out of the closet, encouraged some to become more active in the LGBT community, and inspired many 70 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

to become involved in political efforts to achieve equal rights for LGBT people. An emerging critical consciousness had opened their eyes to the reality that they lived in a system of oppression whose depth and extent they had formerly not realized. Interestingly, the research team applied the code "grasp" to comments that expressed this sort of real­ ization-inadvertently using precisely the word that Martin-Baro em­ ployed to describe this first step toward conscientizaci6n. To continue with Martin-Baro's analysis, this new understanding of oppression "crumbles the consciousness that mythefies the situation as natural" (1994, p. 41); such "crumbling" dismantles established misconceptions that had disguised oppression and thereby opens new possibilities for action. New actions, in turn, make possible new levels of consciousness, and so on, in a dialectic that intertwines the personal and the sociopolitical. In the case of homophobia and heterosexism, once anti gay policies can be framed, not as understandable or justifiable components of social systems, but as elements of a widespread campaign of oppressive politics (broader than just anti-gay politics, we might add; see Pharr, 1996), it becomes possible to reframe one's relationship to the political. Political campaigns and public policies whose goal is to perpetuate oppression can be seen not-as personal attacks but as expres­ sions of broad cultural attitudes in need of change. This "crumbling" of the belief that placing limitations on human rights is "natural" allows one to see homonegativity for what it is: a form of social oppression. Just as might be expected from this explication, follow-up research conducted some time after Amendment 2 found that a political analysis of homone­ gativity of just the sort suggested by Martin-Baro proved a potent aid to resilience for LGBT people (Russell and Richards, 2003). Finally for Martin-Baro, this new sensitivity to one's position in the political domain and to the possibility of resistance to oppression allows for a reframing of personal and social identity. It allows individuals to "discover themselves in their mastery" (1994, p. 41), to realize that their actions transform reality, and thereby to see new avenues for action.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 The awareness ofthe social and political nature of homo negativity (and its expression in anti-gay politics) provides the space for new possibili­ ties to emerge, including the possibility of one's own actions to counter that oppression. Once again, Amendment 2 follow-up research found that becoming active in the wake of an antigay political assault was another of the most potent of resilience factors for LGBT people. Russell and her colleagues found that when individuals are actively involved as change agents they are better insulated against the damage wrought by anti-gay politics. Correlatively, becoming active in the wake of such Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 71

attacks enhances coping and provides a degree of resilience for the future (Russell, 2000; Russell and Richards, 2003). All of these findings resonate with Martin-BarD' s analysis of conscien­ tizaci6n, the process of becoming aware of the inextricable connection between the personal and the political. Martin-BarD's analyses and these accompanying data suggest that one important route to address­ ing the psychological consequences of homophobia leads not through the therapy room but through the streets. Activity directed toward so­ cial change that is relevant to one's life is intertwined with personal well-being. Changing oneself by becoming active changes the world; changing the world changes oneself. One last element of conscientizaci6n is relevant here: it "makes mani­ fest the historical dialectic ... between individual growth and community organization, between personal liberation and social transformation" (Martin-BarD, 1994, p. 18). This focus on the historical dimension of social identity, combined with the joining of individual growth and community organization, points to the central role of broad and lasting movements for social change in liberation psychology. Individuals are not simply oppressed in isolation, do not experience alienation simply in isolation, and do not enact social change in isolation. Rather, they are· members of social groups that participate in a long history-whether those are oppressed groups, groups operating as agents of social change, or both. An awareness of these historical relationships is central to conscientizaci6n because it locates the individual and the current political events firmly in an expanse of time, highlighting the reality that today's events are not merely a matter of individual experience. Once again, this insight came to life in the results of the Amendment 2 research. One of the most robust findings was the importance of what was termed a "movement perspective": the recognition that this political campaign was only a moment and only one issue in the long and broad movement for human rights (Russell, 2000; Russell and Richards, 2003). This recognition of what Martin-BarD termed the "historical dialectic

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 between individual growth and community organizing" (1994, p. 18) proved a strong foundation for psychological resilience among LGBT people facing political attack. Martin-BarD was speaking particularly about Latin America and the oppressive political regimes that have historically fostered social and personal alienation among its nations' residents.5 These insights speak, as well, to the status of other oppressed groups whose diminished power, paradoxically, often renders them unwitting participants in the very social systems that oppress them. In the case of LGB T people, as members of a 72 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

culture characterized by widespread and historically enduring anti-LGBT oppression, we all share in the enactment of homonegative attitudes. However, having incorporated and enacted those attitudes in the past does not preclude our responsible resistance to them in the future-on both personal and social levels. The task of mental health professionals who work with LGBT people is twofold: to explore the many ways in which we all take in and express homonegativity; and to support and en­ courage active engagement in the long historical tradition that works to­ ward transforming the alienating and dehumanizing social oppression in which we are all immersed.

NOTES

1. For discussions of automaticity, see Banaji and Hardin, 1996; Bargh and Chartrand, 1999; Corrigan and Penn, 1999; Devine, 1989; Nathanson et aI., 2002; Park, 1999. 2. As we will discuss below, the converse is also true: by engaging in political activity, individuals can change their psychological reality. 3. Such stories abound, for instance, among liberal people who are surprised to dis­ cover the struggle they face when a family member or friend comes out (e.g., Russell, in press). The stories of PFLAG parents for example, are replete with such struggles. With the realization that their struggles represent not a character flaw, but an under­ standable outcome of living in a homonegative culture, heterosexual people who strive to change these attitudes can proceed by considering their responsibility for their sub­ sequent actions rather than by dwelling on guilt over their well-learned homophobia (see Ji, this volume). 4. Freire (1971, 1978), whose work, as noted previously-particularly his concept of conscientizaci6n -has illuminated Martin-Bar6' s insights, also wrote about oppression among peoples of Latin America. The legacy of libemtion psychology has inspired others as well. For example, Watts, Griffith and Abdul-Adil (1999) have provided similar analyses of the oppression confronted by young African-American men in an urban setting in this country, invoking the concept of critical consciousness as key to the pos­ sibility of liberation. These insights speak, as well, to the status of other oppressed groups whose diminished power, pamdoxically, often renders them unwitting partici­ Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 pants in the very social systems that oppress them.

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Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Bulletin, 129:674-697. Mischler, E. G. (1994), Foreword. In: l. Martfn-Bar6: Writings for a Liberation Psychology, eds. & trans, A. Aaron & S. Come. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer­ sity Press, pp. vii-xiv. Nathanson, A. I., Wilson, BJ., McGee, J. & Sebastian, M. (2002), Counteracting the effects of female stereotypes on television via active mediation. 1. Communication, 52:922-937. Park, D. C. (1999). Acts of will? American Psychologist, 54: 461. Parker, I. (1989), The Crisis in Modern Social Psychology-and How to End It. London: Routledge. Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 75

Parker, I. & Shotter, 1., eds. (1990), Deconstructing Social Psychology. London: Methuen. Pharr, S. (1996), In the Time of the Right: Reflections on Liberation. Oakland, CA: Chardon. Prilleltensky, I. (1989), Psychology and the status quo. American Psychologist, 44:795-802. Radical Therapist Collective. (1971), The Radical Therapist. New York: Ballantine. Russell, G. M. (2000), Voted Out: The Psychological Consequences ofAnti-gay Politics. New York: New York University Press. Russell, G. M. (in press), Internalized homophobia: Lessons from the Mobius strip. In: Postmodern Practices in Narrative Therapy, eds. C. Brown & T. Augusta-Scott. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Russell, G. M. & Bohan, 1. S. (1999), Implications for public policy. In: Conversations about Psychology and Sexual Orientation, eds. J.S. Bohan & G. M. Russell. New York: New York University Press, pp. 139-164. Russell, G. M. & Bohan, 1.S. (in press), The case of internalized homophobia: Theory and/as practice. Theory & Psychology. Russell, G. M. & Richards, 1. A. (2003), Stressor and resilience factors for lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals confronting antigay politics. American J. Community Psychology, 31:313-328. Sampson, E. E. (1985), The decentralization of identity: Toward a revised concept of personal and social order. American Psychologist, 40:1203-1211. Sampson, E. E. (1989), The challenge of social change for psychology: Globalization and psychology's theory ofthe person. American Psychologist, 44:914-921. Sampson, E. E. (1990), Social psychology and social control. In: Deconstructing So­ cial Psychology, eds. I. Parker & J. Shotter. London: Routledge, pp. 117-126. Sampson, E. E. (1993), Celebrating the Other: A Dialogic Account ofHuman Nature. Boulder, CO: Westview. Unger, R. K. (1982), Advocacy versus scholarship revisited: Issues in the psychology of women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 7:5-17. Watts, R. J., Griffith, D. M. & Abdul-Adil, J. (1999), Sociopolitical development as an antidote for oppression: Theory and action. American J. Community Psychology, 27: 255-271.

doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_04 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Transacti vism as Therapy: A Client Self-Empowerment Model Linking Personal and Social Agency

Rupert Raj, MA

SUMMARY. The author, a trans-identified trans activist and psycho­ therapist, outlines a number of ways in which elements of advocacy and activism can be added to the therapeutic process as appropriate and po­ tentially effective interventions. A case study illustrates how these inter­ ventions optimize client agency, efficacy, resilience, and quality of life. doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_05 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: l-800-HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, lnc. All rights reserved.}

KEYWORDS. Activism, Adlerian psychology, advocacy, community, mental health, psychotherapy, self-disclosure, transactivism, transgender, transphobia, transsexual, two-spirit

Rupert Raj is CounsellorlPsychotherapist, LGBTT Program, Sherbourne Health Centre, 333 Sherbourne Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5A 2S5 (E-mail: rraj@

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 sherbourne.on.ca). [Haworth co-indexing entry note]: "Transactivism as Therapy: A Client Self-Empowerment Model Link­ ing Personal and Social Agency." Raj, Rupert. Co-published simultaneously in Journal o/Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. II, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 77-98; and: Activism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 77-98. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address: [email protected]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_05 77 78 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

INTRODUCTION

This paper is written from the perspective of a trans activist and psy­ chotherapist working out of an LGBTTl program in a community-based health centre in Toronto. Drawing upon the author's combined clinical and community activist experience, this paper presents a working model of therapist-facilitated, client self-empowerment. The practical applica­ tion of this model is demonstrated through the author's work with a transsexual, transgendered, and two-spirit client population. Grounded in an existential-psychodynamic framework, and based on anti-oppres­ sion practice, the model links the personal and social agency of the cli­ ent through the cultivation of hislher/hir2 self-advocacy and community activism skills. The applied model integrates psychoeducational and psychotherapeutic interventions. It provides creative opportunities to facilitate both the self-empowerment (personal agency) and the inter­ connectedness (social agency) of trans-identified clients, who are typi­ cally marginalized, individually and as a group. These interventions include: (1) appropriate therapist self-disclosure and modeling of par­ ticular transactivist activities; (2) assisting clients in building self-advo­ cacy skills, both with respect to health care and social service providers, and with a view towards transferring these skills to community advo­ cacy; (3) delivering workshops on how to develop and enhance activist skills for both seasoned and novice trans activists for both client and non-client popUlations; and (4) facilitating opportunities for transacti­ vism to interested transsexual and transgendered clients. Such treatment interventions provide creative opportunities to facilitate self-empower­ ment and interconnectedness for trans clients.

A TREATMENT MODEL OF CLIENT SELF-EMPOWERMENT: UNKINGPERSONALANDSOCIALAGENCY

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 The treatment model presented here is existential-psychodynamic in nature, based on the work of the followers of Alfred Adler (Hooper and Holford, 1998; Lundin, 1989; Sweeney, 1998), ViktorFrankl (1984) and Anne Vitale (1997), coupled with a gay positive social justice or anti­ oppression framework described by Harold Kooden (1991) and Armand Cerbone (1991). The working model, as developed and applied in this paper, is predicated on the fundamental Adlerian principle of "encour­ agement"Lspecifically, the encouragement and cultivation of a client's personal and social agency. The underlying theoretical principles involve Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 79

interconnectedness, power, meaning, and authenticity (including both existential and genderal4 authenticity). The practical aspect of the model involves skills development (including self-advocacy and community activist skills), in addition to a variety of other clinical interventions.

Theoretical Underpinnings

Adlerian psychology traditionally identifies a drive for interconnec­ tedness called social interest.5 Interconnectedness (social interest), power (empowennent), and meaning (authenticity) are inextricably interlinked. These can be conceptualized both a cluster of drives/values (when used as nouns), and as a cluster of character traits (when used as adjectives: socially interested/interconnected/empathic/conscientious, powerful! empowered, meaningful!authentic). Meaning and authenticity are inter­ twined, existential concepts formulated by Viktor Frankl (in his thera­ peutic model of logotherapy), and later developed by a number of successive psychodynamic therapists, including Anne Vitale (1997). These concepts are critical for transpeople who live in an extraordi­ narily oppressive environment. For transpeople, who seek both a place to belong and a way to be-in-the-world congruent with who they truly feel to be inside, one way to self-actualize is through personal empow­ erment. This can be done by means of gender expression/presentation and/or medical transitioning-especially for transsexuals-and by "mean­ ingful connections," i.e., a connection to the trans community. Such congruence between the mind and the body (a sense of "being comfort­ able in one's own skin") is clearly a form of psychosexual integrity or genderal authenticity.6 Genderal authenticity is the clinical focus of Anne Vitale, a trans­ identified, American psychologist specializing in existential-humanist psychotherapy. Vitale provides therapeutic support for cross-dressing and gender-divergent clients in such a way as to skillfully combine ther­ apist advocacy and self-empowerment of the client. Specifically, she

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 employs a client-centred, open-minded approach to helping her trans and questioning clients to take responsibility for discovering and actual­ izing their own particular form of life meaning and personal power. This supported quest for identity and validation typically involves a dovetailing of genderal integrity, community connection, and existen­ tial authenticity. Using the above concepts, what follows is a working model of "transactivist therapy-in-action," a client-empowering process whereby the transactivist therapist helps the client work through any existing 80 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

symptoms of internalized transphobia, helping himlherlhir re-channel the "righteous rage" arising from societal discrimination waged against transpeople, and develop effective skills around self-advocacy and community activism.

THERAPEUTIC INTERVENTIONS

Therapist Self-Disclosure, Modeling, and Mentoring

A clinician who also plays an activist role in the community has a unique opportunity within the clinical forum to model the attitudes and behaviors of an effective agent for s<,Jcial change. The combined inter­ ventions of therapist self-disclosure, modeling, and mentoring have been described by several LGBTT "activist therapists" (Cabaj, 1991; Cerbone, 1991; Kooden, 1991). They propose that a therapeutic alli­ ance, enacted through the clinical work itself, can bring about effective change within the client through the intentional use of "discretionary therapist self-disclosure." The costs and benefits of therapist self-dis­ closure should be carefully weighed by the activist clinician on a case-by-case basis. Some therapists choose not to reveal their sexual or gender identities, or their queer or trans activism (or only do so selec­ tively with certain clients or colleagues, or in specific situations), whereas, others see it as "grist for the mill" and a valid treatment inter­ vention. Cerbone (1991) advocates a shift from "therapeutic neutrality" (non-disclosure of the therapist's sexual identity and/or LGBTT activ­ ism) to a model of therapist authenticity. One goal is to balance the le­ gitimate needs of the clinician (both as a gay or Trans person and as a professional healer) to incorporate hislher/hir activism in the therapeu­ tic work at hand-while being clinically sound (i.e., appropriate, relevant and effective for the client) and also ensuring professional boundaries.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Therapist self-disclosure can precede modeling and mentoring. Infor­ mation about the clinician might be already known to a prospective client. Therapist self-disclosure can take place through a clinician's published work (Patton, 1979; Raj, 1997; Vanderburgh, 2003), or during an initial consultation or therapy session. Kooden (1991) emphasizes both "historical disclosure" (Le., state­ ments revealing information about the therapist's past and current life: age, background, education, sexual orientation, relationship status, com­ munity involvement and relevant personal experiences, etc.), and Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 81

"philosophical disclosure" (i.e., discursive statements about psychother­ apy, spirituality, homophobia, morality, nutrition, safer sex, etc.) as pur­ poseful interventions within the clinical context to address specific issues such as challenging clients' internalized homophobia and facilitating their coming-out process and connectedness to the queer community. Clinical discretion should be an operating principle here, ensuring mutual safety for both client and therapist. As Kooden (1991) cautions, every instance of therapist self-disclosure must be clinically appropriate­ enhancing the therapeutic goals of the client, rather than advancing the personal agenda of the therapist. Unwise or untimely revelations about the therapist could engender client misinterpretations, misperceptions and distorted expectations, resulting in "unhealthy boundaries." For in­ stance, a trans client might want to see a trans-identified therapist as a close community colleague or even as a friendJ In addition to therapist personal example and modeling, there is a vi­ tal need for trans-identified and transactivist mentors, especially for trans youth, but also for the older transperson who is "born again" in middle age or in their "golden years." The reason for this substantial need for transpositive role models and mentors stems not only from the glaring invisibility, resounding silence and omnipresent "erasure" of transpeople in society (Namaste, 2000), but also from the "trauma" in­ flicted on transsexual and transgendered individuals (individually and collectively) by the religious, social conservatives (condemnation and/ or excommunication as "abominable sinners"), the social conservative mental health professionals (pathologization as "abnormal" or misper­ ceived as repressed or "failed" homosexuals), and the sensationalist me­ dia (Jerry Springer's "freaks" and "losers"). The therapist who discloses his/her/hir trans status, and who is a living example of an "effective" transactivist or a "successful" trans­ person, is in an opportune position to model activist skills by virtue of the therapeutic alliance and the counseling process. Such modeling may also serve as a mentoring function in some instances. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Connecting the Dots Between Self-Advocacy (Personal Agency) and Community Activism (Social Agency)

Intuitively, it is not a quantum leap from the point oflearning how to advocate for oneself (personal agency: "taking up one's rightful place in the universe"; becoming vocal and visible) to that oflearning how to ad­ vocate for one's peers, one's community (social agency). Indeed, this interconnectedness between self and community is eloquently articulated 82 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

by Jamison Green (a trans man and a transactivist) in his autobiographi­ cal book and teaching tool, Becoming a Visible Man (2004). In fact, it can be highly beneficial to teach clients to recognize the link between self-advocacy and community advocacy (i.e., transactivism), precisely because many of the advocacy and activist skills are naturally inter­ changeable. Such a transition necessitates an explicit link between the internal world of the client and the larger social world. Thus, psychodynamic (insight-oriented) therapy is a particularly effective intervention, which can be elegantly applied in therapy sessions (as dictated by client rele­ vancy) by helping a less aware traI?-s client to make the all-important connections: not only between past trauma and present conflicts (PTSD), and between early childhood attachments and adult relational patterns (attachment theory), but also, between particular instances of oppres­ sion (transphobia) directed against oneself (an individual transperson) and societal oppression (institutionalized transphobia) that systemati­ cally targets one's peer-group (the trans community) as a whole. To take this one step further, the therapist can now go on to help develop client insight into the resulting logical connection between self-advo­ cacy and community-activism-and the related skills development in both of these areas. This can be formalized as a two-tiered, multifactorial treatment goal, whereby, the therapist aims to facilitate the self-empowerment of the trans client by: (1) initially helping the client to cultivate (access, har­ ness) his/herlhir personal agency (which reflects a positive self-identity and promotes a "healthy" narcissism; and subsequently (2) assisting the transperson to expand and evolve this personal agency to one of social agency (which engenders a positive collective/community identity and precludes an "unhealthy" narcissism). Interventions employed would typically include: the development of insight, building of self-esteem, validation of trans identity, acknowl­ edgement and addressing of (societal and/or internalized) transphobia,

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 working towards healing of the trauma, linking to trans (and other) communities, and the enhancement of life skills, including those skills/ strategies which directly address feelings of despair, anger and rage, suicidality, self-harm and substance use, stress, and interpersonal rela­ tionships. By providing an opportunity for the client to learn how to build critical skills in terms of accessing both personal power and community con­ nection, the transperson can directly benefit in a variety of psychologi­ cally adaptive ways. Specifically, the combined effect of self-advocacy Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 83

(personal agency) and community activism (social agency) in action may serve to diminish the client's sense of despair, invisibility, alien­ ation and isolation, while enhancing a sense of hope, visibility, and per­ sonal and collective/communal identity, as well as the emergence of several more adaptive personality-trait clusters. These include: (1) in­ terconnectedness/social interest (Adler)-resulting in empathy/compas­ sion, selflessness/cooperation (Hooper and Holford, 1998; p. 93) and mutual peer-supportlcommunity-building; (2) power (Adler): personal and social empowerment; and (3) meaning: (Frankl): existential and genderal (Vitale, 1997) authenticity. Additional benefits gained from learning skills and strategies that en­ able the trans client to advocate not only for himlherlhirself, but also for the extended trans community (our "trans sisters and brothers"), in­ volve the potential transformation of hopelessness and rage (the "victim mode") to a place of personal and social power. Transforming "Righteous Rage'; and Debilitating Despair into Self- and Community Empowerment Transpeople are often targeted by societal transphobia (Gapka and Raj, 2003, pp. 12-13). This is a form of individual or systemic (Whittle, 2003) discrimination, harassment or violence (Namaste, 2000) directed against transsexual, transgendered, genderqueer, and gender-divergent individuals. It is usually based on ignorance, fear or hatred of someone who transgresses society's binary gender norms. As well as political and legal discrimination, transphobia can also take the form of verbal, emotional, physical or sexual abuse ("transbashing"), thereby, typically inducing anger or "righteous rage" in its victim. Some members of the trans community might also experience inter­ nalized transphobia (Raj, 2002a), an intrapsychic dynamic which com­ monly manifests itself as self-hatred or impoverished self-esteem, guilt, shame or embarrassment. It can take the form of parasuicidal or self­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 harm behaviors (e.g., cutting, head-banging, wall-punching, substance use, pounding of the breasts or genital mutilation, etc.) or self-sabotag­ ing acting-out behaviors (e.g., getting "high" on club drugs, unsafe sex practices, bad monetary investments, obsessive-compulsive gambling, spending or sexual activity, etc.).8 Trans-Relevant Bibliotherapy With discretion, bibliotherapy can be enormously useful for trans cli­ ents in the therapeutic work, serving as "grist for the mill" in terms of 84 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

self-identification, exploration, motivation, and growth, as well as the development of strategies around transitioning and the building of skills related to personal advocacy and communal activism. Books, e-zines, websites, listserves, videos, and DVDs, which specifically focus on transactivism, can be helpful for both the would-be and the established transactivist by deconstructing harmful myths and stereotypes in favor of promoting transpositive images, effective role models and a message of hope that there is a place for transpeople even in a gender-binary world. It is crucial for the clinician to recommend only those resources that are relevant, trans-inclusive or trans-specific, age-appropriate, and otherwise beneficial. A therapist who works with trans clients has a re­ sponsibility to become increasingly culturally competent (Raj, 2002a) in terms of keeping up with ever-evolving trans culture and the highly diversified trans communities. Material by trans activists and trans-identified professionals who build advocacy into their work (e.g., Denny, 1998; Devor, 1997; Feinberg, 1998; Gapka and Raj, 2003; Green, 2004; Israel and Tarver, 1997; Namaste, 2000; Raj, 2002b; Vitale, 1997; Whittle, 2002) can often assist the trans reader to "connect the dots" between self-advocacy and community ac­ tivism by providing an intersectionality (sometimes through first-person accounts) of experienced trans phobia and personal direct action as well as community action. Such activities might involve individual interper­ sonal reaction (e.g., clear communication, consciousness-raising, self­ assertiveness, confrontation, conflict resolution, self-protection strate­ gies, human rights litigation, etc.), as well as collective proactive action (e.g., transpositive diversity training, policy-making re: trans-inclusivity, combating hate crimes, fighting against transphobic discrimination in employment and housing, making schools and our communities safe, debunking myths about child abuse and sexual trauma, validating, "trans forming" families, celebrating trans culture and trans commu­ nity, building alliances, etc.).

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Psychoeducational, Therapeutic & Community-Development Group Work

Group work is an effective medium to use to teach critical life skills to clients. This includes utilizing staff-led (usually a therapist or peer­ provider) peer-groups for trans youth and adults in creative ways to help them develop those interpersonal and social skills which are crucial to their emotional well-being, and will hopefully help them find a place­ and a way-to belong in the world. Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 85

The source of this psychosocial skills development comes not only from the group facilitator(s), but also (and equally important) from the group members themselves. The benefit to participating in such a thera­ peutic group is the multiple impact on a transperson' s life, for example: normalizing and celebrating one's "otherness" ("transness"); building self-esteem and personal power; reducing isolation and developing a sense of "real" community; and learning how to advocate for oneself and for one's fellow community members ("connecting the dots").

Trans-Activist Skills-Building Workshops & How-To Manuals

Interactive and educational resources on how to develop and enhance advocacy and activist skills for both seasoned and novice transactivists is a critical piece which is largely missing in trans communities. In the past, this writer has collaborated with a number of trans and two-spirited community members in putting on educational or anti­ oppression workshops for a wide variety of audiences, including pro­ viders, educators, researchers, students, clients, patients, community members, and their loved ones. Additionally, a transactivist colleague and myself are currently in the process of putting together one or more (possibly a series) of workshops specifically designed to help transpeople to empower themselves (individually and collectively) by learning how to build and hone their self-advocacy and transactivist skills. Of course, any worthwhile activist workshop must include a linking of oppressions (i.e., the ways in which racism, classism, ableism, ageism, sexism, ho­ mophobia, transphobia, poverty, homelessness, etc. intersect). Simi­ larly, any anti-oppression workshop should also incorporate practical strategies that build on participants' advocacy and activist skills and re­ sources. Indeed, anti-oppression work, advocacy, activism, alliance­ building and community development are all inextricably inter-linked.

Facilitating Opportunities as Critical Points of Entry Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Even non-therapists are often in a position to provide this significant intervention, which can, in many cases, prove to be a new opening or a turning-point in the transperson's process (inner work) and progress (outer work, also including biopsychosocial transition, if applicable). Linking up a trans client, regardless of age, with someone else in the centre or out in the community who is looking for a trans-identified pre­ senter or panelist can sometimes be one of the most pivotal interven­ tions for that particular transperson at that particular time in her/his/hir 86 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

life. So can asking the transperson to volunteer on a committee (e.g., our centre's Trans, Two-Spirit & Intersex Working Group or our Trans Pride Day Planning Committee). In all my years of clinical and commu­ nity ~xperience, I have yet to see anything match that deep sense of self-worth, personal power and pride experienced by a transperson when shelhe/sie9 is asked to take an active part or a leadership role in a trans-specific program or community event. This is truly therapeutic for the trans client and might be one of the rare times she/he/sie has ever been validated and empowered in this way before, or has been permit­ ted, at long last, a visible profile and a genuine place in the world (i.e., interconnectedness, power, and meaning).

Application to a Case Study

Annabelle, is a 20 year old transwoman of mixed race, who has been in treatment for about 2 years. Although most (65-85%) of the clients who access the health centre where she is seen have numerous and often complex health issues (including trauma). However, Annabelle was even more severe in terms of both the extent and the intensity of her pre­ senting problems, as well as her extreme degree of alienation, victimiza­ tion and traumatization. The multiple layers of trauma she experienced started in early childhood and continued into young adulthood. They in­ cluded familial, societal and internalized oppression. Their cumulative impact contributed to the client's Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, as well as a deep-rooted self-hatred and feelings of utter loneliness and chronic despair. Annabelle was a highly troubled youth when she first presented in therapy who felt: "I really don't feel there is any hope for me." She had just overdosed a few days prior to the initial session. Subsequently, she presented with multiple mental health issues and psychiatric diagnoses: PTSD (involving physical, verbal and emotional abuse, but not cur­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 rently known if sexual trauma occurred), societal transphobia (harass­ ment and bashing extended from childhood into adulthood), internalized transphobia (guilt, shame, embarrassment), Dysthymia, General Anxi­ ety Disorder, panic attacks, social phobia, Attention-Deficit Disorder, possible psychosis, paranoia, self-hatred, low self-esteem, negative body image, Gender Dysphoria (Gender Identity Disorder), suicidality, self-harm behavior, substance use, eating disorder, family dysfunction, mother-daughter conflict, relationship problems, community ostracism, and extreme social isolation. Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 87

Given the complexity of the case and her issues, Annabelle was sup­ ported by an interdisciplinary team ("the circle of care") that included a psychotherapist (this writer), a consulting psychiatrist, a primary care physician, a family practice nurse, and a client resource worker. In the ongoing psychotherapy (initially weekly, then bi-weekly), the client worked on a broad range of clinical issues. The overall goal was to facilitate client empowerment and agency. Specifically, the goal was to be actualized through the combined interventions of insight-oriented therapies (grounded in existential and psychodynamic theories such as the works of Frankl and Adler), trauma work (including Dialectial Be­ havior Therapy, Attachment Theory, etc.), self-esteem building, and skills-development via self-advocacy and community activism, in addi­ tion to strategies related to "working out" anger and stress. Essentially, these series of treatment interventions comprised a holistic "client self-empowerment model," in which interventions were always driven by the overarching framework, which strove to facilitate the empower­ ment of the client by linking her personal and social agency. The thera­ peutic work simultaneously involved the transforming of self-hatred into positive self-worth, and the normalizing and re-channelling of gen­ eral anger as well as specifically transphobic-generated rage. Through­ out the course of therapy, Annabelle learned how to fight against societal transphobia in healthy and strategic ways, while also acknowl­ edging, and working through, manifestations of internalized oppression (i.e., transphobia, racism, sizeismlO). "Healthy" refers here to personal agency (self-advocacy) and "strategic" to social agency (community and political advocacy).!l Over the course of therapy, Annabelle has shown substantive prog­ ress in terms of meeting her goals and improving her quality of life. She has demonstrated remarkable success in gradually learning how to as­ sert herself and how to negotiate for the things she wants. The following vignette will serve to illustrate the client's progress over the months which followed a particularly dramatic/traumatic incident. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 After one month into therapy, Annabelle requested female hormone therapy but was initially denied it. The decision was based on the pri­ mary care provider's concerns that this might be contraindicated for the client at that time, given her intense levels of self-harm behavior (e.g., cutting, head-banging), suicidality, and substance use, as well as possi­ ble psychosis (indicated by reports of voices and visions), and PTSD symptoms (e.g., flashbacks, "night terrors"). Annabelle's immediate re­ action to this denial was to run out ofthe physician's office and the cen­ tre, stating that she did not wish to come back for her care. 88 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

This writer was subsequently able to persuade the client to stay on and work together with all members of the "circle of care with a view to­ wards eventually working through the issues which specifically pre­ cluded the prescription of estrogen at that time. Annabelle agreed, and over the following two years, met on a regular basis with her care pro­ viders. Together, we devised a Client-Centred Interdisciplinary Care Plan for Annabelle, which included specified treatment goals respec­ tively addressing four domains: the body (biological/medical), the mind (psychological/mental), the social environment, and the spirit (spiritual/ existential), as modified in Table 1. All four domains of the treatment plan (biological, psychological, so­ cial and spiritual) were viewed as equally critical to the overall wellness and well-being of the client. However, the clinical challenge, is to deter­ mine which issues-and which interventions-must come first, while try­ ing to respect and balance the needs and goals of the client. In a client-centred collaborative care model this can be effectively addressed by means of contracting between clinician and client provided that a clear therapeutic rationale is given to the client, as well as an option for discussion and negotiation, as appropriate. The treatment plan for Annabelle was implemented according to the priority (urgency) ofthe client's needs: emotional stabilization (i.e., ad­ dressing suicidality, self-harm behavior, despair, depression, anxiety, stress, psychoses, etc.), and access to safe (transpositive) and affordable housing were the first and foremost considerations, with sequential sup­ ports following over time, as clinically assessed (i.e., addictions recovery, losing weight, healing her recent adult trauma, initiating the transsexual transition, addressing societal transphobia and safety issues, re-chan­ neling her anger, building self-esteem, healing her early childhood trauma, etc.), ultimately culminating in the linking to community and spiritual resources, encouraging the seeking out of supportive friends and a potential life partner, and possibly reunion with her family. Specifically, psychiatric intervention included diagnostic assessment

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 and the prescription and monitoring of psychotropic medications (anti­ depressants, anxiolytics, and anti-psychotics). Medical support took the form of overall assessment, treatment, and monitoring of all primary health issues, including the eventual prescription and monitoring of anti-androgen medication and female hormones (estrogen). Nursing care involved the co-monitoring of anti-androgen and estrogen as well as general health issues. Limited case management was provided by the client resource worker as indicated, specifically providing information on legal name change procedures, linking up with subsidized housing Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

TABLE 1. Client-Centred Interdisciplinary Care Plan

Presenting Issues Treatment Goals Treatment Interventions Responsible Staff

BiologicallMedical:

'GENDER DYSPHORIA 'GENDER REASSIGNMENT: ("Gender Identity Disorder") 'Hormone Therapy 'Estrogen & Anti­ 'Psychiatrist Androgen (assessment, 'Physician prescription & 'Nurse monitoring)

'Electrolysis Treatments 'Research/Education! 'Psychotherapist Referrals 'Client Resource Worker

'Sex-Reassignment Surgery 'Research!Education! 'Psychotherapist Referrals 'Client Resource Worker

'OVERWEIGHT 'Lose Weight 'Healthy Diet (eating disorder) 'Physical Exercise 'Physician 'Nurse

~ Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

TABLE 1 (continued) ~ Presenting Issues Treatment Goals Treatment Interventions Responsible Staff PSYCHOLOGICAUMENTAL:

'MENTAL STATE (despair, 'Stabilize Mood & 'Psychotropic 'Psychotherapist depression, anxiety, Foster Hope Medication (assessment, 'Psychiatrist psychoses, ADHD) prescription, monitoring) 'Physician

'GENDER DYSPHORIA "Gender Reassignment (gender "Education & Support 'Psychotherapist (gender distress) identity, presentation, etc.)

"EARLY & RECENT "Healing Process "Ongoing Therapeutic Work 'Psychotherapist TRAUMA(PTSD) (DBT, Attachment Theory) "Psychiatrist

"SUICIDALITY "Decrease/Cease "Monitoring & Support "Psychotherapist 'Psychiatrist

"SELF-HARMBEHAVIOUR 'Decrease/Cease "Monitoring & Support 'Psychotherapist "Psychiatrist

'SUBSTANCE USE "Decrease/Cease "Regular Monitoring "Psychotherapist "Relapse Prevention Strategies 'Psychiatrist "Physician

'SELF-HATRED (internalized "Transform to Positive "Insight-Oriented Therapy, 'Psychotherapist transphobia) Self-Esteem Validation & Support

"ANGER (general) "Transform to "Cultivate Personal Agency & "Psychotherapist Self-Empowerment Develop Self-Advocacy & Anger Work-Out Skills

"SOCIETALTRANS PHOBIA & "Transform to 8elf- & "Cultivate Social Agency & "Psychotherapist RESULTINGRAGE Community Empowerment Develop Community-Activist & Anger Work-Out Skills

"STRESS "Manage/Reduce "Develop Strategies & Skills "Psychotherapist Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

Social/Environmental:

'ABUSIVE HOME LIFE 'Move into Safe, 'Link up with Housing Officer & *Client Resource Worker Affordable Housing Monitor Progress *Psychotherapist

'TRANSSEXUAL TRANSITION 'Disclosure 'Support 'Psychotherapist 'Relationships . 'Support 'Client Resource Worker 'Trans Connections 'Link to Trans Community 'Legally Change Name and Sex 'Research Process Status

'SOCIETAL TRANS PHOBIA, DIS- 'Equity under the Law 'Learn Human Rights Legislation 'Psychotherapist CRIMINATION & VIOLENCE 'Ensure Safety *Develop Safety Strategies 'Client Resource Worker

'COMMUNITY STIGMATIZATION 'Re-connect with First Nations 'Link to LGBTT First Nations 'Psychotherapist & SOCIAL ISOLATION Community & Connect to Other Allies & Two-Spirit Peer-Support New Communities Groups

'FAMILY REJECTION 'Eventually Possibly 'Support Client 'Psychotherapist Reunite with Family 'Potential Family Therapy

'SEEKING RELATIONSHIP 'Find Supportive Life Partner 'Support Client *Psychotherapist *Build Relationship Skills

'0 ...... Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016

~

TABLE 1 (continued)

Presenting Issues Treatment Goals Treatment Interventions Responsible Staff

SpirituaVExistential:

·SPIRITUALITY ·Develop Spiritual Identity & ·Support Identity Development & ·Psychotherapist Connect to Spiritual Community Link to Two-Spirit Community ·Client Resource Worker

[Note: Under "Responsible Staff," where the Psychotherapist and the Client Resource Worker are both cited, the responsibility can either be shared or delegated to a sole provider. In some cases, the responsibility might be shared by the overall "Circle of Care."] Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 93

resources, connecting to specific trans community peer-providers, etc. Group work consisted of a 12-week, expressive arts therapy group for trans-identified youth. In terms of the transsexual transition as a specialized intervention (or rather, a series of staged interventions), this comprehensive treatment program intersects at least three of the four domains: (1) Biological/ Medical (initially hormone therapy, subsequently or simultaneously electrolysis treatments, and eventually sex-reassignment surgery [SRS], if desired), (2) PsychologicallMental (validating client's self-identifica­ tion as a transwoman while also assessing for possible diagnoses other than "Gender Identity Disorder," helping client deal with societal trans­ phobia and/or internalized transphobia [self-hatred] and resulting rage and despair, teaching strategies around how to stay safe), and (3) Social! Environmental (linking to trans and two-spirit communities and facili­ tating possible later involvement in transactivism, researching how to legally change one's name and/or possibly one's sex status, if SRS has been undergone). There is no absolute rule for the ordering of specific steps, however, there are recommended guidelines which can provide general direction (Meyer et aI., 2001; Raj, 2002a: Appendix D: Figure la: A Continuum of Transpositive Support; Figure 1b: A Continuum of Transpositive Para-Medical and Medical Interventions). Nearing the 16-month-mark of treatment, Annabelle started to expe­ rience accelerated levels of frustration, anger, anxiety and despair (in addition to increased gender discomfort and negative body image), due to the fact that she felt she was not close to reaching her goal of medi- cally transitioning. . At this point, this writer suggested a case conference with Annabelle and all three care providers to allow her an opportunity to express her feelings. She agreed wholeheartedly and further asked to have her new friend sit in the conference to provide her with moral support. This writer encouraged and coached Annabelle around these incipient ef­ forts at self-empowerment and self-advocacy, resulting in uncondi­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tional agreement on the part of the providers. This writer also urged the client to take ownership of her treatment/action plan, and sug­ gested she might wish to modify the printed plan as it now stood. Annabelle rose to the challenge and personalized and updated the plan in a way that put her much more in control of her own life destiny and transitional and health care goals. Essentially, she added in several more goals: (1) to eventually access sex-reassignment surgery; (2) to find a compatible lifelong partner in the very near future; (3) to crystallize her two-spirit identity through connecting with the two-spirit community; 94 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

and (4) to hopefully one day re-connect with both her family and her First Nations community. Beyond these limited examples of evolving self-advocacy skills ("baby steps" reflecting a gradually strengthening ego), Annabelle had also tentatively begun, over these past several months, to spread her wings. After her self-esteem had improved, she decided to reach out to others like herself. Specifically, Annabelle made a connection with the trans and the two-spirit communities by actively contributing to several organizational programs and activities (e.g., 2-Spirited People of the 1st Nations-peer educator/advocate/activist; AIDS Committee of Toronto-trans presenter/ workshop panelist; Sherbourne Health Centre-Trans Pride Day planning committee member; Supporting Our Y outh-TransFusion Crew event planner). Following directly fromthis newfound sense of community identity and inclusiveness (which, in turn, fostered her self-confidence and sense of personal power), she started to become even more involved on an educational and political level, learning the necessary skills to do activist work fighting oppression and improving the quality of life of her transsexualltransgendered and two-spirit sisters and brothers. The skills specifically involve developing a political analysis based on an understanding of anti-oppression practice, educating various publics, and lobbying politicians for social reform. These community advocacy skills arose out of Annabelle's slowly evolving social agency and sense of community empowerment, and were largely facilitated by her prior skills in learning how to advocate effectively for herself, which was grounded in her personal agency and sense of self-empowerment. Her personal identity (as a two-spirited transwoman) gradually expanded to include a spiritual, a community, and a political dimension, thereby transforming into a combined personal and collective identity. In other words, "the personal becomes the political" (to paraphrase the classic feminist adage), as Annabelle follows her personal-existential quest for interconnectedness, power, and meaning. Genderal integrity (i.e., the relief of Annabelle's gender distress by means of medical gender-reassignment

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 interventions as well as the validation and crystallization of her two­ spirit nature) infuses existential authenticity (Le., her way of spiritually being-in-the-world), and vice versa.

CONCLUSION

This paper offers a perspective on yet another innovative way to do therapy: employing the combined use of client self-advocacy and com­ munity activism as a clinical intervention-and helping clients connect Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 95

the dots between personal and social agency, and between individual and collective skills-building. The client focus in this case was transsex­ ual and transgendered people, and the therapeutic/educational interven­ tions used were trans-specific self-advocacy and transactivism. The perspective provided was multi-dimensional insofar as the writer identifies as a transperson (personal lived experience), a clinician, re­ searcher and educator (professional academic and clinical expertise), and as a transactivist (sociopolitical change and community development). This writer encourages other mental health care practitioners to take the seeds planted here and cultivate them in creative ways to help your trans-identified clients' blossom and grow-and ultimately take up their own power and rightful place in the Universe.

NOTES

1. LGBIT is an acronym for "lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and transgendered." 2. Pronounced "here." A term coined by Leslie Feinberg in hir 1998 book: Trans­ gender Liberation (p. 1). 3. "Encouragement is a key concept in Adlerian psychology which teach clients that although they cannot change events, they can change their attitude towards these events. This can be an exciting discovery and clients are encouraged to re-write their own part in the drama in new and more self-fulfilling ways" (Hooper and Holford, 1998; p. 101). Such therapeutic reframing can take the form of re-channelling trans­ phobia-derived "righteous rage" to more effective forms: i.e., advocacy and activism. 4. Genderal is a term used to describe gender used in reference to the trans community 5. It is also known as "social feeling," "community feeling," "communal intention," and "community interest" (Hooper and Holford, 1998; pp. 90-93; Sweeney, 1998; pp. 8-9). More often referred to today as "social conscience" or "sense of community," Adlerians believe this to be an innate drive reflecting a basic connection to the human community, in particular, and to the Cosmos as a whole. They also believe the concept is highly correlated with positive mental health and that a lack of social interest is asso­ ciated with the genesis of neuroses, psychoses, antisocial behavior, and crime (Lundin, Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 1989, pp. 39-47). Adler assigned equal significance to the fundamental human drive that he called a "striving for power" (nowadays referred to as "self-empowerment"). The Nietzchian notion of a "will-to-power" was closely related to Adler's concept of a "striving for superiority" (Lundin, 1989, pp. 36-39). Essentially, Adler's twin strivings for power and for superiority were theorized as deeply embedded in human nature and represented a will to dominate others. In some cases (predominantly found in neurotic individuals), the striving for superiority could be a way to compensate for earlier feel­ ings of inferiority. Eventually, Adler re-formulated this primary drive for power as a dynamic force for superiority or perfection, which included the idea of self-esteem. 96 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

6. In the case of transpeople who experience gender dysphoria, their intense (and often chronic) gender distress typically transcends the genderal to embrace the existential. 7. Inappropriate boundaries within the clinical context, such as these noted here, are often the result of therapist "overidentification" with a client or vice versa (Cabaj, 1991; Cerbone, 1991). Cabaj (1991) conceptualized such overidentification as a form of transferential or countertransferential distortion, whereby the therapist or the client projects his/herlhir own traits or needs onto the other person. As he suggests, margi­ nalized, stigmatized or otherwise "invisible" individuals or groups (such as gay men, in his case and transpeople, in mine) are especially vulnerable in terms of falling into the traps of overidentification or questionable boundaries precisely because of the still­ prevalent homo- and trans- phobia, coupled with the general lack of positive role models. 8. This writer hypothesizes that there often exists a correlation between a sense of powerlessness, hopelessness and alienation, on the one hand, and that of anger or de­ pression, on the other-and further, that often these intense feelings are manifested through "acting out" and self-harin behaviors. In some cases, the rage is turned out­ wards-possibly looking for someone to blame, or fix, "Nature's cruel joke;" in others, a sense of acute desperation is turned inwards-in the form of depressive symptoms or parasuicidal or self-harm behaviors. It is this author's belief that once individuals begin to feel empowered (power), have a sense of purpose (meaning), and find a place or a way to belong in the world (interconnectedness), the acting out and self-harm behav­ iors should eventually decrease or cease altogether. 9. Pronounced like "see;" see above (Feinberg, 1998, p. 1). 10. "Sizeism" refers here to the client's negative valuation of her obesity, which, in tum, is a reflection of society's stigmatization of those who are overweight. 11. This writer presented the client with a selected excerpt of the classic, self- and life-affirming poem, Desiderata, by Max Ehrmann, as a starting point to motivate her to want to, and to learn how to, be seen and heard. An excerpt, personalized with Annabelle's name on purple paper, read: "You are a child of the universe, no less than the trees and the stars; you have a right to be here." The interesting fact about the word, ''you,'' is that it can connote both the individual self (transperson) and the collective (trans) community-thereby planting a seed in the client's psyche on connecting the dots between self-advocacy and community activism.

REFERENCES Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Cabaj, R. P. (1991), Overidentification with a patient. In: Gays, Lesbians, and Their Therapists: Studies in Psychotherapy, ed. C. Silverstein. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., pp. 31-39. Cerbone, A. R. (1991), The effects of political activism on psychotherapy: A case study. In: Gays, Lesbians, and Their 171erapists: Studies in Psychotherapy, ed. C. Silverstein. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., pp. 40-5l. Denny, D., ed. (1998), Current Concepts in Gender Identity . New York: Garland Press. Devor, H. (1997), FTM: Female-to-Male Transsexuals in Society. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Psychotherapy and Clinical Practice 97

Feinberg, L. (1998), Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue. Boston: Beacon Press. Frankl, V. (1984), Man's Search for Meaning. New York: Washington Square Press. Frankl, V. (1986), The Doctor and the Soul: From Psychotherapy to Logotherapy (3rd ed.), Trans. R. Winston & C. Winston. New York: Vintage Press. Gapka, S. & Raj, R. (2003), Trans Health Project Position Paper. Toronto: Ontario Public Health Association (http://www.opha.on.calppres/2003-06_pp.pdf). Green, J. (2004), Becoming a Visible Man. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press. Hooper, A. & Holford, 1. (1998), Adlerfor Beginners. New York: Writers and Readers Publishing. Israel, G.E. & Tarver II, D.E. (1997), Transgender Care: Recommended Guidelines, Practical Information, and Personal Accounts. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Kooden, H. (1991), Self-disclosure: The gay male therapist as agent of social change. In: Gays, Lesbians, and Their Therapists: Studies in Psychotherapy, ed. C. Silverstein. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., pp. 143-154. Lundin, R.W. (1989), Alfred Adler's Basic Concepts and Implications. Muncie, IN: Accelerated Development Inc. Meyer, W., III (Chairperson), Bockting, W., Cohen-Kettenis, P., Coleman, E., DiCeglie, D., Devor, H., Gooren, L., Hage, J., Kirk, S., Kuiper, B., Laub, D., Lawrence, A., Menard, Y., Patton, 1., Schaefer, L., Webb, A., Wheeler, C. (February 2001). The standards of care for gender identity disorders-sixth version (V. Assessment and treatment of children and adolescents). International Journal of Transgenderism, 5(1) [http://www.symposion.com/ijtlsoc]. Namaste, V.K. (2000), Invisible Lives: The Erasure of Transsexual and Transgen­ dered People. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Patton, J. (1979), Why did I do it, or what the surgery has meant to me. In: Frontiers of Sex Research, ed. V. Bullough. Buffalo: Prometheus Books, pp. 177-188. Raj, R. (2002a), Towards a transpositive therapeutic model: Developing clinical sensi­ tivity and cultural competence in.the effective support of transsexual and transgen­ dered clients. International J. Transgenderism, 6(2) (http://www.symposion.com/ ijtlijtvo06no02_04.htm). Raj, R. (2002b), Improving Social Services and Health Care for Transpeople in To­ ronto. (Public forum deputation presented May 15,2002 to The City of Toronto LGBT Access & Equity Committee).

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Raj, R. (1997), Metamorphosis: Man in the making (a personal and political perspec­ tive), In: Gender Blending, eds. B. Bullough, V. Bullough & J. Elias. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, pp. 480-483. Raj, R. (unpublished manuscript), Self-Disclosure by Gay Therapists: Effective Thera­ peutic Intervention. Sweeney, TJ. (1998), Adlerian Counseling: A Practitioner's Approach (4th edition). Accelerated DevelopmentlTaylor & Francis Group. Vanderburgh, R. (2003), From female to not-female. In: Trans Forming Families: Real Stories about Transgendered Loved Ones (2nd edition), ed. M. Boenke. Hardy, VA: Oaknoll Press, pp. 124-127. 98 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Vitale, A. (1997), The therapist versus the client: How the conflict started and some thoughts on how to resolve it. In: Transgendered Care: Recommended Guidelines, Practical Information and Personal Accounts, eds. O. Israel & D. Tarver II. Phila­ delphia: Temple University Press, pp. 251-255. Whittle, S. (2002), Respect and Equality: Transssexual and Transgendered Rights. London, UK: Cavendish Publishing.

doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_05 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 RESEARCH, COMMUNITY AND POLICY ISSUES

Collaborative Community-Based Research as Activism: Giving Voice and Hope to Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Youth

Gary W. Harper, PhD, MPH Omar Bashir Jamil, MA Bianca D. M. Wilson, PhD

Gary W. Harper is Professor of Psychology at DePaul University, Chicago, IL. Omar Bashir Jamil is a graduate student at DePaul U ni versity, Chicago, IL. Bianca D. M. Wilson is Assistant Professor of Psychology at California State University, Long Beach, CA. Address correspondence to: Gary W. Harper, PhD, MPH, DePaul University, De­ partment of Psychology, 2219 North Kenmore Avenue, Room 420, Chicago, IL 60614 (E-mail: [email protected]). Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 [Haworth co-indexing entry note): "Collaborative Community-Based Research as Activism: Giving Voice and Hope to Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Youth." Harper, W. Gary, Omar Bashir Jamil, and BiancaD. M. Wilson. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 99-119; and: Activism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 99-119. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address: docdeli [email protected]]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_06 99 100 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

SUMMARY. Psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health pro­ fessionals who work with lesbian, gay, and/or bisexual (LGB) youth are in an ideal position to engage in activism aimed at improving societal conditions for LGB youth and to assist them in their quest for compas­ sion, understanding, and basic human rights. In this paper, the authors discuss ways in which psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals can engage in LGB youth activism through structural­ level change efforts, with a specific focus on: (1) raising awareness within the academy about the issues that confront LGB youth and the need for activism, while also working to elevate the status of LGB research within these academic institutions; (2) creating safe settings in which LGB youth can be affirmed and validated when they engage in self ex­ pression; and (3) improving the capacity of local community organi­ zations to advocate for LGB youth. The authors purport that one way to affect structural-level factors is through the development and execution of collaborative participatory research projects that engage community members and community-based organizations (CBOs) that serve LGB youth. doi: 10. 1300/J236vlln03_06 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: J-800-HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Activism, adolescence, bisexual, community-based or­ ganizations, development, homosexuality, gay, lesbian, mental health, research, stigma, youth

INTRODUCTION

Adolescence is marked by increased exploration of sexual, occupa­ tional, political, and cultural roles as the adolescent attempts to form a unique and mature personal identity. Some theorists consider the forma­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tion of an individual identity to be the primary developmental goal of the adolescent'years (Adams, Gullotta and Montemayor, 1992; Erikson, 1968), Failure to form an integrated identity can result in identity diffu­ sion and role confusion, which may be associated with.poor psychologi­ cal functioning and psychiatric disorders (Crawford, Cohen, Johnson, Sneed, & Brook, 2004; De Goede, Spruijt, Iedema, & Meeus, 1999; Erikson, 1968; Offer, Kaiz, Howard, & Bennett, 1998). An adolescent's identity is not unidimensional; instead it can be conceptualized as a mosaic of multiple identities within various realms of the adolescent's Research, Community and Policy Issues 101

life. Each of these identities may form at varying rates and be influenced by both similar and unique factors. for lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) youth, the identity formation process can be complicated by experiences of heterosexism, stigma, ho­ mophobia, and prejudice as their exploration of sexual identity involves participation in behaviors (i.e., same gender sexual attraction and activ­ ity) that are not generally accepted by the larger society (Ryan and Futterman, 1998; Harper and Schneider, 2003). In addition to the "nor­ mal" developmental difficulties that adolescents must face, LGB youth must also manage what Ryan and Futterman (1998) define as a "stigma­ tized identity" since these youth must contend with the adverse impact of living in a heterosexist and homophobic society. Stigma related to being LGB and the concomitant isolation, rejection, and discrimination that many LGB adolescents face has been shown to be related to a range of adverse behavioral, social, health, and mental health outcomes (Blake et aI., 2001; Garofalo and Harper, 2004; Rosario, Hunter, Maguen, Gwadz, & Smith, 2001; Rotheram-Borus, Reid, Rosario, & Kasen, 1995; Waldo, Hesson-McInnis and D' Augelli, 1998).

SEXUAL IDENTITIES AND ETHNIC IDENTITIES

During adolescent development, the value and importance of having a strong ethnic identity also becomes clear, and the individual estab­ lishes a more coherent sense of personal identity that includes ethnicity. For youth, especially youth of color, integrating a sense of ethnic identity into their overall sense of self is an important developmental task (Phinney, 1992). A positive and clear ethnic identity will likely fa­ cilitate a sense of freedom, security, and comfort, whereas a negative and ambiguous identity may lead to confusion and ambivalence. The unsuccessful resolution of ethnic identity development for ethnic mi­ nority adolescents has been associated with a host of adverse mental

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 health outcomes such as low self-esteem or alienation (Phinney, 1992; Phinney and Chavira, 1992; Rotheram-Borus, 1990), negative affective states (Parham and Helms, 1985), behavioral and adjustment problems (Rotheram-Borus, 1989; 1990) and poorer academic achievement (Bowman and Howard, 1985). Youth of color in particular experience unique challenges to ethnic identity formation due to experiences of both individual-level and insti­ tutionalized racism. Racism can be defined as the "beliefs, attitudes, in­ stitutional arrangements, and acts that tend to denigrate individuals or 102 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

groups because of phenotypic characteristics or ethnic group affilia­ tion" (Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999, p. 805). LGB youth of color must not only contend with the negative societal reactions to their sexual orientation, but also may experience racial prejudice, limited economic opportunities and resources as a consequence of racism, and limited acceptance of their sexuality within their own ethnic cultural community (Diaz, 1998; Harper, Jemewall and Zea, 2004; Martinez and Sullivan, 1998). Some LGB youth of color may feel that they must choose between being "gay" and being a member of their own ethnic/racial group (Dube and Savin-Williams, 1999). This pressure to choose is perpetuated by a belief that the gay liberation movement and gay identification are White middle class phenomena, and that people of color who identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual reject their culture and family of origin to join the White oppressor (D'Emilio, 1983; Fukuyama and Ferguson, 2000). Un­ fortunately, youth of color also may experience racial prejudice and marginalization within the larger, predominately-White, mainstream gay community. This may be manifested through objectification and eroticization of gay/bisexual youth of color by White gay and bisexual men seeking to fulfill an exotic or sexual fantasy (Diaz, 1998; Han, 2001; Martinez and Sullivan, 1998).

HETEROSEXISM AND LGB YOUTH

Heterosexism is a pervasive oppressive force that can harm LGB youth at multiple levels, including the personal, interpersonal/relational, and social/community (Harper, 2004). Although it has been defined in various ways, heterosexism is generally viewed as an ideological sys­ tem that privileges heterosexuality and serves to subordinate and stig­ matize non-heterosexual people and communities (Herek, 1995; Niesen, 1990). Although LGB youth and adults may experience heterosexism Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 and oppression in multiple forms within various ecological systems, Herek (1992) and Hunter, Shannon, Knox, and Martin (1998) assert that heterosexism is manifested in two primary ways: through societal cus­ toms and institutions (cultural heterosexism) and through individual attitudes and behaviors (psychological heterosexism). LGB youth and adults primarily experience cultural heterosexism in either of two ways: (1) LGB people are hidden from the rest of society so that institutions and people of power do not acknowledge their accom­ plishments or existence, or (2) they are stigmatized and discriminated Research, Community and Policy Issues 103

against (Herek, 1992; Hunter et aI., 1998). Consequently, LGB youth often do not learn about the accomplishments of LGB people throughout history. Additionally, many youth do not have access to positive LGB role models in their environments since fear of harassment or victimiza­ tion causes many adults to conceal their sexual orientation. The invisi­ bility of positive LOB role models and historical figures denies LGB youth a sense of connection to successful others who share their sexual orientation, and restricts them from experiencing the positive impact that such an affiliation could have on their self-esteem. Cultural hetero­ sexism may also adversely influence LGB youth through oppressive legal ordinances and laws that restrict LGB-identified individuals from hav­ ing the same basic human rights and privileges as heterosexual cohorts (Swan, 1997; Wetzel, 2001). Psychological heterosexism represents individual-level heterosexism that may be manifested through feelings, attitudes and behaviors. This phenomenon is usually discussed in terms of how it promotes and per­ petuates prejudice, harassment, and violence against LGB people. Re­ search has documented an alarming frequency of LGB harassment and violence that occurs among youth and adults, and the adverse effect it has on people who experience it (D' Augelli, 1989; D' Augelli and Hershberger, 1993; Garnets, Herek and Levy, 1990; Rosario, Rotheram-Borus and Reid, 1996; Schneider, 1991; Waldo, 1998). This is especially true for adolescents, who may experience bullying, harass­ ment, and physical abuse from peers, parents, and teachers (Rivers and D' Augelli, 2001). This violence can occur within multiple settings as well, including the young person's neighborhood, home, and school, further adding to the traumatic nature of these events.

PSYCHOLOGISTS, PSYCHIATRISTS AND OTHER MENTAL HEALTH PROFESSIOlYALS AS LGB ACTIVISTS

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Given the range of interpersonal and societal level factors that affect the development and psychological functioning ofLGB youth, it is criti­ cal that adults who have varying levels of power and privilege in society work toward the amelioration of these negative forces. Adolescents often have a limited voice in public policies that affect their daily lives. Al­ though LGB youth may work to change the negative societal views that others have of them (which often influence public policy) through com­ munity organizing and activism., they need the support of allied adults who can encourage those in positions of power to listen. Psychologists, 104 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

psychiatrists and other mental health professionals who work with LGB youth-and who consequently have insight into the struggles that these young people face-are in an ideal position to engage in activism aimed at improving societal conditions for LGB youth. Mental health professionals have strongly advocated for LGB youth through the development and delivery of affirming and supportive individual-level psychotherapeutic approaches (Lemoire and Chen, 2005; Hershberger and D' Au gelli , 2000; Ryan, 2001; Ryan and Futterman, 1998; Stone, 1999). Although some may focus their clinical and re­ search activities on traditional psychotherapy, they also may engage in other forms of behavior change efforts in the service of LGB youth. While individual-level approaches need to continue, psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals can also expand their efforts to focus on societal or structural-level activism efforts that have the potential for long-term sustainable change. A structural-level change effort focuses on features of the environment that exist outside of individual action or control-ones that are built into the structure of the environment within which people develop and interact with others (Fisher, 1995; Mulroy & Austin, 2004; Revenson et aI., 2002). This per­ spective maintains that most people are not consciously aware of the influence that these factors have on their behavior. For LGB youth, par­ ticularly those from ethnic minority and/or low-income backgrounds, structural determinants may include factors such as poverty, oppression, gender inequality, racial ethnic discrimination, and heterosexisml homophobia. They may also include more tangible intermediate structural­ level factors such as availability of resources, physical structures in the environment, organizational structures, and laws and policies. In order to improve the healthy development and functioning of LGB youth, psychologists, psychiatrists and other mental health profession­ als must consider exploring their current level of social problem analy­ sis, and consider addressing the ways that historical, social, and structural factors may adversely affect LGB youth. These professionals also may

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 consider taking an integrated and multidisciplinary approach to improv­ ing the well-being ofLGB youth. Such an approach includes both alter­ ing individual behavior with psychotherapeutic interventions and seeking to change the societal structures (including public policies and laws) that oppress LGB youth. Psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals are in an ideal position to affect positively the lives of LGB youth in a range of health-promoting efforts that extend beyond conducting psychotherapy, such as research, mentoring, teaching, train­ ing, and community work. Research, Community and Policy Issues 105

What follows are ways in which psychologists, psychiatrists and other mental health professionals can engage in LGB youth activism through structural-level change efforts, with a specific focus on: (1) raising awareness within the academy about the issues that confront LGB youth and the need for activism, while working to elevate the sta­ tus ofLGB research within these academic institutions; (2) creating safe settings in which LGB youth can be affirmed and validated when they engage in self expression; and (3) improving the capacity of local com­ munity organizations to advocate for LGB youth. One way mental health professionals can affect these extra-individual level factors and engage in LGB youth activism that has the potential to affect structural­ level factors is through the development and execution of collaborative participatory research projects that engage community members and community-based organizations (CBOs) that serve LGB youth.

YOUTH-FOCUSED LGB COLLABORATIVE RESEARCH AS ACTIVISM

Collaborative research, strongly grounded in the knowledge of com­ munity-based organizations and community members, is a vehicle through which psychologists and psychotherapists can engage in criti­ cal forms of activism. This is especially true in working with agencies and organizations that serve individuals who experience varying de­ grees of oppression and marginalization in society, such as LGB youth. Serving as liaisons between grassroots activism and academic power structures, psychologists and psychotherapists have the opportunity to disseminate information about the concerns of people and communities who are rarely included in academic and policy discourse. For example, our research team has been using our collaborative research as a way to raise awareness of the issues that confront LGB youth of various eth­ nicities within scientific communities. Further, in the role of liaison, we

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 offer LGB youth support by giving them a forum for sharing their life stories and provide community organizations with scientific data that can be used in policy and advocacy campaigns. The study used here as an exemplar for promoting activism through research explores the relationship between mUltiple identities for gay/ bisexual/questioning (GBQ) male youth from different ethnic back­ grounds (African American, Latino and White youth) and sexual risk behaviors and substance use. This study has utilized elements of collab­ orative and participatory community research (Harper, Conteras, Bang 106 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

& Pedraza, 2003; Oja and Smulyan, 1989; Suarez-Blacazar, Harper and Lewis, 2005) whereby GBQ youth are involved in various phases of the study. This includes involving them in the initial pilot testing of instru­ ments, modification of the qualitative interview guide, validation of pre­ liminary themes discovered after initial data collection, validation of final conceptual/theoretical models, and creation of modules and exer- cises for a new HIV prevention program based on the data. . The use of qualitative methods that give GBQ youth the opportunity to discuss the phenomena of interest in their own words and the collabo­ rative involvement of youth in the interpretation of the qualitative data, model building, and development of the intervention will hopefully re­ sult in a more culturally grounded ernie approach to the study of GBQ youth. This methodology is especially important with understudied groups such as GBQ youth since it incorporates the views of the culture­ sharing group, as opposed to the more traditional etie approach that re­ lies heavily on outsiders' interpretations of the culture-sharing group's experiences (Creswell, 1998). Additionally, CBO's have assisted in identifying participants for the study and staff from these agencies and other knowledgeable community experts have provided feedback on preliminary findings to assist in interpretation. Through employing these participatory methods, opportunities to engage in collaborative social and structural change work have emerged. Although there are benefits of psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals forming partnerships with community agen­ cies in order to address critical social issues that affect the lives of LGB youth, such partnerships are not without their challenges. Specific barri­ ers to successful partnerships have included power and resource in­ equalities between partners; differences in the organizational structure, culture, politics and reward systems of universities and community agencies; disagreements with regard to outcomes of interest; time con­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 straints and limitations on the allocation of staff time to such efforts; confusion and disagreements over the defining and redefining of roles; and management and governance failures during the implementation process (Gomez and Goldstein, 1995; Harper and Salina, 2000; McHale et aI., 1996, Suarez-Balcazar,Harper and Lewis, 2005). Psychologists, psychotherapists, and researchers who wish to engage in such partner­ ships are encouraged to be mindful of the extra time and effort involved in creating and maintaining a mutrially beneficial collaborative partner­ ship with a CBO. Research, Community and Policy Issues 107

Raising Awareness in the Academy

Conducting LGB youth research in traditional academic institutions can become a way to inform and educate faculty, staff, and undergradu­ ate and graduate students about issues confronting these youth and raise awareness of the need for activism and social change. This can be ac­ complished through formal presentations and colloquia at academic in­ stitutions in which the foundations ofLGB research initiatives, including the scientific rationale for the work, are fully described. This approach integrates dialogue about LGB issues into existing settings for aca­ demic discourse, as opposed to creating isolated events for discussing LGB issues within occasional diversity workshops. Educating under­ graduate and graduate students about community-based LGB research through guest lectures and classes, involving undergraduate and gradu­ ate students in LGB youth research, and mentoring provide multiple op­ portunities for students to learn about the societal level barriers that LGB youth face. In our own work, the presence of a research group known within the department to be studying issues concerning GBQ youth has significantly increased the number of LGB-identified gradu­ ate and undergraduate researchers involved in research. In addition to providing the students with valuable research experience through the research group, this gathering ofLGB-identified students also provides students with an emotional and educational support network of similarly-identified peers. This process is bi-directional, as graduate and undergraduate stu­ dents can also contribute to the research through their own personal experience and insight. For LGB students in particular, getting involved with research projects provides them with the tools to communicate the issues ofLGB youth, not only from their own personal experience, but also from the perspective of the youth with whom they have collabor­ atively worked. This partly removes the burden of personal disclosure when talking about the issues that LGB youth experience, moving be­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 yond discussions of the student's friends and/or personal experience to the shared experiences of LGB youth from a research and community perspective. These efforts can have both short-term and long-term effects. In the most immediate sense, individuals in the academy who may not typi­ cally think about or address the issues ofLGB youth will be exposed to presentations by faculty, staff, and students (e.g., Master's and Doctoral theses), thus raising their awareness. Such exposure and awareness of LGB youth issues may also foster new academic collaborations, as other J08 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

faculty and staff who are investigating related phenomena or using simi- 1ar methods may join in research and intervention efforts focused on issues that affect LGB youth. For example, structural-level factors af­ fecting LGB youth may also affect other minority group members, thus researchers and interventionists may collaborate through the academy to address the needs of marginalized communities as a whole, rather than solely within their groups of interest. Recently, a research group in­ vestigating individuals with disabilities invited our research team to participate in a conference roundtable discussion concerning research­ ers investigating stigmatized populations. Our presentation was able to focus on the shared struggles that both research groups face in examin­ ing the issues concerning stigmatized and disempowered populations. With regard to long-range impact? continued scientific programs of LGB youth research, publications, presentations, and theses can serve to create a cultural norm within our educational institutions, and disci­ plinary fields at large, where such research is legitimized and viewed with greater respect. This form of academic activism and institutional cultural shift then opens the door for more LGB-identified faculty to be "out" in their departments and to engage in LGB-related research with­ out fears that such research will be minimized or adversely affect tenure and promotion decisions. As more LGB faculty are open about their sexual orientation and develop substantive programs ofLGB-related re­ search, they then can serve as more effective and supportive mentors for LGB undergraduate and graduate students. Such structural changes, whereby academic departments become more open and accepting of LGB research and researchers, also have the potential to encourage un­ dergraduate and graduate students interested in LGB research to attend. By increasing the number ofLGB students in these institutions, we then increase potential for more student research on LGB youth issues and more social support among LGB students who are working on these social issues. Despite the benefits of LGB youth research to the students and faculty

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 in the academy, LGB-identified psychologists, psychotherapists, and researchers studying LGB youth must be aware of the possible chal­ lenges in investigating and presenting research about one's "own" com­ munity. One challenge is confronting the legacy established by years of psychological research of pathologizing LGB identities, a legacy that still continues to this day with the work of reparative therapists and "gay conversion" treatments. In response to the pathologizing tradition, many researchers have sought to illustrate the "normalcy" or sameness of LGB individuals. However, the goal of establishing normalcy is at Research, Community and Policy Issues 109

times in direct conflict with the work of LGB-identified activists who are concerned with emphasizing the different beliefs and perspectives that LGB individuals may have to offer society. For example, where some may want to communicate that children of LGB parents are the same as those of non-LGB parents, activists have pointed out the bene­ fits of data that suggest that children of LGB parents are different or do have different experiences that are nonetheless still healthy and positive (Clarke, 2002). In particular, research has found that LGB parented children have greater awareness of oppression and are more likely to be tolerant of diversity. Psychologists and psychotherapists who work with LGB youth, and thus have insight into the struggles that these young people face, are in an ideal position to engage in activism aimed at improving societal conditions for LGB youth and to assist these youth in their quest for compassion, understanding, and basic human rights. In addition, the presentation of research results may also become a difficult task for LGB-identified researchers examining their "own" community. LGB-identified researchers are keenly aware of the re­ search, which they feel may negatively and inadequately represent their community. As a result, a researcher may be hesitant to present research that would portray LGB youth in a negative light, especially if this may support stereotypes present in mainstream society. For example, re­ searchers may be cautious about presenting findings of the types and frequencies of risky sexual behaviors among LGB youth, for fear that such information would be used to support stereotypes about LGB pro­ miscuity. A desire to present the youth in their "best light" may be exac­ erbated by the relationships formed in the collaborative research process with community agencies and youth. In an effort to avoid or decrease the likelihood of such events occurring, researchers should be sure to in­ clude resiliency-focused constructs in their study designs so that the strengths of LGB youth can be presented alongside potential risk-related findings. Discussing research findings with colleagues who have more distance from the study and population of interest (often referred to as

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 "peer de-briefing" in qualitative research) may also help to avoid inten­ tional and unintentional biased reporting of the data.

Providing a Safe Space for LGB Youths' Expression

Participating in research may have an immediate positive impact by offering youth a venue for self-expression that often results in feelings of empowerment and hope. In particular, qualitative and mixed meth­ ods research can provide unique spaces in which underserved and 110 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

under-researched young people may talk about their life issues through narratives and stories not bound by the constraints of traditional hetero­ sexist quantitative measures that tend to dominate the LGB research canons. Even some LGB-specific measures which specifically examine the identity development process ofLGB individuals are inappropriate for the LGB youth population, particularly youth of color. These mea­ sures were often developed from the retrospective experiences of White, middle-class, adult gay men and then were validated with these men, not with youth. Thus qualitative and narrative approaches are often more affirming and fruitful when working with LGB youth. When psychologists incorporate qualitative interviews and other forms of narrative inquiry into their research with LGB youth, the thoughts and perspectives of youth are solicited, and hence validated. This sense of validation is important'for the youth due to the pervasive heterosexism that they experience in a variety of settings, including school, work, peer groups, and home. Often the youth are not at liberty to discuss their thoughts and feelings regarding their sexual identity with family members whom they depend on for financial, material, and emotional support. In addition, youth may not be "out" to their peers, thus restricting them from the social support benefits of discussing sex­ uality and romantic partnership issues with their most powerful social­ izing agents during this developmental period-friends. As a result, the research setting may be one of the rare instances where youth can have their LGB-related developmental life experience solicited and valued without the fear of judgment, and hence validated. In our own work, participants have been very excited to hear that a focus of our study is to understand their own unique experience as GBQ youth. Not only is this excitement communicated verbally by youth, but it has also been evident in their prolonged interest throughout the research process. In the development of the in-depth qualitati ve interviews, dur­ ing which we examine the many facets of the youth's identities, the re­ search team felt as though a two-hour interview would be exhausting to

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 the participants, necessitating a few breaks in the process. However, during the actual interviews with the youth, participants have often ex­ ceeded well beyond the two-hour limit, and in addition, most do not opt to take a break. When concluding the interview, some participants have expressed that the research has been inherently valuable to them, and as a result have sometimes overtly refused compensation for their partici­ pation in the study. Others have been hesitant to leave the research space, and have inquired about ways to get involved further in efforts to give voice to LGB youth. Research, Community and Policy Issues 111

After completing the in-depth qualitative interviews, some youth have remarked that the interview included questions that they have never been asked before. Such questions were seen as beneficial because they encouraged youth to reflect on their life experiences and examine their self-perceptions. Youth participants have shared that nobody has ever cared enough to want to sit and listen to their life experiences­ especially those related to their sexual identity development process. Previous literature on gay identity development has focused on retro­ spective accounts (e.g., Troiden, 1989), rather than inquiries gathered during the actual identity development process. Obtaining the narra­ tives of LGB youth as they are experiencing their identity development process therefore enables the youth to provide rich data about the many factors that influence their lives. Using this more ernie approach to re­ search also offers potential long range impacts by highlighting new areas for investigation that are based on the current lived experiences of youth as opposed to retrospective reports of adults. For example, a con­ temporary topic of interest, which has emerged in our study with this technologically-advanced age cohort, is the rising importance of the internet and the development of "online communities" that facilitate both the physical and emotional connection of different LGB youth. Having accurate and up-to-date data regarding the most current factors that are affecting LGB youth can help to inform interventions, commu­ nity programs, and policy/advocacy efforts. Youth have been involved in various phases of the collaborative re­ search process, including assisting in the analysis of the data through theme validation interviews conducted in both the middle and end of data collection. This process is designed to ensure that we are indeed ad­ equately and accurately capturing the youths' voices and experiences. Based on input from youth during the mid-point validation interviews, we made changes to our interview guide to assure that we were captur­ ing the complex web of factors that influence the lives of GBQ youth. By actively engaging youth in the analysis and understanding of the Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 data, they are also learning about issues that face other young people in their community, which can serve to empower them to be further in­ volved in various forms of activism. One youth in particular was very excited to be involved in the thematic validation interviews conducted part way through the study since he was interested in the issues that con­ front youth as a whole, and wanted to talk in greater depth about his own personal perspectives. In providing a space for the youth to describe their unique experiences, however, researchers must be cognizant of the possibility of becoming 112 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

overly invested in the youth's lives and experiences, in a way that may adversely affect the researchers' own mental health and detract from the research process. This is particularly important for LGB-identified researchers, psychologists, and psychotherapists who may have experi­ enced some of the negative experiences expressed by the youth during the interview. The possible countertransference during the interview process may manifest in the interviewer's inclination to move beyond the interview protocol into actual therapy or case management, which may detract from the data obtained in the research setting. It is therefore important not only to be keenly aware of one's counter transference is­ sues, but also to provide space for the interviewers to process their thoughts following an interview. Capacity Building for Change

By fonning mutually beneficial collaborative relationships with CBOs, researchers can share existing science-based knowledge and research. These organizations can then use scientific data as evidence for the need for their policy and advocacy efforts. The data can also serve to inform and guide the work of the agency itself, initially through the dissemina­ tion of information from the researchers, and later through the integra­ tion of that information by the agency. Research regarding LGB youth experiences, beliefs, and behaviors may provide a catalyst for subse­ quent critical dialogue among youth and adult organizers about the state of the community. In our research, the data we are receiving represents the voices and life experiences of youth from over eight community agencies in a large urban city. Findings from this study, which are being presented back to the CBOs, will speak to the diversity of narratives and life stories from LGB youth of various socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds. This will allow the CBO's to understand better the issues that affect the broader LGB youth population in this large metropolitan area, and

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 offering them information about the uniqueness of their specific popu­ lation's experiences and needs. Understanding these issues may help the agency to serve better a wider array of LGB youth since they may not be currently aware of certain sub-populations of youth, or of spe­ cific issues that have not yet been verbalized by their current population of LGB youth. Just as the interview process often encourages youth to reflect on themselves as individuals, the data dissemination process may encour­ age whole communities to reflect on their current practices and beliefs Research, Community and Policy Issues 113

as a collective. Sparked by new information about the community and the young LGB people who are navigating its various facets, this type of critical dialogue and community reflection is an important first step to community-driven social and structural change. Collaborative research initiatives can playa key role in this process and ultimately increase the capacity to develop informed social and structural change agendas among organizations and community groups. In addition, psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health pro­ fessionals can help to build the capacity of CBO' s by conducting educa­ tional sessions and trainings on developmental/psychological issues that effect LGB youth. In addition, they can assist community agencies by offering workshops and trainings on the development and use of re­ search and evaluation tools, including key methods used to evaluate the efficacy of their initiatives. This approach is often most effective when psychologists work in collaboration with a range of staff members from CBOs (from executive directors to front line staff) to conduct participa­ tory and empowerment evaluations of their community interventions (Suarez-Balcazar and Harper, 2003). Using participatory and empower­ ment approaches to evaluation involves CBO staff members in all phases of the process, during which time the agency staff are learning how to develop and conduct evaluations and thus are empowered to eventually conduct the work on their own (Harper, Contreras, Bangi, & Pedraza, 2003). The advantage of possessing evaluation and research-focused data is that this scientific evidence can be used by CBOs in their policy/advocacy efforts, thus making it easier to refute the ideological and emotion-based arguments that dominate current political discourse. Particularly when addressing issues that affect youth, a scientific understanding of devel­ opmental and psychosocial factors is critical to making arguments about policies that positively influence LGB youth. However, scientific find­ ings from LGB youth research are not always straightforward, and may have multiple uses and interpretations.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 In addition to reporting the direct findings from LGB youth-focused research, researchers of LGB communities also may be focused on challenging the larger societal notions that being LGB is "abnormal" or "unacceptable." They often need to be cautious about political forces that may misinterpret or misuse data because they are focused on pro­ moting stereotypical images that characterize LGB youth as pathological. Researchers may try to predict the potential approaches that may be used by these political forces, resulting in strategic presentations of data in a manner that would not allow for such misinterpretation. Research, 114 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

therefore, is a form of activism that engages in a potential moral conflict with individuals who hold very different values. As such, research with LGB youth can become a personal and very controversial topic, be­ cause attitudes and political rights may be at stake.

CONCLUSION

In sum, researchers are in unique positions to affect social change within their academic institutions and within community agencies that serve LGB youth. Through openly conducting LGB-focused research, researchers can raise awareness in educational institutions and in vari­ ous disciplinary fields through sharing their work in presentations and publications. Additionally, the process of engaging in research for LGB youth has the potential to be personally cathartic and empowering for the young people who participate in studies. Finally, the products of LGB research can be used by CBOs and activist groups for making the case that critical social change efforts are urgently needed. Despite the benefits of research as a vehicle for activism, there are possible costs for the person conducting this research. First, as is the possibility of most mental health-related research and treatment, in­ vestigating the issues and concerns of an oppressed and marginalized community can be personally stressful and taxing. Stress may be exac­ erbated when one is investigating one's own community since this may lead to feelings of being personally charged and responsible for alleviating the struggles of the oppressed. At the same time, as the in­ dividual works to understand the issues of the community, s/he may relive the experienced trauma. This vicarious reliving of trauma can not only adversely affects one's own mental health, but may also prevent reasoned thought in data analysis/interpretation, intervention develop­ ment, and activism. Remaining invested in the topic yet objectively distanced is a difficult balance to maintain for the researcher-activist.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 In addition, the combination of research and activism also bears sig­ nificant costs in time and effort. Individuals engaged in this type of ac­ tivism not only collect and analyze data, but also disseminate the findings in academic, community and policy settings. Given the lack of empirically-based data regarding LGB youth, researchers may feel heightened pressure to investigate and disseminate information regarding this misunderstood and understudied population in a timely manner. It is therefore important that individuals who conduct research with LGB youth in academic, community, or clinical settings disseminate Research, Community and Policy Issues 115

their findings to both public and academic audiences. As detailed above, the process of examining the issues concerning LGB youth and sharing the results with multiple audiences serves to bring attention to the multi­ ple advocacy needs of this population. Giving voice to the struggles and successes of these young people through scientifically sound collabora­ tive community research brings greater focus to these young people's lives so that social action can occur. It also helps to activate and fuel structural change in both the academic institutions involved and the community partners. As these multiple institutions are transformed, this change can therefore reverberate throughout other influential systems and institutions, resulting in broader structural-level change. Psycho­ therapists, psychologists, researchers, and activists therefore all share similar ideals in changing the oppressive forces in which these youth live, and as this paper has detailed, this change can occur in a shared venue of research.

AUTHORS NOTE

All authors were supported in part by the Adolescent Medicine Trials Network for HIV/AIDS Interventions (ATN) for some of the studies described in this manuscript; (award number UOl HD40533) from the National of Child Health and Human Development, with supplemental fundirig from the National Institutes on Drug Abuse and Mental Health.

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Offer, D., Kaiz, M., Howard, K.1. & Bennett, E. S. (1998), Emotional variables in ado­ lescence, and their stability and contribution to the mental health of adult men: Im­ plications for early intervention strategies. J. Youth & Adolescence, 27(6):675-690. Oja, S. & Smulyan, L. (1989), Collaborative Action Research: A Developmental Ap­ proach. London: Falmer. Parham, ,T. A. & Helms, 1. E. (1985). Relation of racial identity attitudes to self­ exactualization and affective states of Black students. Journal of Counseling Psy­ chology, 32(3):431-440. Phinney, 1. (1992), Ethnic identity and self-esteem: A review and integration. Hispanic J. Behavioral Science, 13(2):193-208. Phinney,1. & Chavira, V. (1992), Ethnic identity and self-esteem: An exploratory lon­ gitudinal study. J. Adolescence, 15(3):271-281. Revenson, T. A., D' AugeUi, A. R, French, S.E., Hughes, D.L., Livert, D., Seidman, E., Shinn, M. & Yoshikawa, H., Eds. (2002), Ecological Research to Promote Social Change: Methodological Advances from Community Psychology. New York: Kluwer AcademiclPlenum Publishers. Rivers, I. & D' AugelIi, A. R. (2001), The victimization of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In: Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identities over the Lifespan: Psychological Perspectives, A. R D' AugelIi & c. J. Patterson. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 199-223. Rosario, M., Hunter, J., Maguen, S., Gwadz, M. & Smith, R (2001), The coming-out process and its adaptational and health-related associations among gay, lesbian, and bisexual youths: Stipulation and exploration of a model. American J. Community Psychology, 29(1): 113-160. Rosario, M., Rotheram-Borus, M. J. & Reid, H. (1996) Gay-related stress and its corre­ lates among gay and bisexual male adolescents of predominantly Black and His­ panic background. J. Community Psychology, 24(2):136-159. Rotheram-Borus, M. 1. (1989), Ethnic differences in adolescents' identity status and associated behavior problems. J. Adolescence, 12:361-374. Rotheram-Borus, M. J. (1990), Adolescents' reference-group choices, self-esteem, and adjustment. J. Personality & Social Psychology, 59(5):1075-1081. Rotheram-Borus, M. J., Reid, H., Rosario, M. & Kasen, S. (1995), Determinants of safer sex patterns among gaylbisexual male adolescents. J. Adolescence, 18( 1):3-15. Ryan, C. (2001), Counseling lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In: Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identities over the Lifespan: Psychological Perspectives, A. R. D' Augelli

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doi: lO.1300/J236vlln03_06 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 U sing the Arts to Challenge Hate, Create Community: Laramie Lives in Lowell

Anne Mulvey, PhD Charlotte Mandell, PhD

SUMMARY. This paper describes a production of Moises Kaufman's The Laramie Project staged at a northeast public urban university and a related educational campaign. Project goals were to discourage homo­ phobia, encourage dialogue, and increase visibility and acceptance of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered students. The project was produced by a coalition including student groups, academic depart­ ments, and administrati ve units. A variety of indices show the play was immediately successful for the audience and community and had a deeper impact on cast members and planners. Collaborative relation­ ships spanning interpersonal, cultural, and political boundaries and the use of the arts for social change were key factors in the program's suc­ cess. doi: 1O.1300/J236v lln03_07 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: I-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address:

Anne Mulvey is Professor of Psychology at University of Massachusetts Lowell, Lowell, MA; Charlotte Mandell is Professor of Psychology at University of Massachu­ setts Lowell, Lowell, MA. Address correspondence to: Anne Mulvey, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts Lowell, 870 Broadway Street, Suite 1, Lowell, MA 01854. The authors would like to acknowledge the students who participated in the Laramie Project Performance and the Stop-the-Hate Campaign; special thanks to

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Khaney Thanephonesy, Dovid Muyderman, Sivan Daniel, and Brenda Evans. [Haworth co-indexing entry note): "Using the Arts to Challenge Hate, Create Community: Laramie Lives in Lowell." Mulvey, Anne, and Charlotte Mandell. Co-published simultaneously in Journal o/Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 11, No. 3/4,2007, pp. 121-141; and: Activism and LGBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 121-141. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.rn. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]). Available online at hup://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 1O.1300/J236v lln03_07 121 122 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.}

KEYWORDS. Activism, arts, bisexual, community, gay, hate-crimes, homophobia, homosexuality, Laramie Project, lesbian, social change, theater, transgender

[Olnce we started . .. speaking to the people that were gay and finding out what their underlying fears were, well, then it sort of hit home. This is America. You don 'f have the right to feel that fear. Rob DeBree, Detective, Sheriff's Dept. (Kaufman, 2001, p. 86) Theatre is a language through which human beings can engage in active dialogue on what is important to them. It allows individuals to create a safe space that they may inhabit in groups, and use to explore the interactions which make up their lives. It is a lab for problem solving,for seeking options, andfor practicing solut(ons. Boal (cited in Rohd, 1998, p. xix)

INTRODUCTION

Through a theatre production and a community education campaign, the old west college town, made famous when a gay male college stu­ dent was brutally murdered there, came alive in an old New England mill town. The Laramie Project (TLP) is a play that chronicles the re­ actions of community members to the murder of Matthew Shepard, 21, and to the trial of the two other young men convicted of his mur­ der (Kaufman, 2001). Based on more than 200 interviews of Laramie

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 residents, TLP was developed by Moises Kaufman and members of the Tectonic Theatre Company. The project described here helped to bring the lives and concerns of the gay community to center stage on our uni­ versity campus. The education campaign was designed to relate the play's themes to our campus and to promote tolerance. The purpose ofthis paper is two-fold: (1) to describe the planning and outcomes of the production and campaign; and (2) to identify factors associated with the project's success, particularly the roles of collaboration, and the arts for community building. Research, Community and Policy Issues 123

SETTING THE STAGE Theatre and Social Change Within the last century, there have been many proponents of the use of theatre for social change. One of the pioneers in the early part of the 20th century was Bertold Brecht, who believed that the goal of theatre was to instruct the audience and create an intellectual climate for social change. Part of Brecht's mechanism for doing this was to keep the audi­ ence distant-to force them to use their intellects as well as their emo­ tions (Wilson and Goldfarb, 2000). Augustus B<;>al, a disciple of Brecht, founded the Theatre of the Oppressed which focused on bringing the audience into the center of the dramatic experience, thus allowing them to experience (albeit at a fantasy level) the dramas going on in the story. Recently, theatre has been used in the struggle against the spread ofHIV (Bonkoungou, 2005; Madsen, 2002); against domestic violence (Sliep, 2004); for family planning (Morrison, 1995); and to teach parenting (Houston et al., 2001). Michael Rohd, founder of Hope is Vital, has used forum theatre, as it is called, in working with people who have HIV. Rohd (1998) describes his goals as being "to create safe spaces; to cre­ ate dialog; to explore choices and the consequences they bring ... [and] to utilize multiple perspectives different individuals bring as a positive tool" (p. xvii). Our dramatization ofTLP incorporated both of the above approaches to theatre. The structure of the play is in the Brechtian tradition. It is designed to educate the audience-not by telling them what to do-but, as Brecht said, by distancing them and allowing them to see the conse­ quences of behavior. Our methods of rehearsal, however, had elements of Boal's approach, bringing the players into the action, and allowing them to experiment with their roles and the meanings of individual atti­ tudes and actions. Our education efforts and post-production discussion allowed us to engage the larger community as active participants in expe­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 riencing multiple perspectives of the citizens of Laramie and their rele­ vance to our campus and community . Issues related to invisibility represent distinctive concerns for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (GLBT) communities as compared with members of other oppressed groups. Coming out is a complicated process associated with simultaneous benefits and costs, the latter ranging from possible loss of family or friends to social ostracism and physical violence. Choices regarding whether or not to remain "closeted" are ongoing and may be especially difficult for young adults renegotiating 124 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

sexual or cultural identities. Besides potential threats from the larger so­ ciety, diverse perspectives and cultures within GLBT communities may be challenging to negotiate. Invisibility occurs within heterosexist contexts and cultures that ex­ clude, ridicule, or demonize individuals and groups based on alternative. sexual identities or practices. Mainstream public discourse and cultural life reflect hostile religious and political agendas and allow contested social issues to be framed by dominant groups (Mulvey et aI., 2000). Theatre allows the public representation of experiences from the per­ spectives of marginal groups typically silenced and, in the case of GLBT people, often invisible. In the imaginary realm, unquestioned be­ liefs and inherent contradictions of the dominant culture may be depicted and challenged (Thomas and Rappaport, 1996). The use of the experien­ tial and of multiple subjectivities serves to pull in viewers and is less likely than didactic methods to be ignored or refuted or to exacerbate tensions (Boal, 1979; Kester, 1998; Rohd, 1998). The realm of the imaginary expands for performers who repeatedly enact and embody lived experiences that span individual, interpersonal and community levels. Performing TLP was intended to individually, interactively, and publicly reveal and challenge stereotyping, homophobia and hate while highlighting the diversity and complexity of identities and of beliefs and actions embedded in multilayered traditions and contexts of a campus community within a college town.

City and Campus Contexts

Located about 30 miles from Boston, Lowell is a mid-sized city of just over 100,000 people. America's fITst planned industrial city, Lowell has a rich labor history and has within it an urban national park that celebrates the history and traditions of women and of diverse ethnic and cultural groups. The city is home, in approximate order of arrival, to Irish, French Canadian, Greek, Portuguese, Hispanic, Southeast Asian and African

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 communities. Lowell's motto, "Art is the handmaid of human good," re­ flects early visions of a community designed to foster economic survival, cultural life and general well-being for all residents (Mulvey, 2002). Ethnic diversity is recognized with community-wide annual festivals and cultural events (e.g., Irish Heritage Week, Lowell Women' s Week, and Southeast Asian Water Festival). Ethnic rivalry has occa<;ionally erupted in violence but is more often manifested in group stereotypes and prejudice. In contrast, GLBT cultures and communities had had little visibility or public recognition in the city prior to the Massachusetts Supreme Court Research, Community and Policy Issues 125

ruling in favor of same sex marriage on November 18,2003. For over ten years, however, the city has co-sponsored a World AIDS Day program that has included individuals and groups from the gay community. The University of Massachusetts Lowell (UML) has over 11,000 stu­ dents on a campus that wraps around both sides of a winding river inter­ twining with local neighborhoods. Lowell is also home to a branch of Middlesex Community College (MCC). A GLBT student organization, Spectrum, has existed at the university for over 20 years. Formal support for Spectrum (e.g., funding, space) has grown over the years and the group now has large centrally located space in the student union building. For her master's thesis research, Craig (2002) conducted an assessment of campus climate for GLBT students. Based on qualitative interviews with 12 self-identified GLBT students, most of whom were women, and eight staff and faculty, invisibility emerged as a major concern. Respon­ dents reported that homophobic remarks and jokes were frequently made by other students, but not usually directed at individuals. Another recurrent theme was that homophobic incidents (e.g., graffiti, threats, verbal abuse directed at individuals) increased after public events, particularly edu­ cational rather than social events. In 2001, for example, "DYKES MUST DIE" was scribbled on a residence hall elevator door after Coming Out­ Coming Together Week, which was a new program (Craig, 2002, p. 28). One student reported that "the general attitude toward GLBT people is apa­ thetic" (p. 23), and another that "the campus is not hostile, but it's not friendly either" (p. 22). Overall, Craig concluded that most of the small stu­ dent sample felt safe and relatively satisfied and that our campus climate was generally similar to that reported on other campuses. A short time after Matthew Shepard died in the fall of 1998, Spectrum organized an outdoor vigil on campus. It drew a number of students and staff not affiliated with Spectrum in contrast to most of their events. An article about the vigil was in the campus paper. No backlash ensued. Some of the vigil participants would later participate in TLP.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 From V-Day to Laramie: Friendship and Success

TLP was initiated for a variety of reasons, but the most important one was that this paper's authors had recently finished a collaborative activist theatre project-the first of its kind on campus-that was a huge success. We are faculty in Lowell's Psychology Department and good friends, but our work does not frequently overlap. One of the authors (Charlotte) teaches experimental psychology with an emphasis on behaviorism and, at the time, was advisor to the drama and psychology clubs and 126 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

department chair. The other author (Anne) teaches women's studies and community psychology courses and was directing a campus-wide diversity center and working on a number of diversity projects. In 2001, one of Anne's students wanted to launch Eve Ensler's The Vagina Monologues as part of the V-Day College Campaign, a global drive to end violence against women (Ensler, 2001). Anne and Charlotte played leadership roles in V-Day and performed. Working together renewed and deepened our friendship. We wanted to expand the experience by doing a diversity-oriented play on a different topic. Charlotte discovered TLP and was immediately drawn to its content and form. Around the same time, ~e Spectrum advisor sent an e-mail about a film version ofTLP that was being aired locally. TLP was in the air and we wanted Laramie to come to Lowell. We already made a good team due to complementary scholarly areas, skills, and campus affiliations. Our public images and personal identities would be assets, too. Charlotte's "Jewish mother" image and leadership of mainstream student organiza­ tions complemented Anne's visibility as one of a few "out" gay faculty and her involvement with feminist, diversity, and social justice issues. Project Purposes

Our primary purpose in choosing TLP was to reach out to GLBT stu­ dents with a public campus-wide event that, hopefully, would attract other campus and community members. We wanted to encourage hon­ est and respectful conversation about homophobia and gay issues and to address the invisibility and sense of exclusion that many GLBT students experienced. We knew that campus and community groups concerned with equity and justice issues rarely included sexuality in conceptual analyses or the GLBT community in activist initiatives. Conscious­ ness-raising, education, community building, and activism were all goals of the project, but our primary purpose was to create a space in which members of the GLBT community, especially students, would be

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 literally center stage within a larger community of support.

THE CAST OF CHARACTERS: COLLABORATION AND BOUNDARY SPANNING

Tapping Existing Networks Just as divergent interests and social networks played an important role in V -Day, pre-existing relationships and networks were central to Research, Community and Policy Issues 127

TLP, including those strengthened by V-Day. The new initiative was sponsored by four large campus organizations that had played leader­ ship roles in V -Day: The Center for Diversity & Pluralism, the Psychol­ ogy Department, the GLBT student organization, Spectrum, and Student Services. The Center and a related Council provided administrative sup­ port and seed grant funding. Spectrum participated in planning and ran the concession. Student Services handled the box office and ticket sales. Though they were not formal sponsors, the drama club, Off Broadway Players (OBP), and the campus Media Center donated technical assis­ tance. The Psychology Department coordinated activities and served as a "public home place," a friendly space that bridged private and public spheres (Belenky, Bond and Weinstock, 1997; hooks, 1990). Enlisting the support of the above organizations was relatively easy due to recent collaboration and formal and informal ties. Each organiza­ tion agreed to take on roles similar to their V -Day roles, with Spectrum wanting more involvement. Students affiliated with each group had per­ formed in V -Day and/or helped with planning, outreach, or technical tasks. Many of these students joined the TLP initiative and many of them took on new or expanded roles. What follows is a summary of key participants'primary campus roles, their affiliations with lead organiza­ tions, and the types of interconnections that they had. University Faculty Two faculty members served in every aspect of the project-planning, education and outreach, fundraising, production and technical work, and acting. A large number of faculty members responded to our out­ reach by encouraging their classes to attend through extra credit mecha­ nisms; a few faculty helped in other ways. University Staff Four members contributed: one in all aspects of the production ex­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 cept for acting, the others primarily through education and outreach. Three were affiliated with Student Life and one with the Faculty Teach­ ing Center. In addition, the Media Center helped with equipment and technical support. The Counseling Center provided a counselor at the productions due to their potentially volatile topics. University Students There were roughly 18 students involved with the production who could be identified in several ways. One significant faction was involved 128 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

with Spectrum; several of these students were also leaders in student government. The second group was affiliated with OBP, only one of whom was involved in student government. The third group consisted of unaffiliated students who saw audition flyers and simply showed up (two of these students also worked at the Center for Diversity & Plural­ ism). There were psychology majors in all three groups. There were stu­ dents who had participated in V-Day across all three groups. The Spectrum-student government students tended to be active in the plan­ ning phase as well as the acting phase of the production. Many Spec­ trum students supported the event during the performances by running concession stands and information booths. The OBP tended to partici­ pate in acting and technical aspects of the performance and were less in­ volved in outreach and education.

Community College Students

There were approximately six community college students. Some of these students had performed with the OBP and a few also had links to the Merrimack Repertory Theatre, a regional theatre company in Lowell. These students tended to be involved primarily in the acting and techni­ cal aspects of the performance, but they did contribute to outreach efforts on their campuses.

Engaging the Community

There was only one person who did not have any affiliation with the above constituencies. Dovid Muyderman, our director, was a principal planner; he contributed to all aspects of the production and the project. From the inception of the project and throughout the planning process, efforts were made to enlist the help of as many additional groups as pos­ sible. We believed that engaging participants from different sectors of the campus and community would result in a stronger production, draw

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 an audience, and strengthen education and community-building out­ comes. We began our outreach efforts on campus and subsequently ex­ tended these efforts to the community college and the local community. In the opening essay of Art, Activism and Oppositionality, Kester (1998) argues that locally produced artistic activism has great power to "project new definitions of social reality" and "what is possible ... and just" (p. 16). Discussing artists in San Diego who combine art and activ­ ism, he notes the power of creating and re-creating aesthetic experi­ ences with collaboration: "Their long commitment to the area has Research, Community and Policy Issues 129

allowed them to develop their own community .... They are able to turn to this network for support, collaborative assistance, political and cul­ tural information, and as a bridge to new communities" (p. 16). In our project, boundary spanning was intentional. We enlisted groups with whom we had ongoing ties including a city-wide volunteer coalition that sponsored V-Day, the Lowell Women's Week Committee. Doing this attracted an unusually diverse mix of participants, fostered friend­ ship across boundaries, and formally and informally linked the campus and community organizations.

Planning the Project

A planning group of six students, two faculty members, and one staff member from the four lead sponsoring groups met every few weeks for about six months. Khaney Thanephonesy, an undergraduate working at the Center for Diversity & Pluralism, coordinated the group. The OBP was involved from the beginning as consultants and technical prob­ lem-solvers with Charlotte serving as liaison. By the time copyright permission and scripts were obtained, Khaney had recommended her partner, Dovid Muyderman, as director. Dovid, who had been a student at New York University's Tisch School of Drama, joined the planning committee and was excited about the opportunity, his first, to direct. There was a lot of brainstorming about every aspect of production­ auditions, costumes, lights, rehearsals, set and sound, to name a few. Some committee members expressed interest in combining the perfor­ mances with an education campaign. The campaign was titled Spec­ trum's Fight Against Hate to increase the group's visibility on campus. A seed grant from the Council on Diversity & Pluralism covered most of the production costs, but fundraising was needed to cover ancillary costs.

Fundraising Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Committee members had a number of ideas for fundraising in addi­ tion to ticket sales. The largest event by far was a benefit at an off-cam­ pus comedy club where one ofthe planners worked. Outreach was done on campus coupled with publicity about Spectrum and the upcoming play. Since the club was half an hour away in another city, we were not expecting to raise much money from the benefit, but felt that it would serve as advance pUblicity for the play. Organizers were very surprised and pleased when the benefit yielded almost $1,000. 130 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

The successful comedy club benefit increased the sense of commu­ nity among planners and participants. Most planners attended and many carne with partners, friends or colleagues. Groups ranging in size from two to a dozen or more were scattered around the dark cavernous room where the show was held. Gay and straight undergraduate and graduate students, staff, and faculty socialized together energized by the launch of the play and by involvement in a campaign to stop hate and foster community. Contradictions and paradoxes enrich and complicate activist efforts. The comedy benefit was no exception. The community building and friendship that blossomed that night were offset by the show's content. The humor was often sexual, sometimes "raunchy" and relied heavily on ethnic, racial, gender, and class stereotypes. Some were offended and others laughed hysterically. All but two of the performers were men. A campus news reporter later characterized the women comedians as having "very funny feminist approaches towards humor" (Fahey, 2002, p. 7). While people at our table appreciated that there were some women performers, most were disappointed that there were only two and that the material was not feminist. As faculty organizers, we experi­ enced growing discomfort with each inappropriate joke. At the same time, we felt proud of the students who organized the event and pleased with the profits.

Outreach and Publicity

One of our first tasks was to create a poster that would become identi­ fied with our production. The poster consisted of a sepia-colored photo­ graph of a western scene-a prairie with a fence in front. The information about our production, place, time, and access was superimposed on the photo in white and black. The fence is a powerful symbol because it was the location of Matthew Shepard's torture and ultimate murder. The

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 starkness of the scene and the boldness of the lettering evoked the play's content. A student in the planning group designed the poster. As a condition of recei ving permission to perform TLP, we were not allowed to do off-campus pUblicity because this was a student rather than a professional production. This precluded announcements in local newspapers and use of regional GLBT networks and news outlets. For­ tunately, however, advance pUblicity for the benefit had created a "buzz" about TLP, as did a follow-up article about the comedy club in the campus paper. Research, Community and Policy Issues 131

Publicity was also done through various articles, calendar listings, posted fliers, announcements in classes and meetings, university-wide e-mails, and by word of mouth. After some debate about the high cost, the planners decided to insert reduced-size posters in the campus news­ paper. The inserts were dispersed extensively on campus causing some­ thing of a litter problem, but remaining quite visible throughout the week. After debate about restrictions agreed to in the copyright con­ tract, less formal outreach was done at the community college, which most of us considered an extension of our campus. In a question on post-performance exit surveys (N = 151, approx. 25% response), audience members were asked to check how they heard about the play. Most respondents checked "other" (n = 66). The next most frequently checked option was "from a teacher" (n =35), followed by "read a flyer" (n = 32). Only 10 respondents checked "newspaper insert" which had been relatively expensive, but may have reinforced other outreach and provided specific information about event dates and location. The education campaign, described in the next section, was a particularly effective means of outreach; a number of faculty members, including some from the community college, attended with their classes. Many other students received extra credit for attending the play and/or writing a reaction paper. Our campus Office of Residence Life pur­ chased a large block of tickets and encouraged all student-staff to attend the playas part of in-service training. Over 20 residence hall staff at­ tended the play and many attended a post-performance discussion.

The Education Campaign

A discussion guide was developed by Anne with input from a few planning committee members. The guide raised several themes for dis­ cussion: definitions and forms of homophobia; fear within and between dominant and oppressed groups; traditions and symbols that serve to normalize homophobia; hate crimes as extreme expressions of norma­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tive beliefs and behaviors; and similarities and differences of forms of xenophobia. The final questions focused on the powerful roles of family and community, both positive and negative. They were designed to en­ courage brainstorming of change strategies that-might expose, challenge, and transform intolerance and hate. The themes were tied to the play by using characters or dialogue to "walk" people to Laramie and back to Lowell. For example, during his confession, one of the convicted killers, Aaron McKinney said that Matthew Shepherd "looked like a queer ... like a fag." Questions about 132 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

stereotyping, language and their relationship to hate crimes followed: Is there a special way oflooking gay? Do you think you can tell a person's sexual preference by looking at her or him? Do you think particular words or stereotypes about how members of a group look are related to hate crimes? Discuss ways that words may be used to hurt people. Questions were intended to encourage critical thinking and to reveal dynamic interrelatedness of individual and cOllllilunity level transfor­ mation. The protest organized by Reverend Fred Phelps! at Matthew's funeral and the character Romaine Patterson's response to it provided a good example:

I decided that someone had to stand toe-to-toe with this guy. And I think at times like this, when we're talking about hatred as much as the nation is right now, that someone needs to show that there is a better way of dealing with that kind of hatred. (Kaufman, 2001, p.79)

How might we apply this statement to situations in our local communi­ ties, in the U.S. and internationally, particularly given changes in do­ mestic and foreign policies since September 11, 2001 ? Both the internal and external landscapes had changed dramatically since Matthew was murdered in 1998 and our project in 2002, revealing the dynamics and politics of social change. Using excerpts from a riveting speech by Matthew's father asking the court to spare the perpetrators'lives to honor his son's memory, partici­ pants were asked to imagine what their reactions and choices might be to extreme violence or hate. Quotes by priests and ministers were used to highlight oppositional ways that religion may be used to interpret is­ sues, create meaning, and guide change. Participants were encouraged to identify specific examples and to discuss how religion, the Bible, reli­ gious beliefs, and rituals were used to make sense of and to respond to what had happened in Laramie.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 About three weeks prior to the performance, an outreach letter de­ scribing the play and giving information about obtaining curricular ma­ terials was sent to all UML faculty, deans and administrators, and to many staff. In addition, packets of material were assembled that in­ cluded the discussion guide we created; resource materials from the film shown on HBO (HBO, 2005); articles from the Teaching Toler­ ance website; a hate crimes flyer; information about Spectrum; and an article in The Boston Globe entitled, "Recalling Holocaust's rescuers, resisters" (Barlow, 2002). Packets were sent to about 100 selected UML Research, Community and Policy Issues 133

and MCC faculty and staff, a few teachers at the public high school and staff at community-based teen programs asking them to attend the play with their groups and encouraging them to hold post-performance conversations using the resource materials.

Taking Part and Parts

Early in the fall semester, audition notices were sent out for the show. Although TLP is typically performed with eight actors playing 64 roles, everyone who auditioned received parts since the wish was not to ex­ clude anyone. We deliberately arranged for multiple audition locations and times to accommodate school, family, and work demands. At the end of the audition process, we had 24 cast members, although the num­ ber dwindled to 20 by the time of the production. The first few rehearsals began with exercises. We worked on body movement, guided fantasy, improvisation, role play, risk-taking and trust. Spending time together and interacting in this way helped cast members get to know each other and quickly created a sense of commu­ nity. People were developing not only their theatrical personae, but also their roles within the group. Although it was clear that Dovid's artistic vision and acting skills were superb, as a young director and a contem­ porary of most of the students, his leadership skills had to expand. He was learning to balance his desire to be a well-liked member of the group with his need to get things to happen (e.g., props had to be brought, lines had to be learned, and rehearsals could not be missed). All cast members played multiple roles. In some cases, students asked for parts that reflected aspects of their own identities. A student who had emigrated from Southeast Asia as a child wanted the part of a young Muslim woman who describes the negative reactions of her peers when she chose to wear a headscarf. Another student wanted to play the young man who found Matthew: she was deeply moved by his response and wanted to perform a transgendered role consistent with her sense of

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 self. Other students were given roles that contrasted with their identi­ ties. Perhaps the most vivid example was the casting of a gay male stu­ dent as one of the killers. Most cast members played divergent roles enacting homophobic and gay affirmative characters, young and old, or Laramie residents and interviewers from New York City. Some GLBT cast members were out to everyone while others were not, and there was an unusual feeling of acceptance and freedom. Playing multiple roles meant that most cast members interacted closely with many others re­ sulting in a cohesive group that crossed traditional borders. Onstage and 134 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

off, roles were blurred creating a sense of community that was enhanced by the play's themes and intense emotional content and by the anti-hate campaign.

The Curtain Rises

The play opened to a packed house. Outside the theatre were a num­ ber of tables with material about homophobia, hate crimes, and campus and community resources and organizations. Programs were available as well as concessions with food and drinks. As the audience entered the theatre, a slide show was projected on a screen in front of the stage. The slides consisted of images of gay pride; Laramie, Wyoming including photos taken at the time of the murder; and members of our cast. A mu­ sic tape compiled by students was played in the background. Many indi­ viduals contributed to the making of this multi-media display. Performance. The Laramie Project is not staged like a traditional play with structured scenes. Rather, according to Kaufman, the play consists of many "moments" each of which "is simply a unit of theatri­ cal time that is then juxtaposed with other units to convey meaning" (2001, p. xiv).The staging of the play reflected the separateness of the moments Kaufman describes. The sets were minimal with just sugges­ tions of different areas-the bar where Matthew spent his last night,.the courthouse, and the jail. Each vignette was presented within a small cir­ cle of light in different parts of the stage. Actors playing multiple char­ acters sometimes changed costumes onstage. In Brechtian tradition, this forced the audience to "focus more on the issues than on the emotional responses to the characters" (UMass Lowell Shuttle, 2002; p. 6). The play closed with the illumination of the fence (the symbol of Matthew's murder) in frorit of a star-filled sky. In post performance evaluations many people (n =23) wrote the scene that was most moving or vivid for them was the final scene. One person said, "As Matthew was dying on

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 that fence the last thing he saw were the lights over Laramie." Post performance discussion. On opening night, ajunior and a senior faculty member, both men, led a post performance discussion with about 50 audience members including a woman who had lived in Laramie and worked as a reporter there during the period covered in the play. The discussion, lively throughout, began with the observation by an audience member that society is "hard on people who are different." Others noted "the powerful focus on tolerance"in the play and said that the cast did a great job "bringing it to life." Research, Community and Policy Issues 135

Dovid, the director, pointed out that the play was written in a very "Brechtian style"-intentionally open and simple so that you "feel the pain of Laramie specifically but then ... the end leaves it open to pro­ voke dialogue." It did. A young woman noted that "even today we use language like 'homo' and 'fag' and don't even think of what a negative impact it has on some people;" another person compared language like this to derogatory racist terms no longer considered acceptable. A male student remarked, "Gays use the terms, too, and feel okay with it." One of the facilitators suggested that this might reflect internalized homophobia or cultural norms. A young man said, "it takes the sting out of it"; and someone else thought that the meaning of "queer" had perhaps changed. The discussion shifted to extreme effects of intolerance including "wife-beating" and "terrorism." The fence evoked "scenes of people in camps being shot" for one audience member; another said that it was "impossible not to put Matt in the same thing and see [his murder] as a total hate thing." Incidents on campus were recounted including arrows and graffiti that pointed to the door of an audience member. While the residence hall advisor cleaned it up, s/he didn't follow-up formally. Questions as to why hate crimes laws were not more broadly enacted and enforced arose, to which a student responded, "If they're not going to do it at UML, how can we expect the police or society to deal with it?" Someone pointed out that some Laramie residents felt that it was "okay to beat him [Matthew] up but not that much." Another audience member agreed with the priest in the play who said, "it's all of us." Views differed on the extent to which Laramie and Lowell were simi­ lar or different. A gay male student felt that "every town is this kind of town"and that "you had to hide to be safe." He also said: "I'm safe be­ cause I don't tell you I'm gay." Most people who spoke thought that what happened in Laramie could have happened anywhere.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Many issues rarely spoken about in public forums on campus were discussed openly, respectfully and with diverse viewpoints expressed. People listened to each other. A few comments were made about the power of art to engage and provoke and about the importance of finding ways to put social justice topics in the "public eye." There seemed to be agreement that it's "everybody's responsibility to change." Saying that the performance was "extremely moving," one of the facilitators ended the discussion by noting that "in 38 years I think it's one of the best events of its kind." 136 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

WAS THE LARAMIE PROJECT A SUCCESS?

By all indicators The Laramie Project was a great success, certainly in the short tenn. All three performances were well attended; the first was sold out. Although audience members consisted largely of students and their families, a,broader audience was reached as well. When asked "why they attended the play," one evaluator wrote that "since her son came-out she had more awareness of intolerance toward gays"; another wrote that "she taught diversity courses on another campus"; and an­ other that "[I]t was for a school assignment. But it was also important for me', being a gay student." "My husband was gay. He died of HIV" and "I care" were among the reasons given. It is likely that the project reached close to 700 people. On a campus like Lowell, where most stu­ dents commute and do not return to campus once they leave, this is an outstanding success. Audience comments after the play were enthusiastic and laudatory, too. An alumnus of more than 20 years approached Charlotte to say that he wished there had been such support for coming-out when he was at school. Charlotte, his academic advisor and long-time teacher, had not known until then that he was gay. Local press coverage was highly fa­ vorable and extended the,program's impact. The program received an award as the outstanding collaborative program of the year and two stu­ dents who had played leadership roles received prestigious awards for outstanding student leadership that came with full year tuition scholarships. Anne created a seminar on cultural work and social change that used The Laramie Project Stop the Hate Campaign as a case study. The sem­ inar was offered in our department's community social psychology master's program which has as a central goal examining relationships of individual and group well-being within multi-layered social and politi­ cal contexts in order to encourage safety and well-being for all commu­ nity members. Interdisciplinary in content since its inception in the 1960s, community psychology emerged as a sub-field of psychology in

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 response to social critiques encouraged by the US civil rights and re­ lated social movements (Mulvey, 1988). Clinical models were consid­ ered inadequate since they were inaccessible to low-income groups, culturally inappropriate for ethnic minority groups, and potentially vic­ tim-blaming since individualistic models tend to obscure the effects of systemic inequalities on mental health. Using cultural work to human­ ize public space and facilitate conversation of oppositional perspectives 'opens up possibilities for change within textured contexts. Embedding discussion in lived experience reduces tendencies to engage in absolutist Research, Community and Policy Issues 137

or moralistic rhetoric. In Justice and the Politics of Difference, Iris Young (1990) argues consciousness-raising cannot take place in the ab­ stract and that political and therapeutic change processes are related in complex ways:

People will be motivated to reflect on themselves and their rela­ tions with others only in concrete social situations of cooperation where they recognize problems .... There is a step in politicizing the culture prior to the therapeutic, namely the affirmation of a positive identity by those experiencing cultural imperialism. (p. 155)

Though not often used in community psychology, projects like our campaign have tremendous transformative potential (Rudkin, 2003; Thomas and Rappaport, 1996). Using Lowell's TLP as a case study was especially effective because it provided a local example that bridged our campus with the Laramie campus, and homophobia there and here. Some students who took the course had participated in TLP and their experience enriched the class. Students reviewed all aspects of the campaign: the V -Day College Campaign pre-history, organizing and implementing artistic and educa­ tion components, and multiple indicators of success as evidenced in evaluations, press coverage and informal reactions. They reflected on their unquestioned beliefs, the potential small-scale interventions have for social change, and ways that psychological research and practice re­ flect entrenched social, political and religious traditions even as they dynamically influence each other. Most importantly, the TLP case study helped students to consider the variety of choices and types of power each and every member of a community has to root or to uproot seeds of hate including those who act in the role of public official, religious leader, bartender, cabdriver, or straight or gay psychology student or faculty.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 The long-term successes of TLP for the cast members and planners were even more profound. For example, describing her performance as Romaine West, Kristin Smith said:

I was standing up there and the script said to cry, but I really was, and the actors had to console me after I performed. I hope in seeing this, the audience's view of things are challenged, or they are still talking about it long after they walk out of the theater ... (cited in Bates, 2002; p. 9) 138 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

The development of trust while working with this profoundly emotional topic, spanning of traditional boundaries, and the mentoring relation­ ships established within the cast created deep and lasting connections.

CONCLUSION: "ALL THE WORLD'S A STAGE"

At the end of her book chronicling the rippling effects of Matt Shepard's murder in Laramie, Loffreda (2000) discusses gay affirma­ tive and homophobic activism that spans micro and macro levels and highlights opposing strategies and perspectives between and within groups. Observing that "change happens in a multitude of places, through a multitude of styles" (p. 180), Loffreda argues that ongoing ac­ tivism and gay-straight alliances played critical roles in inching toward safety and equity in Laramie. She concludes: "[Y]ou create power ... by acting like it's already in your possession-by starting an organization or standing before politicians as if they should listen to you. No one-espe­ cially if you're gay-is going to give that power to you"(p. 180). In a sense, then, "all the world is a stage . .." (Shakespeare, n.d.). We create our own and others ' identities, meanings and worth through interactive performances on a public stage, just as we learn to do gender through performing it (Butler, 1990). A play re-creates or re-enacts life. We must learn and teach that our actions are part of a larger performance on the stage that is our world and that our parts, even if they are bit parts or minor roles, in tum change the scene in some way. Since public invisi­ bility and relative powerlessness are experienced by the GLBT commu­ nity, acting publicly and performing power have the potential to be personally and politically transformative. When allies join in the perfor­ mance, the potential for change expands exponentially. When we act out or embody the world we want to see, or we act as if the world we want exists, we are creating that world. We are socially

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 constructing that which we desire as we deconstruct or destabilize the world performance that has cast us in the role of villain, upstaged us or not scripted us a part at all. Performing TLP on stage and the community education project created public visibility for our GLBT community as central valued community members, as part of an "us"in shared commu­ nity, not as "other." We believe that the staging of TLP and the education campaign have had positive ripple effects spanning and connecting individual and com­ munity levels, but they are not easily tracked. Although TLP visited Research, Community and Policy Issues 139

Lowell several years ago, the project purposes are as vivid and as rele­ vant as ever. On June 6th, 2005, Rebekah Phelps-Davis-the daughter of the minister who protested at Matthew Shepard's funeral-was in Lowell and a neighboring town to protest the selection of an essay about lesbian comedienne Ellen DeGeneris as the winner of a middle school essay contest (Shaughnessey, 2005). Phelps-Davis and others from a church in Kansas spewed hatred against those who are gay, the pope, and many others with signs that said, "God hates fags" and "God hates America" (Phelps, 2005, p. 1). Hundreds of local residents participated in coun­ ter-protests including ministers from local churches, members of two new grassroots groups created to retain the right to same sex marriage and to oppose the u.S. war in Iraq, respectively. A front page headline about the protests, "Signs of tolerance meet signs of hate," is underneath a picture of five young women who are holding gay affirmative signs; one of them a student on our campus gender studies committee (Shaughnessey, 2005, p. 1). A few weeks earlier, on the first anniversary of same sex marriage in Massachusetts, the Greater Lowell Equality Alliance held its second public event, "Celebration ofPride."More people attended than was ex­ pected (about 200) and most of them were straight allies. The group crossed and integrated personal, cultural and political boundaries as did the TLP group but with joy rather than grief. Lesbian and gay couples­ including UML alumni, students, staff and faculty-told and listened to stories about getting married and experiencing civil rights and public support not imagined just 18 months earlier. News of the antigay pro­ tests planned for June 6th heightened our sense of shared purpose, meaning, and community. Laramie is alive in Lowell as it is in all shared and divided communi­ ties. Each of us creates and re-creates ourselves within multilayered contexts learning, unlearning, and transforming our selves and commu­ nities from inside out and outside in as was enacted in TLP. Sometimes collaborative energy, community and creativity sparkle brightly as they

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 did in the TLP campaign or in Lowell's recent "Celebration of Pride." Other times, marginalization, fear, or hate deepens divisions within and between us. In TLP, Father Schmidt says that we must learn from the killers by asking them, "What did we as a society do to teach you that?" and that each of us has choices about what to learn and what to teach and whether to root or uproot "seeds of violence." Taking a position against death sentences for the men who murdered Matthew, Doc O'Connor­ the cab driver who drove him to the bar the night he was attacked-offers 140 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

a similar message: "Matt would not want those two to die .... Just like the whole world hoped that Matt would survive. The whole thing ... ropes around hope, H-O-P-E" (Kaufman, 2001, p. 72). The Laramie Project and education campaign embodied and reflected on conse­ quences and possibilities related to hate and violence and on social change that challenges them. Through collaborating and performing, we cre­ ated "moments" of visibility for GLBT students, of safety, of activism, and of community. We hope at least of few of those moments continue to sparkle on campus, in Lowell and in each of us.

NOTE

1. The Reverend Fred Phelps is the leader of the small but vocally antihomosexual Westboro Baptist Church in Topeka, Kansas. Phelps and his followers picketed Mat­ thew Shepard's funeral with signs stating "God Hates Fags." The beliefs of this group can be found at the website: www.godhatesfags.com. For a critical view of Phelps and his group, see http://www.baptistwatch.org/fredphelps.html.

REFERENCES

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Kaufman, M. & Members of the Tectonic Theatre Company. (2001), The Laramie Pro­ ject. New York: Vintage. Kester, G.H. (Ed.) (1998), Art, Activism & Oppositionality. Durham, NC: Duke Uni­ versity Press. Loffreda, B. (2000), Losing Matt Shepard: Life and Politics in the Aftermath of Anti-gay Murder. New York: Columbia University Press. Madsen, 1.S. (2002), Reflections on HIV and AIDS education communicating a behav­ ioural change: Forum theatre as an alternative approach. Retrieved June 13,2005 from http://taft.hiof.no/students/peter/. Morrison, J.F. (1995), Feminist theatre in Africa: Will it play in Ouagadougou? Howard J. Communications, 5:245-253. Mulvey, A. (1988), Community psychology and feminism: Tensions and commonali­ ties. 1. Community Psychology, 16:70-83. Mulvey, A. (2002), Gender, economic context, perceptions of safety and quality of life: A case study of Lowell, Massachusetts (U.S.A.). American 1. Community Psychol­ ogy, 30(5):655-679. Mulvey, A., Terenzio, M., Bond, M.A., Hill, J., Huygens, I., Hamerton, H. & Cahill, S. (2000), Stories of relative privilege: Power and social change in feminist commu­ nity psychology. American J. Community Psychology, 28:883-911. Phelps, D. (2005), It's a sign of how ugly people can be. The Lowell Sun, pp. 1, 6, June 7. . Rohd, M. (1998), Theatre for Community, Conflict & Dialog: The Hope is Vital Train­ ing Manual. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Rudkin, 1.K. (2003), Community Psychology: Guiding Principles and Orienting Con­ cepts. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Shaughnessey, D. (2005), Signs of tolerance meet signs of hate. The Lowell Sun, pp. 1, 6, June 7. Sliep, Y. (2004), Narrative theatre as an interactive community approach to mobilizing collective action in Northern Uganda. Families, Systems & Health, 22:306-320. Thomas, E. & Rappaport, 1. (1996), Art as community narrative: A resource for social change. In: Myths about the Powerless: Contesting Social Inequalities, eds. M.B. Lykes, A. Banuazizi, R. Liem & M. Morris. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, pp. 317-336. UMass Lowell Shuttle. (2002), The Laramie Project extends performance to the class­ room. p. 6, December 11. Wilson, E. & Goldfarb, A. (2000), Living Theater: A History, (3rd Ed.) Boston: McGraw-Hili Higher Education. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Young, I.M. (1990), Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

doi: lO.1300/J236vlln03_07 This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Activism in the Schools: Providing LGBTQ Affirmative Training to School Counselors

Joy S. Whitman, PhD Stacey S. Horn, PhD Cyndy J. Boyd, PhD

SUMMARY. Research suggests that school experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans gender, and questioning youth are overwhelmingly negative and that anti-LGBTQ violence and victimization in school lead to both acute and chronic negative developmental outcomes for these youth. The counseling psychology profession is uniquely situated to ad­ dress and ameliorate these negati ve environments by providing training and support to school counselors on LGBT youth and prevention education.

Joy S. Whitman is Associate Professor of Education at DePaul University, Chicago, IL. Stacey S. Hom is Assistant Professor, Educational Psychology, College of Education (m/c 147), 1040 West Harrison Street, University of Illinois, Chicago, IL 60607 (E-mail: [email protected]). Cyndy 1. Boyd is Associate Director for Training, 1200 West Harrison Street, Suite 2010, University of Illinois, Chicago, IL 60607 (E-mail: [email protected]). Address correspondence to: Joy S. Whitman, PhD, School of Education, DePaul Univer­ sity, 2320 North Kenmore Avenue, Chicago, IL 60614 (E-mail: [email protected]). The authors would like to thank Joe Hollendoner, Kirk Bell, Shannon Kenney, and Aren Drehobl, past organizers of the Summer Institute, as well as the members of GLSEN Chicago's Education and Training Committee for their work in planning, or­ ganizing, and conducting the Summer Institute each year. This article would not have been possible without their hard work. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 [Haworth co-indexing entry note): "Activism in the Schools: Providing LGBTQ Affirmative Training to School Counselors." Whitman, Joy S., Stacey S. Hom, and Cyndy J. Boyd. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) VoL II, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 143-154; and: Activism andLGBT Psychology (ed: JudithM. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 143-154. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]). Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_08 143 144 ACTNISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

This article describes a model developed in partnership between a com­ munity-based organization and a local University to train school coun­ selors and other educational professionals to be agents of change within their own school community toward creating safer and supportive envi­ ronments for LGBTQ youth. doi:lO.1300/J236vlln03_08 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800- HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Activism, community-based organizations, counseling, counseling psychology, gay, homophobia, homosexuality, lesbian, ques­ tioning, schools, transgender, youth

INTRODUCTION

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth are faced with serious challenges in school, such as developing a positive LGBT identity and succeeding academically within the context of phys­ ically and psychologically hostile environments. The literature has identified a variety of factors that contribute to this lack of safety, such as verbal and physical harassment, intimidation by peers,homophobic and heterosexist behavior of professional staff, and societal communi­ cation that gender non-conformity and non-heterosexual sexual identi­ ties are unacceptable (Black & Underwood, 1998; Chen-Hayes, 2001; Fontaine, 1998; Kosciw,2004). To underscore the severity of this issue, two recent reports regarding school climate for LGBTQ youth, the 2003 Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) National School Climate Survey and the 2001 Human Rights Watch report, Hatred in the Hallways, document the adverse and often hostile experiences faced by sexual minority youth in school and the impact that these environ­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 ments have on students' social, emotional, and academic development (Bochenek & Brown, 2001; Kosciw, 2004). Of critical importance in the schools are professional staff who advocate for LGBTQ students to ensure their safety and success. Counseling psychologists can be such advocates by training the school personnel who serve LGBTQ youth. This article addresses how psychologists can incorporate activism in their practice by training school counselors to be LGBTQ affirmative in the schools. Given that most school counselors receive little or no train­ ing on sexual and gender identity, a three-day program was designed by Research, Community and Policy Issues 145

counseling psychologists for school counselors to enhance the latter's knowledge base and support their efforts with LGBTQ youth. The part­ nership between the psychologists and school counselors was realized through a specialized module of an annual Summer Institute entitled, Creating safe schools for all: A training course on preventing anti-LGBTQ harassment in schools. The Institute is for all school personnel. It is organized and conducted by the Chicago chapter of the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN), a national education organi­ zation devoted to creating safe schools for all students. An overview of the major components and rationale for the LGBTQ affirmative training are presented below.

ISSUES FACING LGBTQ STUDENTS

Many of the experiences of LGBTQ youth inthe schools are prob­ lematic and serve as impediments to learning. Studies have shown that students who identify as LGBTQ find it difficult to invest in their own intellectual, social, and emotional development if and when they are distracted by harassment, violence, ignorance, and name-calling, all of which may engender feelings of isolation, vulnerability, and in­ visibility and contribute to poor academic performance and social isola­ tion (Callahan, 2001; Cooley, 1998; D' Augelli, 1998; Henning-Stout, James and Mcintosh, 2000; Kosciw, 2004; Marinoble, 1998; McFarland & Dupuis, 2001; Rivers andD' Augelli, 2001; Robinson, 1994). Coping with these experiences often results, when compared with heterosexual youth, in higher incidences of substance abuse/use, promiscuity, truancy, suicide, sexual and physical abuse, isolation from family and friends, homelessness, and a pressure to abide by gender conforming norms. The effect, academically, is significant. The 2003 GLSEN National School Climate Survey of 887 LGBTQ youth indicated that three­ quarters of the students surveyed did not feel safe in school because of

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 peer and teacher reaction to their sexual identity or gender expression. Left with few options, students commonly choose to miss class or entire days of school, leading to poor academic performance and low grades that are not reflective of their true ability. Not surprisingly, LGBTQ stu­ dents in such environments tend to have lower academic aspirations and therefore are more likely to have significantly lower GPAs and less likely to pursue a college education than are their peers (Kosciw, 2004). In the report of the 2001 Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Survey, in which 4,204 students in grades 9-12 participated, 16.4% of sexual 146 ACTiVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

minority youth versus 7.6% of all other students reported skipping school because they felt unsafe (Massachusetts Department of Educa­ tion, 2002). They found that "sexual minority youth were significantly less likely than their peers to report receiving mostly A's, B's, and C's in the year before the survey, or have perceived parent or adult family support" (p. 114). However, when students perceived any level of support from an adult at school, it was noted to be instrumental in their ability to obtain good grades and participate in extracurricular and vol­ unteer activities. Thus, outreach from an affirming school counselor could be critical to the academic and social success of LGBTQ youth who have few alternative supports.

THE ROLE OF SCHOOL COUNSELORS

School counselors are in a unique position to advocate for all students, to promote diversity, and to eliminate barriers that effect learning (Baumann and Sachs-Kapp, 1998; Erford, House and Martin, 2003; Hernandez and Seem, 2004; Robinson, 1994). They are guided by their professional organizations, the American Counseling Association (ACA) and the American School Counseling Association (ASCA), to engage in advo­ cacy in their roles as school counselors. Specifically, ACA's Advocacy Competencies (2003) instruct counselors to "recognize the impact of social, political, economic, and cultural factors on human development" (p. 8) and outline the goals and skills counselors need to "act as change agents in the systems that affect their own students and clients most di­ rectly" (p. 44). The ASCA National Model for School Counseling Pro­ grams (2003) directs school counselors to remove barriers that hinder student development, to promote systemic change that supports all stu­ dents' academic achievement, and to be leaders in the school reform

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 necessary to ensure student success. In other words, the National Model recognizes the importance of advocacy as one of the school counselor's primary roles. Changing the school climate and engaging in advocacy activities are of particular importance to LGBTQ youth whose academic success, personal safety, and identity development are often compromised by hostile environments. McFarland and Dupuis affirm that "advocacy for gay and lesbian youth is linked to the core ideals of the school: equality, respect, and citizenship" (200 1,p. 178). School counselors uphold those Research, Community and Policy Issues 147

ideals and work toward furthering the mission of schools by taking on a leadership role. Hernandez and Seem state that:

... school counselors can serve as an epicenter of catalytic change not only with individual students, but also within entire school and community systems. While changing a school climate is every­ one's responsibility, school counselors can playa leadership role in this effort because of their specialized knowledge and training. (2004, p. 261)

Marinoble (1998) suggests a variety of ways in which school coun­ selors can serve the needs ofLGBTQ youth and alter the school climate. These include addressing school policy so that language is inclusive and policy is nondiscriminatory; effecting change in the curriculum so that the histories of LGBTQ individuals are included, language is nongender specific, and LGBTQ experiences are discussed in a positive light; cre­ ating support services for students, teachers, parents, and administrators including resource materials, materials that reflect LGBTQ individuals; conferring with parents around sexual and gender identity issues; and providing staff development for faculty and administration so that they too can become resources and trainers. Additionally, school counselors can provide educational communities with gender role workshops (Hernandez and Seem, 2004), help to educate local community resources such as police and clergy on hate crimes and violence against LGBTQ youth (Chen-Hayes, 2001) and disseminate accurate and up-to-date information about healthy sexual behavior (Cooley, 1998). School counselors and mental health professionals are often unpre­ pared to provide LGBTQ affirmative services due to inadequate training on relevant issues in graduate programs (Biaggio et al., 2003; Callahan, 2001; Fontaine, 1998; Israel and Hackett, 2004; Phillips and Fischer, 1998; Sherry, Whilde and Patton, 2005; Whitman, 1995). However,

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Sherry et aI.' s (2005) survey of counseling and clinical doctoral programs'push toward incorporating trainings on LGB issues into coursework found that the trend in training for psychologists is improv­ ing. Courses specific to multicultural issues do address LGB issues (71 % of the programs offering such a course incorporate LGB issues), though only 21 % of the programs surveyed reported that courses not specifically multicultural in focus incorporated LGB issues. These results highlight the increasing ability of psychologists to serve as re­ sources in this area. 148 ACTlV1SM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Fontaine's (1998) study of 101 school counselors serving grades K-12 assessed the level of competence school counselors believed they pos­ sessed for counseling lesbian and gay students (bisexual, trans gender and questioning youth were not included). The majority of the respondents reported perceiving themselves as having some level of competence (mean of 2.9 on a 5-point scale where 1 indicates not at all and 5 indicates very) while 8% reported a high level of competence and 8% reported a low or no level of competence. Of note, only 2% reported receiving any in-service training at their schools. This finding underscores the need to provide school counselors with the appropriate training.

PSYCHOLOGISTS AS ADVOCATES FOR SCHOOL COUNSELORS AND LGBTQ YOUTH

Psychologists are positioned well to offer this training. Counseling psychologists are prepared to understand human development, to recog­ nize cultural and individual differences, to appreciate psychological consequence to distress within the context with which it is experienced, and to facilitate communication between individuals and groups (What is a counseling psychologist?, 1999). In addition, the 2000 "Guidelines for Psychotherapy with Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients" adopted by the American Psychological Association (APA) provides psychologists with a roadmap by which they are to serve LGB clients and outlines the knowledge base they must possess to do so. Lastly, The National Asso­ ciation of School Psychologists' (NASP) position statement adopted in 2004 directs school psychologists to not only support "equal access to education and mental health services for sexual minority youth within public and private schools" (para. 2) but to do so by educating those with whom the student interacts and through advocacy efforts that ad­ dress these students' needs within the school and larger communities. This kind of transformation can be accomplished through social ac­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tivism at the institutional level, to amplify the traditional methods of change via individual and group psychotherapy. Vera and Speight (2003) challenged counseling psychologists to go beyond the use of psycho­ therapy as the exclusive tool of social change and invited psychologists to engage in social justice activity at a systems level when addressing issues of multicultural competence. In their view, to do otherwise ignores the institutional barriers that reinforce oppression and contrib­ ute to the mental illness of clients. Humphrey (1996) presented a similar challenge to clinical psychologists' exclusive focus on psychotherapy: Research, Community and Policy Issues 149

"psychologists can more effectively benefit society by making long­ term commitments to improving social institutions (e.g., public schools) and social policy than they can do by doing psychotherapy" (p. 195). These approaches are also articulated by the Prevention Section within the Society of Counseling Psychology, a division of the American Psy­ chology Association, the mission of which includes advocacy and public interest initiatives. Just as school counselors are called by their profession to engage in advocacy, so are psychologists. In the March 2004 edition of The Counseling Psychologist, Romano and Kachgal challenged the counseling psychology profession to engage itself more professionally in a partnership with school counseling. Though this can take many forms, one powerful approach is a partnership in which counseling psychologists are trainers of school counselors for "prevention to promote systemic change and improvements in schools and communities" (p. 188) and as advocates to educate in public policy. This partnership is essentially a vehicle by which counseling psychologists engage in activism by offering training to school counselors in preven­ tion education and advocacy for LGBTQ youth. In so doing, school counselors can learn how to remove barriers to learning for LGBTQ youth by offering LGBTQ affirmative services. These goals are addressed in the training for school counselors and teachers, a collabo­ rative project initiated by GLSEN-Chicago.

CREATING SAFE SCHOOLS FOR ALL: A TRAINING COURSE ON PREVENTING ANTI-LGBT HARASSMENT IN SCHOOLS

The Summer Institute training model developed out of an intensive strategic planning process conducted by the Chicago chapter of the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN). Prior to that time, the organization had engaged in training school personnel regard­ ing the protection and support of LGBTQ youth through a voluntary

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 speaker's bureau. However, this was not the most effective strategy for creating long-term systemic change within schools because the predominantly voluntary nature of the speaker's bureau made it diffi­ cult to coordinate school requests with speaker expertise, to control the quality of the training session, or to provide any long-term follow-up or technical assistance for the schools. Thus, during the 2002 strategic planning process, the steering committee of GLSEN Chicago developed an alternative model to creating systemic change within schools for LGBTQ youth, faculty, and families. 150 ACTlV1SM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

The philosophy of the new model was to provide school personnel and students with training and technical assistance so that they could become agents of change within their own school communities. Rather than providing piecemeal trainings to the few schools requesting ser­ vices, the organization decided that a more effective strategy was to train groups of students, teachers, administrators, and counselors from specifically targeted school communities to be agents of change within their own schools. Thus, the idea of the Summer Institute was born, an intensive three-day training course held at a local university during the summer. Though initiated by GLSEN Chicago, it is collaboration amongst GLSEN, the College of EQucation at a local university, and a number of local LGBTQ community organizations. The overall purpose of the Summer Institute is to develop individ­ uals' knowledge and skills so that they can become agents of change within their own school communities. This is accomplished by educating school personnel about LGBTQ youth and the issues they face. Partici­ pants are provided with opportunities to practice creating and conduct­ ing training for their own school community. In essence, the Summer Institute utilizes a train-the-trainers model of effecting school change, and it supports participants throughout the school year by providing technical assistance to conduct staff development training within their school communities. An additional goal of the Summer Institute is to build a community of individuals engaged in this work who can provide support and mentoring for each other. The Institute is conducted over three-days at a local university by GLSEN Chicago staff and volunteers such as teachers, university professors, psychologists, and education students. The Institute's curricu­ lum has four main components: (1) enhancing participants' knowledge related the LGBTQ youth and the issues they face in schools; (2) modeling different types of training activities that could be used in staff develop­ ment; (3) providing participants with opportunities to create, practice, and receive feedback on a training· session geared toward their own

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 school community; and (4) introducing participants to fundamental community organizing principles so that they are prepared to effectively advocate for change in their own school community. The first day of the Institute is spent establishing a common language and presenting participants with the current research, theory and informa­ tion on youth development; the development of sexual orientation and identity; the experiences ofLGBTQ youth in schools; and legal and pol­ icy issues affecting LGBT youth and schools. Specific to school coun­ selors is a workshop on counseling strategies and identity development Research, Community and Policy Issues 151

in which psychological models of sexual identity development and cor­ responding counseling interventions appropriate for LGBTQ youth are presented. All participants are introduced to the GLSEN Lunchbox training model (GLSEN, 2005), a training program resource produced by GLSEN national, as well as the other resources used throughout the Institute. They are also provided a resource binder that includes resources from a multitude of other organizations, both national and local to the Chicago community. The second day of the Institute builds on the foundational knowledge disseminated on day one with concepts relevant to gender identity. School counselors attend a separate training thereafter on counseling in­ terventions with gender non-conforming youth. The remainder of the second day and the first half of the third day of the institute are focused on modeling different kinds of activities that can be incorporated into staff development trainings and having participants create and practice a train­ ing they can use in their own school community. Additional activities for both days include a performance by a local LGBT youth theatre company and youth panel, a session on dealing with resistant administrators, par­ ents, and/or community members, and a session on community organiz­ ing and dealing with the media. Attention to the multiplicity of identities held by all individuals is woven throughout the Institute and is high­ lighted by engaging participants in an experiential exercise illuminating issues of power and privilege in our society. The intent of all activities and workshops is to engage participants to reflect on and discuss the ma­ terial presented with the ultimate vision of utilizing the information learned in conducting similar trainings at their schools.

CONCLUSIONS

Over the course of the three years conducting the Summer Institute, almost 75 school personnel and pre-service educational professionals

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 from over '15 school communities have been trained. Additionally, a number of these individuals have gone on to conduct or bring to their schools staff development trainings, ranging from voluntary sessions as part of a staff institute day to mandatory all-staff trainings. Overall, Summer Institute participants have been responsible for training over 500 school personnel at 5 schools since 2003. In this brief amount of time, more school personnel have been exposed to issues important to LGBTQ youth than would have been if the original speaker's bureau approach remained the primary voice for change. 152 ACTiVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

While the full impact of the Summer Institute on creating long-term systemic change for LGBTQ youth, counselors, teachers, and families in schools has yet to be evaluated or realized, the success of the program in he~ping school personnel become agents of change is apparent. At the close of the institute each year, participants' state that they feel highly motivated and prepared to be a leader in their school on creating a safe environment for LGBT youth. Further, participants evaluate the insti­ tute very positively (between 4.6 and 5.0 on a 5.0 scale across the three years) and many participants comment on the immediate relevance and appJicability of the knowledge and skills gained at the institute. The number of participants who become engaged in the broader work of GLSEN Chicago and the safe schools movement locally and nationally is also evidence of the Institute's .impact on developing agents of change. For example, former participants now sit on GLSEN Chicago's board of directors, serve on a number of other GLSEN Chicago commit­ tees, and have been involved in planning and presenting at subsequent Institutes. Additionally, the Institute, as a vehicle of advocacy for psy­ chologists, fosters a partnership between counseling psychology and school counseling and promotes "systemic change and improvements in schools and communities" (Romano and Kachgal, 2004, p. 188). With the infusion of affirmative LGBTQ counseling strategies into the curriculum of counseling psychology programs per the recommen­ dations outlined in the APA (2000) guidelines for psychotherapy with LGB clients, counseling psychologists can transform their "knowledge into advocacy with school counselors through such educational partner­ ships. Counseling psychologists can also offer in-service training on LGBTQ youth to school counselors, teachers, and administrators directly or act as on-going consultants to school counselors. There are a variety of ways counseling psychologists can be advocates of LGBTQ youth through their partnerships with school counselors and national and community organizations. Education and prevention programs, such as

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 the Summer Institute, are hallmarks of counseling psychology and school counseling, and this kind of collaboration is a creative and effective strategy of advocacy for LGBTQ youth.

REFERENCES

American Counseling Association. (2003), Advocacy Competencies. Retrieved August 2, 2005 from http://www.counseling.org/ContentlNavigationMenu/ RESOURCES/ADVOCACYCOMPETENCIES/advocacy _competencies I.pdf. Research, Community and Policy Issues 153

American School Counselor Association. (2003), The ASCA National Model: A Frameworkfor School Counseling Programs. Alexandria, VA: Author. Bauman, S. & Sachs-Kapp, P. (1998), A school takes a stand: Promotion of sexual ori­ entation workshops by counselors. Professional School Counseling, 1(3):42-45. Biaggo, M., Orchard, S., Larson, J., Petrino, K. & Mihara, R. (2003), Guidelines for gay/lesbianlbisexual-affirmative educational practices in graduate psychology. Professional Psychology: Research & Practice, 34(5):548-554. Black, J. & Underwood, J. (1998), Young, female, and gay: Lesbian students and the school environment. Professional School Counseling, 1(3): 15-20. Bochenek, M. & Brown, A.W. (2001), Hatred in the Hallways: Violence andDiscrimi­ nation Against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Students in U.S. Schools. New York: Human Rights Watch. Callahan, C. (2001), Protecting and counseling gay and lesbian students. J. Humanistic Counseling, Education & Development, 40(1):5-10. Chen-Hayes, S. (2001), Counseling and advocacy with transgendered and gender-variant persons in schools and families. J. Humanistic Counseling, Education & Devel­ opment, 40(1):34-48. Cooley, 1. (1998), Gay and lesbian adolescents: Presenting problems and the coun­ selor's role. Professional School Counseling, 1(3):30-34. D' Augelli, A. (1998), Developmental implications of victimization of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In: Stigma and Sexual Orientation: Understanding Prejudice Against Lesbians, Gay Men, and Bisexuals, ed. G.M. Herek. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, pp. 187-210. Erford, B.T., House, R. & Martin, P. (2003), Transforming the school counseling profession. In: Transforming the School Counseling Profession, ed. B.T. Erford. Columbus, OH: Merrill Prentice Hall, pp. 1-20. Fontaine,1. (1998), Evidencing a need: School counselors' experiences with gay and lesbian students. Professional School Counseling, 1(3):8-14. Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network. (2000,2005), GLSEN Lunchbox: A Com­ prehensive Training Program for Ending Anti-LGBT Bias in Schools. New York: Author. Henning-Stout; M., James, S. & Macintosh, S. (2000), Reducing harassment oflesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth in schools. School Psychology Review, 29(2): 180-191. Hernandez, TJ., & Seem, S.R. (2004), A safe school climate: A systemic approach and the school counselor. Professional School Counseling, 7(4): 256-262.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Humphreys, K. (1996), Clinical psychologists as psychotherapists. American Psychol­ ogist, 51:190-197. Israel, T. & Hackett, G. (2004), Counselor education on lesbian, gay, and bisexual issues: Comparing information and attitude exploration. Counselor Education and Super­ vision, 43(3): 179-191. Kosciw, J.G. (2004), The 2003 National School Climate Survey: The School-Related Experiences of Our Nation's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Youth. New York: GLSEN. Marinoble, R.M. (1998), Counseling and supporting our gay students. Education Digest, 46(3):54-59. i54 ACTiViSM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Massachusetts Department of Education. (2002), 2001 Massachusetts youth risk behavior survey results. Retrieved August 2, 2005 from http://www.doe.mass.edulhssss/ yrbs/O lIresults. pdf. McFarland, W.P., & Dupuis, M. (2001), The legal duty to protect gay and lesbian students from violence in schools. Prqfessional School Counseling, 4(3):171-179. National Association of School Psychologists. (2004), Position statement on sexual minority youth. Retrieved February 14, 2006 from http://www.nasponline.org/in­ formation/pospapecglb.html. Phillips, J.C. & Fisher, AR. (1998), Graduate students' training experiences with lesbian, gay, and bisexual issues. The Counseling Psychologist, 2:712-734. Prevention Section in the Society of Counseling Psychology, Division 17 of the American Psychological Association. (n.d.), Retrieved August 2, 2005 from http://www. div 17 .org/preventionsection/. Rivers, I. & D' Augelli, AR. (2001), The victimization of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In: Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identities over the Lifespan: Psychological Perspectives, A.R. D' Augelli & C.J. Patterson. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 199-223. Robinson, K.E. (1994), Addressing the needs of gay and lesbian students: The school counselor's role. School Counselor, 41(5):326-332. Romano, 1.L. & Kachgal, M.M. (2004), Counseling psychology and school counseling: An underutilized partnership. The Counseling Psychologist, 32(2):184-215. Sherry, A, Whiled, M.R. & Patton, 1. (2005), Gay, lesbian, and bisexual training com­ petencies in American Psychological Association accredited graduate programs. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 42(1): 116-120. Vera, E.M., & Speight, S.L. (2003), Multicultural competence, social justice, and counseling psychology: Expanding our roles. The Counseling Psychologist, 31:253-272. What is a counseling psychologist? (1999), Retrieved June 4, 2005 from http:// www.divI7.org/Students/whatis.htm. Whitman, J.S. (1995), Providing training about sexual orientation in counselor educa­ tion. Counselor Education & Supervision, 35:169-176.

doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_08 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 INTEGRATING THE PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL

Coming Out and Being Out as Activism: Challenges and Opportunities for Mental Health Professionals in Red and Blue States

Amy Rees-Turyn, PhD

SUMMARY. As professional organizations have begun to incorporate expectations for addressing social justice and advocacy in competency standards for mental health professionals, they are challenged to stretch their limits and define their personal and professional boundaries. For LGBT professionals, the act of coming out or being out is a basic form of

Amy Rees-Turyn is Associate Professor in the Counseling Psychology Department at Lewis & Clark College, Portland, OR. Address correspondence to: Amy Rees-Turyn, PhD, Counseling Psychology Depart­ ment, Graduate School of Education and Counseling, Lewis & Clark College, 0615

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 SW Palatine Hill Road, Portland, OR 97219 (E-mail: [email protected]). [Haworth co-indexing entry note I: "Coming Out and Being Out as Activism: Challenges and Opportunities for Mental Health Professionals in Red and Blue States." Rees-Turyn, Amy. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. II, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 155-172; and: Activism and LGBT PsYC;hology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc .. 2007, pp. 155-172. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_09 155 156 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

activism. In the context of environmental pressures that professionals come out or be out, it is important to acknowledge both the potential for this basic form of activism to reduce prejudice, and the risk individual's may be taking. It is important to recognize and support professionals in their decisions about when to come out or be out in the same manner that one supports clients in similar situations. doi:1D.1300/J236vlln03_09 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Ser­ vice: 1-800-HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Activism, bisexual, coming out, ethics, gay, homosexu­ ality, lesbian, mental health profes,sionals, self-disclosure, training

INTRODUCTION

As professional organizations have increasingly recognized the need for advocacy and activism to improve mental health services, individual mental health providers are being challenged to stretch their limits and define their personal and professional boundaries. Branches or divisions of professional organizations focused on social issues and diversity have long recognized the need for action on the part of their members to create societal change through activism, political action, and client advocacy.1 These groups have also had an impact on their larger parent organizations. For instance, the American Counseling Association (ACA) now includes advocacy skills in their competency expectations for training (Lee and Walz, 1998), and both the American Psychological Association and American Psychiatric Association issue position statements on issues of public policy such as same-sex marriage. For lesbian, gay, and bisexual mental health professionals, this advocacy and activism expectation becomes a personal as well as a

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 professional challenge. As members of a marginalized group with a (fre­ quently) concealable stigma, Lesbigay2 professionals must choose to give up a privileged status (heterosexuality) and risk discrimination and possibly violence in a society with few legal protections around sexual orientation. For Lesbigay women, members of ethnic minority groups, transgendered, disabled, or those in a religious minority, the manage­ ment of multiple stigmas is required. While it is possible to choose not to advocate for LGB issues, or not to reveal one's sexual orientation in the context of advocacy, some view the act of not coming out to others and Integrating the Personal and Professional 157

becoming an activist as indicative of internalized homophobia or be­ ing situated in a lower developmental stage (Cass, 1979). In addition, Lesbigay therapists are placed in a double bind by ethical guidelines lim­ iting personal disclosures to clients. Yet, research indicates that coming out or being out3 can be helpful for one's own mental health (Ritter and Terndrup, 2002), helpful to clients (Jones, Botsko and Gorman, 2003), and can lead to reducing stigma and sexual prejudice (Herek, 2003). This paper explores the personal, ethical, and therapeutic issues of decision-making about coming out or being out for mental health pro­ fessionals. It is intended to also provide a context for understanding and support from colleagues and supervisors. In addition, the impact of geo­ graphic location on issues of coming out are explored. Living and work­ ing in a conservative area (red state), or liberal area (blue state) generally affects one's decision to come out or be out. While affmnative therapy with lesbian, bisexual, and gay individuals includes understanding the complexity of coming out issues for clients, similar considerations need to be extended to colleagues and supervisees. Throughout this discus­ sion I share some of my own experiences from living and working in multiple environments, how my coming out affected others, and exam­ ples of times when I decided to prioritize my safety.

WHY IS COMING OUT A FORM OF ACTIVISM?

One commonly held perception of an activist is a protester carrying signs, attending rallies, and speaking out publicly on issues. Common dictionary definitions of activist suggest a component of extremity, as in "vigorous" or "confrontational" action. Definitions of "advocacy" contain a component of pleading for or defending another. These defini­ tions are based on an underlying expectation that in order to create change, one must fight against or plead with those in power.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Alternatively, "activism, in a general sense, can be described as in­ tentional action to bring about social or political change."4 At the public level, one acts as an activist by voting, contacting elected officials, sup­ porting political action groups, or creating an issue oriented blog. At a professional level activism includes conducting research, writing and teaching students about social issues, empowering clients to advocate for themselves, or intervening directly on a client's behalf; all can help create social change. At a personal level, challenging racist, sexist, and homophobic remarks, talking to people in social situations about one's 158 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

cause, boycotting companies, or creating an egalitarian partnership/ marriage are forms of everyday activism. The act of coming out or being out is the most basic level of activism for lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgendered5 individuals. Heterosexist assumptions make coming out a continuously necessary process. Other­ wise, Lesbigay people are invisible, and heterosexuals, both in the ma­ jority and in power, will continue to create social environments and public policies without consideration as to how they affect our lives. To be clear about my position, coming out must be a personal deci­ sion. I do not believe that merely being lesbian, gay, or bisexual requires one to engage in activism. As a professional and a supervisor of coun­ selors and school psychologists, I believe we should be activist/advo­ cates in some form for the people that we serve. As much as I would personally like for every woman to identify as feminist, and every sex­ ual minority to speak out, my ethics preclude me from expecting these things of others. However, I do encourage and support people to be ac­ tivists under the definition offered above. Social change requires activ­ ism at all levels, and no form is less important than others.

HOW DOES COMING OUT AFFECT OTHERS' ATTITUDES?

A number of components contribute to prejudice against gay, les­ bian, and bisexual people. Some of these factors include religious be­ lief, the effect of minority status and out-group processes, the tying of one sexual "deviance" with others (i.e., homosexuality equated with pedophilia), belief about environmental causes of homosexuality, sexist attitudes, education level, and gender role expectations (Herek, 2000; Ritter and Temdrup, 2002; Schneider, 2003). Attitudes toward bisexu­ als are related to attitudes toward gays and lesbians; however, there is also evidence that negative attitudes toward bisexuals are more preva­ lent (Eliason, 1997). It is often difficult for family and friends to find out

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 that someone they love is gay, lesbian, or bisexual. However, there is growing evidence that when heterosexuals know someone who is gay or lesbian, they tend to hold more positive attitudes toward GLB people as a group. In addition, the more Lesbigay people one knows correlates with increased positive attitudes (Herek, 2003). Although we cannot rule out that people held more positive attitudes before exposure to Lesbigay people, the evidence suggests that coming out creates attitude change. For instance, stereotypes are related to prej­ udice in general, and contact can reduce prejudice when the individuals Integrating the Personal and Professional 159

involved share equal status and common goals. Furthermore, the more people one knows from a particular group (exemplars that represent the group) the more likely one is to see that stereotypes are not (always) accurate (for full review see Schneider, 2003). The timing of coming out has also been associated with attitudes. For instance, in a study de­ signed to measure attitudes toward gay and lesbian political candidates, Golebiowska (2003) generally found that voters with disapproving attitudes toward homosexuality held more favorable attitudes toward a candidate when the candidates' sexual orientation was revealed after other information was presented in the vignette.6 The exception was when candidates conformed to stereotypes (i.e., effeminate men). Voters held more favorable attitudes when stereotypes consistent with candi­ dates' sexual orientation were revealed earlier in the vignette. At a more personal level, in a national survey Herek and Capitanio (1996) found that people tend to hold more positive attitudes when told directly by a relati ve or friend rather than finding out indirectly. While empirical evi­ dence on the influence of coming out on reducing prejudice is emerg­ ing, and a variety offactors can affect positive or negative impact, there is also ample antidotal evidence from the myriad coming out stories available in the popular press that indicates that coming out can change attitudes in others. When one discovers a cherished friend or relative is Lesbigay, cognitive dissonance may create a reevaluation of previously held beliefs. Likewise, when one is confronted with more and more peo­ ple who are out, it becomes impossible to marginalize people into a cat­ egoryof invisible other. Coming out creates change.

COMING OUT: IMPACT ON SELF

Coming out to others has widespread support as beneficial for posi­ tive identity development and mental health (Ritter and Terndrup, 2002). American Psychological Association (APA, 2000) guidelines

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 offer professionals guidance on how to provide appropriate services to clients, and the number of books and articles available on assisting Lesbigay individuals in therapy and in coming out continues to grow (Eubanks-Carter, Burckell and Goldfried, 2005; Garnets and Kimmel, 2003; Lemoire and Chen, 2005; Perez, Debord and Bieschke, 2000; Whitman and Boyd, 2003). However, whether or not one comes out is highly dependent on the individual's sociopolitical environment, ethnic identity, religion, financial stability, and perceived family and commu­ nity support. While identity models (Cass, 1979) have been helpful in 160 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

describing development, these models are not prescriptive nor should one view as abnormal those who do not come out to others (Rust, 2003). In addition, expecting political involvement as an indicator of positive self-identity ignores the reality of heterosexist environments and indi­ vidual circumstances. This reality is acknowledged in newer identity development models, like the one developed by McCarn and Fassinger (1996), that separates personal development from group/social coming out processes. There are many popular press guides to coming out, a designated coming out day, and major organizations such as the Human Rights Campaign advocate coming out. This degree of expected outness appears to vary by geographical location, with communities in liberal areas (blue states) generally expecting a greater degree of outness than those in con­ servative areas (red states). Within U.S. culture broadly defined, Lesbigay people are generally on the margins and not wholly integrated into the mainstream. Of course, in reality, there is no general u.s. culture, and we must all consider the variety of paths that we walk down. This paper is not intended to focus on my own path, although I be­ lieve sharing some of it is important. I grew up in a small town, married after high school, and paid my way through college working in a blue-collar job. I divorced prior to attending graduate school, where I came out at around the age of 30. I lived in a conservative "red" state, had been a victim of violence as a woman, witnessed threats of violence toward Lesbigay individuals, and personally experienced verbal slurs. I view myself as a lesbian identified bisexual. A few years ago I decided that it was important for me to move to a more liberal area where I would feel more welcome, safe, and would have some legal protections. I have worked in public K-12 education, mental health agencies, and higher education. I have lived my life as an out person in both red and blue states. Until society changes further, I do not think I will ever be Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 free of vigilance about safety in many locations. In short, I feel comfort­ able being out, but not safe. This paper is an act of activism for me, and will hopefully lead to more support for others to come out by increasing the awareness and support for Lesbigay mental health professionals. Our professions are far from realizing the ideals set by our various prac­ tice guidelines. Furthermore, the sociopolitical environment (LGBT and the professional community) contains greater pressure to be out and politically active in ways that Lesbigays in other professions do not face. Integrating the Personal and Professional 161

COMING OUT: THE PERSONAL IS ETHICAL IS POLITICAL

As mental health professionals, we often hold ourselves and our col­ leagues to a higher standard than we hold for our clients. We are gener­ ally expected to be well adjusted and stable, and to be aware of our own personal issues as they may affect our work with clients (APA Code of Ethics, 2002). Furthermore, it is widely accepted that self-disclosure should always be for the benefit of the client. For the Lesbigay individ­ ual, comfort with one's sexual orientation is generally viewed as indica­ tive of positive adjustment, and is often measured at least in part by the degree to which one is out. Applying this criteria to the Lesbigay mental health professionals places them in a double bind: either having an in­ adequate level of personal adjustment (if not out) or of violating ethical guidelines (if out).? There are a number of resources to assist therapists in ethics and deci­ sion making about coming out to clients for therapeutic benefit (Cabaj, 1996; Cole and Drescher, 2006; Drescher, 1998; Glassgold and lasenza, 2004; Morrow, 2000). For Lesbigay professionals, the ethics around is­ sues of harm to the therapist must be considered along with welfare for the client. To come out or not is of profound importance in an individual therapist's life. There may be no other issue of self disclosure that can so profoundly affect a therapist's well being. The Lesbigay therapist is in the position of managing an intricate balancing act between self and cli­ ent welfare in an ethical manner. In addition, although traditional ethics codes of professional organizations are focused on individual welfare, as noted above, many subgroups of professional organizations believe that social change is an ethical responsibility for mental health professionals. 8 There are a number of considerations in the ethical balance of client, therapist, and social change that emerge in the issue of therapist disclo­ sure of sexual orientation. In small communities or in mental health centers, Clients do not always choose who they see for therapy. If one is

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 out, does that cause potential harm to clients who will not seek services but need it? Should we be obligated to come out when it is clearly in the client's best interest, and may even be harmful to the therapeutic rela­ tionship if we do not? What if this occurs in a public school environ­ ment where one is certain that coming out to a student would create considerable backlash and job loss? In addition, ethical considerations around social change require the evaluation of long term versus short-term benefits. What if it is my personal belief that being out will in the long run be helpful to all clients, even if it causes distress to some in the short 162 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

run? Must I always consider the individual over the collective needs of society? These are all issues well beyond the scope of the current dis­ cussion, but illustrate the link between personal, ethical, and political for issues of coming out for mental health professionals.9

MENTAL HEALTH PROFESSIONALS AND COMING OUT

As discussed above, coming out has a positive impact changing atti­ tudes in others and has benefits for the Lesbigay individual. LGBT po­ litical organizations advocate coming out for everyone in order to help create social change, and there are social norms about coming out or be­ ing out within various LGBT communities. While a therapist coming out to an individual client always involves an analysis of therapeutic benefit for that individual (Morrow, 2000), there is evidence that com­ ing out or being out can be beneficial for clients in general. Research has demonstrated that client matching for sexual orientation can improve therapeutic outcomes (Jones, Botsko and Gorman, 2003), many Lesbigay clients report desire to see a Lesbigay therapist (Kaufman and Carlos, 1997). For others, the presence of a positive Lesbigay role model assists in therapy (Wooden, 1991). Furthermore, therapists who do not dis­ close their sexual orientation may be sending a powerful message that the larger culture's norm of secrecy is appropriate (Morrow, 2000).· On the other hand, for some clients, either not knowing the therapists sexual orientation or believing the therapist is heterosexual may be beneficial to their therapeutic process at particular points in time (Kooden, 1991). The sexual orientation of the therapist may also be irrelevant to the ther­ apeutic context, particularly with heterosexual clients. The decision to come out or be out to clients also varies by theoretical perspective of the therapist (Simi and Mahalik, 1997). In addition, being gay, lesbian, or bisexual in and of itself does not qualify one to work with Lesbigay cli­ ents. Brown (1996) recommends that professionals early in their com­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 ing out process not work with Lesbigay clients for a 2-year period in order to give themselves enough time to resolve their own issues around sexual orientation. Additional training is also necessary to understand the variety and complexity of needs of Lesbigay individuals. Mental health professionals also must take into account whether com­ ing out in a professional setting is in their best interest. As in other work settings, Lesbigay mental health professionals may face risks to em­ ployment and on the job discrimination. As a community of mental health professionals from a variety of perspectives (psychiatry, psychology, Integrating the Personal and Professional 163

social work, etc.), we have affirmed support for Lesbigay clients through our respective professional associations policy statements. This in­ cludes access to appropriate treatment and client advocacy. Much has been done to provide safer environments for Lesbigay clients, and fur­ ther improvement is expected through requiring professionals to learn through educational programs, continuing education, and self study. There is still a long way to go in order to fully serve the Lesbigay com­ munity. One of the areas in which improvement is needed is in creating affirmative work environments for mental health professionals. Gradu­ ate schools, mental health centers, and public schools are not always safe and affirmative for the Lesbigay professionals on staff.

COMING OUT IN GRADUATE/MEDICAL SCHOOL

Mental health professionals do not always find themselves in friendly environments-even if the standards of our professions expect such en­ vironments to exist. Some mental health professionals still actively dis­ criminate against or are hostile toward Lesbigay students and colleagues. Consequently, for the Lesbigay student in graduate or medical school, coming out may feel like an extremely risky venture. Students are at the mercy of acceptance committees, faculty supervisors, and thesis/disser­ tation committees. While some students may come out in application materials or during interviews as a way to pre-select a friendly environ­ ment, other students do not have the luxury of geographical mobility or the confidence that they will receive multiple offers from which to choose. Graduate training is a time 'when one needs the support of other stu­ dents. While some students may reject a colleague who comes out, being out also offers opportunities to meet supportive students and to assist others in developing an affirming stance. For instance, when 1 was in graduate school 1 was at a gathering of psychology graduate students

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 where a number of simultaneous conversations were going on. "That's so gay!" exclaimed a woman speaking to someone else. 1 turned my at­ tention to her, "Excuse me, what did you just say?" "Oh, 1 said that's so gay. (pause) 1 didn't mean anything by it." As her own words reached her consciousness, she apologized profusely and was genuinely shocked by them. "I can't believe I've been using that phrase like it's just a mean­ ingless way of saying something is not cool. My sister is a lesbian!" 1 be­ lieve that in this interaction my challenge had an impact on this student, but only in the context of my being out. Her insight was facilitated 164 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

be~ause she realized that she had offended her fellow student and poten­ tially her own sister. Professional training can be confusing and daunting for Lesbigay individuals because programs vary on their commitment to diversity training. Medical schools often lack coverage of GLBT issues in the curriculum (Townsend and Wallick, 1996). Medical schools have also been found to lack support for Lesbigay students, with reports ranging from covert homophobia to dis.crimination (Risdon, Cook and Willms, 2000); however, student support groups are available in some schools (Townsend and Wallick, 1996). Furthermore, although standards for accreditation of training programs in psychology require coverage of sexual orientation in the curriculum, it is also not uncommon for stu­ dents to hear heterosexist and stereotypical statements from professors and supervisors (Phillips and Fisher, 1998). For instance, in one of my graduate programs, an instructor declared "there is no such thing as bi­ sexuality" and that clients who thought they were bisexual had to make a choice to be mentally healthy. In programs with minimally adequate coverage ofLGBT issues, stu­ dents may encounter direct training on the importance of affirmative therapies while experiencing an environment rife with heterose·xism and sexual prejudice. This creates a unique problem for Lesbigay stu­ dents who may be told to support clients in their coming out process, but who are not supported in coming out themselves. In my own training I was talking with an important supervisor. She asked me if another woman was a lesbian. Curious over where this might go, including the po~sibil­ ity of leading to some friendly statement so that I could come out, I an­ swered, "I don't know, why?" She replied, "I'm just uncomfortable around lesbians, and Ijust wondered because she makes me uncomfort­ able." I decided in that moment that the potential benefits of pointing out that she was comfortable around me were not worth the risks. In the supervisory environment, a Lesbigay trainee can be put in the position of making a choice between the client's welfare (if the thera­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 pist's sexual orientation becomes relevant) and hislher own. An impor­ tant part of training and supervision for the Lesbigay student is around the ethics and clinical risklbenefit analysis in decision making around coming out to clients. If a Lesbigay student is unable to feel comfortable coming out to a supervisor, client welfare can suffer and the student must seek support in these decisions elsewhere-often in consultation with other students who are at similar levels of training. The student may also not be sharing vital information about the therapeutic process with the supervisor, putting all at risk. Integrating the Personal and Professional 165

In order for training programs to become GLBT affirmative, faculty in those programs must support affirmative practices within individual departments. This often requires faculty, both heterosexual and Lesbigay, to advocate for affirmative practices within the college or university at large. Just as in any work environment, faculty may face heterosexism and sexual prejudice. Work environments for Lesbigay mental health professionals may mirror those of experiences in training.

WORK SETTINGS: HIGHER EDUCATION, PUBLIC SCHOOLS, AND AGENCIES

Research on the experiences of Lesbigay individuals in any work set­ ting is a relatively new area of study. One would expect that given the policy statements from mental health organizations on creating affirma­ tive practices and climates for Lesbigay clients that our work environ­ ments would also be affirming for staff. Few studies have looked at organizational culture in settings where mental health professionals work. It is possible that these environments reflect a combination of the culture of the area in general (conservative/liberal) as well as an influ­ ence from expectations of our professions. However, it appears that there have been no widespread studies to assess mental health culture. What evidence exists within specific environments is mixed, and is reviewed below. Despite the recent rhetoric from social conservatives, higher educa­ tion is not always a bastion of liberal ideology. Many institutions do not have policies in place that support Lesbigay faculty (e.g., non­ discrimination policies, domestic partner benefits), and some reli­ gious institutions retain hostile policies (Biaggio et at, 2003). Eliason (1996) in a survey of 1,287 university employees found that 47% did not favor LGB domestic partner health benefits, and 25% held other negative attitudes. In a smaller survey of faculty 78% (n = 104) reported

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 an affirmative institutional environment (Sears, 2002), and 20% (n = 52) reported extremely negative organizational climates (Myrick and Brown, 1998). Personal accounts outline a mixed bag of positive and negative environments for faculty (Mooney, 1992). Given the historical lack of attention to LBGT issues in medical schools (Townsend and Wallick, 1996), it is unlikely that they represent a more positive environment than in other academic settings. However, it appears that higher education environments may be more affirmative than the general popUlation en­ vironment. i66 ACTiVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

Public school settings may be the least friendly work location for Lesbigay mental health professionals. Sears (1991) found that 8 out of 10 prospective teachers and two thirds of school counselors in a South Carolina sample harbored negative attitudes and feelings about gays and lesbians. In large scale national surveys of sexual minority adoles­ cents, the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network (GLSEN, 2001) found that 36.6% in the 1999 survey and 23.6% in the 2001 survey re­ ported hearing homophobic remarks from teachers. Lesbigay counsel­ ors and school psychologists are unlikely to have any job protection if they come out; however, there are a few areas of the country with such protections in place (e.g., Oregon). I was out in a public school setting in a red state to the other school psychologists and other Lesbigay school personnel I encountered. How­ ever, I never had occasion to come out to others in my day-to-day work in elementary schools (covering four schools gives little time for social talk). When I worked in a blue state high school whose district included sexual orientation in the nondiscrimination policy, I co-led the gay-straight alliance group. I was out to anyone with whom I had enough personal contact to have social conversations. In the red state, I know I influ­ enced at least one colleague through conversations that clearly normal­ ized Lesbigay people and in my comfort with talking about my day to day life. In the blue state, I had direct contact with students who may not have otherwise experienced someone affirmative. I regret not challeng­ ing antigay slurs that I heard in the hallways more often. Had I stayed at the school longer, I believe the best option would have been to start a school-wide initiative. Mental health agencies charged with serving the general popUlation should be affirmative work environments for Lesbigay employees. However, I was unable to find any research that examined this type of setting. There appears to be an assumption that professionals will also create positive environments for employees in mental health agencies. Given that mental health professionals do not always hold positive atti­

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 tudes toward homosexuality (Israel and Hackett, 2004), Lesbigay cli­ entSTeport experiencing uninformed, incompetent, or hostile therapists (Liddle, 1996, 1999), and therapists in these settings do not always re­ port comfort in coming out (Griffin and Zukas, 1993), it appears that work needs to be done in making these environments more affirmative. While some communities have formed agencies specifically focused on serving the LGBT community, and these agencies tend to be staffed by Lesbigay therapists, it is probable that most Lesbigay therapists work in general mental heath agencies. In his review on coming out issues in the Integrating the Personal and Professional 167

field of community psychology, D' Augelli (2003) outlines how those trained in community psychology can create system changes to provide better services for clients. We need also address the needs of employees. In my experiences in a mental health center, I was in a red area of a blue state, which presented an interesting challenge. The state of Wash­ ington had developed guidelines for affirmative therapies with diverse populations so the mental health center was required to provide train­ ing. I was selectively out at the center, made the intake counselors aware that I was interested in working with LGBT clients, and was unaware of any other Lesbigay therapist. It was generally a null environment, 10 although some therapists expressed their unhappiness about being re­ quired to attend a training session on LGBT issues. In addition, I conducted a voluntary training focused on working with adolescents that was well advertised and only attended by those who were required to be there. I suspect that this environment may be similar to other agencies in that LGBT issues are quietly ignored. While the professions have defined the need for affirmative environments, many of the individuals within the professions either do not agree or are not committed to gaining the appropriate training.

CREATING CHANGE

Coming out creates change, and Lesbigay people who come out have created the movement toward more acceptance and safety for others. The LGBT community and mental health professions advocate corning out for personal and public welfare. In the context of sociopolitical pres­ sures to come out, it is important for professionals (Lesbigay or not) to recognize and support other professionals in their decisions about when to come out or be out in the same manner that we would support our clients. It is vital to continuing advocacy for LGBT populations that we not lose sight of the importance of advocacy and activism. In addition, it

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 is important not to minimize the impact of coming out or being out on reducing prejudice, nor the risk that individuals may be taking in this basic form of activism. In closing, I would encourage all to come out or be out as much as they can. There are challenges and opportunities in all environments. Evaluate the real risks and benefits, your personal circumstances, safety, and desire to create change. We especially need people to come out in red states, and even if it is only to a few people, every person we reach makes a difference. I also want to emphasize that corning out in blue states is still important because many people who 168 ACT1V1SM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

consider themselves liberal and do not harbor negative attitudes cognitively still have negative emotional reactions to Lesbigay people and issues.! 1 I also want to challenge and encourage all mental health professionals to assist in creating safe work environments for Lesbigay colleagues. The following recommendations are made to assist in creating supportive environments within professional settings.

For Heterosexuals

1. Read. Follow the APA guidelines, and consult texts. A bibliogra­ phy in this format can only offer a few suggestions. 2. Be an advocate. You are in a po'sition to create change with less risk than your Lesbigay colleagues may face. 3. Speak up when you witness heterosexism. 4. Admit it when you are heterosexist, make amends if needed, and work to change. It is rare than people (even GLB) are never heterosexist-it is pervasive in most cultures. 5. Be aware of the risks Lesbigay people face, and do not assume that by virtue of being a mental health professional one is exempt from risk. Antigay prejudice exists in all work settings. 6. Allow Lesbigay colleagues the opportunity to talk about their per­ sonallives; in social conversation remember to ask about a partner or significant person, when discussing weekend plans ask the GLB person what she/he has planned. 7. Ask a GLB colleague if he/she is open to you seeking consulta­ tion on sexual orientation issues. Do not assume and do not automatically refer all clients with sexual orientation issues to the colleague unless she/he has stated wanting to work specifically or only with this population. 8. Do not assume an LGB colleague will be best for an LGB client or will come out to the client. Learn how to work with Lesbigay clients yourself.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 9. Do not apply the developmental models to your LGB colleagues or assume that they are comfortable with their sexual orientation. Do not assume something is wrong if she/he is not comfortable. People come out at all ages.

For Leshigay Professionals

1. Remember that developmental models are not intended to be prescriptive. Integrating the Personal and Professional 169

2. Corne out for yourself first. 3. Corne out as an act of activism if and when you are ready-and do a risk/benefit analysis. 4. Seek supervision or consultation when corning out to clients. 5. If corning out as an act of activism, think about timing it to try to have a positive impact, but realize that one only has minimal control over the factors involved. 6. Trust your instincts. 7. It is alright to get tired and withdraw. Corning out and being out does not mean you always have to corne out or be out. 8. Being Lesbigay does not mean one has to be a Lesbigay activ­ ist, but mental health professionals have a profound impact on society-be socially responsible and act on behalf of some under­ represented or marginalized group. 9. Balance individualism and social responsibility. Think about what this means for you. 10. Pick your battles. 11. A void being a martyr in the literal sense. Be safe: we do not need more injuries or deaths. 12. If you are an ideological martyr, if you have lost your job or given up something else by coming out, speak loudly. Speak out or file a lawsuit. Turn your loss into a gain for Lesbigay rights.

NOTES

1. e.g., Psychologists for Social·Responsibility, Counselors for Social Justice, As­ sociation of Gay and Lesbian Psychiatrists, Black Psychiatrists of America, Associa­ tion for Gay, Lesbian, & Bisexual Issues in Counseling, and Divisions 35 (Psychology of Women), 44 (Society for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay & Bisexual Is­ sues), 45 (Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues) and others in the American Psychological Association. 2. LesBiGay refers to lesbian, bisexual, and gay. I am unsure of the origins of the Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 abbreviation, but use it because it reduces the use of acronyms when referring to people. 3. Coming out refers to revealing one's sexual orientation to another. Being out re­ fers to a state ofliving one's life with the assumption of being out in most or all contexts. 4. http://en.wikipedia.org, June 2005. 5. While I reference transgender when referring to the gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered communities or issues, coming out for transgendered professionals con­ tains more broad issues than discussed in the current manuscript. 6. This study used vignettes rather than real candidates or voters. 7. While this characterization oversimplifies the issue, it does represent how hetero­ sexual supervisors or colleagues of Lesbigay professionals may inadvertently apply 170 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

unrealistic expectations. Individuals in marginalized groups are frequently placed in just such circumstances (e.g., women pathologized for being passive, but labeled ag­ gressive when asserting themselves). 8. Social change is a primary feature in the ethics code of the Feminist Therapy In­ stitute (1990, 1999) and is accepted as ethical practice by other feminists and feminist organizations (Brabeck, 2000). 9. Hill, Glaser, and Harden (1995) provide an ethical decision making model from a feminist perspective that provides guidance in considering these ethical consider­ ations. 10. Null environment is a term usually applied to educational or work settings to describe environments where women are neither encouraged nor discouraged but are simply ignored. I generalized/applied the concept in my statement that it was a null environment for Lesbigay individuals-ignoring the issue for both agency employees and clients. 11. For instance, in Oregon, most anti-gay ballot measures have failed in a state­ wide vote but in 2004, we lost on the issue of same sex marriage in a close vote.

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doi: 1O.1300/J236vlln03_09 Being a Heterosexual Ally to the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Community: Reflections and Development

Peter Ji, PhD

SUMMARY. The author provides a narrative of his development as a heterosexual ally of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community. The author uses those parts of his own experience that are consistent with components of existing ally identity development models to provide qualitative evidence regarding the validity of those models. The author goes on to discuss the role of affect components in ally iden­ tity development and the implications of these models for training non-LGBT allies to the LGBT community. doi:1O.1300/J236vlln03_1O [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: I-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.}

Peter Ji is Visiting Senior Research Specialist at the University ofIllinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL. Address correspondence to: Peter Ji, PhD, Collaborative for Academic, Social and Emotional Learning, University of Illinois at Chicago, 1007 West Harrison Street, MC 285, Chicago, IL 60607. The author wishes to thank Alicia Lucksted, PhD, Gary Harper, PhD, and Judith Glassgold, PsyD, for their helpful comments on this paper. The author also wishes to thank the chapter members of PFLAG Hinsdale, IL for their steadfast support over

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 the years. [Haworth co-indexing entry note]: "Being a Heterosexual Ally to the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Community: Reflections and Development." Ji, Peter. Co-published simultaneously in Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy (The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc.) Vol. II, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 173-185; and: Activism and WBT Psychology (ed: Judith M. Glassgold, and Jack Drescher) The Haworth Medical Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press, Inc., 2007, pp. 173-185. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service [J-800- HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]]. Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 10. 1300/J236vlln03_1O 173 174 ACTNISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

KEYWORDS. Activism, ally identity model, bisexual, gay, heterosex­ ual ally, lesbian, trans gender

INTRODUCTION

Years ago, when I decided I want to be an ally to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) community, I did not know where to start. My thinking in this area brings to mind an experience that a professor described in her commencement speech. Many students did not know what to do after college and asked ~he professor what they should do. She replied, "You start with what you know and you look forward to learning more about what you hope to know. Start there." This has become the mantra in'my journey to become a heterosexual ally to the LGBT community. Years later, I found ally identity development models based on people's narrative accounts of being a supporter or advocate. Some of the models are similar to my experience; others are not. What follows is the narrative account of my development as an ally in which I highlight portions that could serve as qualitative evidence of the validity of the various stages or components of the models. Mterwards, I glean important factors from my narrative that helped me advance through the various stages of ally development in the hope of formulating ideas for the training and development of others who wish to be allies to the LGBT community.

MODELS OF ALLY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT

In a search of the extant literature, I reviewed the following ally identity development models: Broido (2000); Chojnacki and Gelberg

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 (1995); DiStefano et al. (2000); Gelberg and Chojnacki (1995); Getz and Kirkley, (2003); Jackson and Hardiman (1982); Worthington, McCrary and Howard (1998); and Washington and Evans (1991). Those that best fit my experience were Gelberg and Chojenski (1995), Getz and Kirkley (2003) and DiStefano et al. (2000) because they describe the affecti ve experience of being an ally. The other models, which fit me to a lesser degree, were those that are based on an ally's awareness of the oppression of the LGBT community. My position is that there are many different ways to be an ally. Integrating the Personal and Professional 175

Gelberg and Chojeski (1995) and Getz and Kirkley (2003) began by describing their motivation to be an ally. In both papers, the authors describe feeling anxiety because their internal pro-LGBT beliefs were incongruent with their external behaviors. I had a similar experience. I first wanted to be an ally because I was tired of being silent during situations where people talked about the LGBT community. Internally, I felt comfortable with my lesbian and gay friends and accepted LGBT persons. However, having LGBT friends did not help me feel comfort­ able about talking with LGBT persons about their concerns and realities. I recall several occasions when I fell silent and wished I could have said more. For example, I remember riding in a car with a gay couple and one of the partners talked about how his family struggled to accept him. I was silent, wanting to say something to show my understanding, but unable to do so. I remember, at a wedding, I heard other persons continually make jokes about a gay man and I could not respond. I remember trying to be supportive when a classmate, "carne out" and told me he was gay. I remember others who said that there had to be a biological cause to be­ ing gay because no one would intentionally choose to be gay. I remember agreeing with my friend that it was difficult to know how to respond to a man when he says he has difficulty telling his family that he is gay. I remember talking to a Christian person who accepted gay men only because she "loved the sinner and hated the sin." I remember inadvertently dis­ covering that my friend was a lesbian and I did not know how to respond. During those times, I remember being passive and silent. I expressed general acceptance, but I always felt disappointed in how I handled those experiences. I just did not know what to say when a person made jokes about gay men or if a lesbian or gay person "carne out" to me. My silence made me anxious. If, internally, I felt comfortable being around gay men and lesbians, and I had lesbian and gay friends, when I had the chance to say something meaningful whenever others talked about

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 being gay, why did I become silent? I was tired of being silent and wanted to do something about it. Gelberg and Chojeski (1995) and Getz and Kirkley (2003) report experiencing "ambivalence" and a "fear of the unknown." In those early stages, an ally feels anxious because she does not know what is ex­ pected of her. An ally may fear how LGBT and non-LGBT persons will react to him or her. Initially, I feared that I would not be a "credible" ally. I felt that I was less "qualified" to be an ally compared to friends who had LGBT siblings. My friends were "credible" allies because they 176 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

knew what it was like when their family member "came out" as gay or lesbian. I did not have these experiences, so how could I relate? Would others describe me as an ally to the LGBT community? lhad to an~wer "no." Honestly, I felt that it was not enough for me to say I had LGBT friends, that I accepted LGBT persons or that I was against the oppression of the LGBT community. I was uncomfortable because I felt that I was too passive; I needed to do more. However, if I wanted to "do more," what would I do? At the Univer­ sity of Missouri, I viewed my counseling psychology professors and mentors as multi-culturally competent. What evidence did I need to back my claim that I was an ally? Should I read more literature about the LGBT community? Should I take every opportunity to strike down LGBT jokes? Should I speak out and.fight legislation that discriminates against LGBT individuals? How should I respond if someone used the Bible as "evidence" that being gay was fundamentally wrong? Who could show me what to do? Gelberg and Chojeski (1995) felt isolated because there were no role models to guide them. I had the same experience. I did not know any other allies, so I turned to my LGBT internship counselors at the Uni­ versity of Illinois at Chicago. My internship had three wonderful staff therapists who encouraged me, listened to me, and validated my con­ cerns about being an ally. I approached them and said, "This is what I want to do. I want to be a credible, confident, ally to the LGBT commu­ nity. I do not know where to start. I do not know what it means to be an ally." All three welcomed me. It was actually refreshing for them to hear that a heterosexual, Korean male wanted to come forward and do more for the LGBT community. Several models describe how allies explore their fears and anxiety (Gelberg and Chojeski, 1995; Getz and Kirkley, 2003; DiStefano et aI., 2000; Washington and Evans, 1991). I too had to explore my self-doubts and ineffable anxiety. I talked to my internship therapists about

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 my need to be "credible." They asked why did I want to be credible? With their help, I peeled back the layers of that need to find I had a fear of being labeled a hypocrite. Although I had positive attitudes towards the LGBT community, I feared others might label me homophobic if I in­ advertently used LGBT stereotypes or demonstrated antihomosexual attitudes. Like Gelberg and Chojeski (1995), I was concerned that my "initial errors, unintentional homophobia, or misinformation" (p. 269) might enervate my LGBT relationships. I could only explore and resolve my fear with the support of my internship therapists. Integrating the Personal and Professional 177

I also felt that I had to be credible because others might question my motives. Sometimes, allies encounter less than positive reactions from non-LGBT persons who may even question an ally's sexual identity (Broido, 2000; Distefano et aI., 2000; Getz and Kirkley, 2003; Wash­ ington and Evans, 1991). I wanted to be an ally so I could have an active voice during my interactions with LGBT persons. I feared I could not think of a way to respond to questions about my motives. As I thought about this fear, I became angry; I was not sure why until I read Becker (1998). He states that when someone asks a person "why" he or she is who he or she is, the very question forces the person to conjure up a profound, intellectual explanation that explains him or herself to the satisfaction of the interrogator. A problem in conjuring up a response to a "why" questions is that such exigent questions require a "good" answer, one that makes sense and is defensible. The criterion for a "good" answer is that it must conform to a motive that concurs with "acceptable" social norms. Thus, according to Becker's formulation, although I might want to be an ally because I want to improve my interactions with LGBT persons and because the LGBT community deserves fair justice and equal treatment, for some, those reasons may not be good enough. For some, perhaps the only acceptable reason I (or anyone else) can gi ve for being an advocate is that I have a family mem­ ber who is LGBT or that I am gay. I realized then that I lived in fear of proclaiming who I wanted to be. I wanted to be an ally and I was afraid of coming out as ONE. I became angry that I was timid about wanting to be who I wanted to be. I was angry that there was a possibility that others might ridicule my motives. I was angry that I had to justify my reason to be an ally. Rather than retreating in fear, I could fight against this fear. In retrospect, I realize that my fears and anxiety were related to homophobia and oppression. Most models describe how allies become aware of homophobia and the oppression of the LGBT community

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 (Broido, 2000; Chojnacki and Gelberg, 1995; Getz and Kirkley, 2003; Jackson and Hardiman, 1982; Washington and Evans, 1991; Worthington, McCrary and Howard, 1991). Croteau et aI. (2002) described how people acknowledged their own experiences of oppression so they can understand how persons from other oppressed statuses experienced oppression. Gradually, I realized if homophobia and oppression did not exist, I would not be fearful or anxious about being an ally. This realiza­ tion was an important step because I thought that my status as a hetero­ sexual Korean male meant that I could not truly relate to the LGBT 178 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

community. However, I could relate to the LGBT community because as an ally, I too am likely to encounter oppression and homophobia. I also realized that oppression and homophobia affects everyone. I talked with an internship therapist who said her son was accosted because others thought he was gay. The therapist realized that anybody could be a target of hate because someone will justify his or her hatred for another person. As an ally, I was not speaking out about the rights of one group; everyone should be respected; nobody should be SUbjected to the mis­ guided perceptions of others. Gelberg and Chojnacik (1995) and Getz and Kirkley (2003), after exploring their own anxieties and becoming conversant about homophobia and oppression, developed confidence as allies. Gradually I devel­ oped confidence as well. I was energized to explore because I felt I had a starting point. Instead of being timid about being a beginner, I felt comfortable about being an "expert" on the early stages of becoming an ally. My goal was to have an active voice about the concerns and realities of being an ally and of the LGBT community. Even though I thought of myself as an ally, I still felt powerless about discussing the concerns and realities that LGBT persons face. I still did not know how to support LGBT persons if they decided to "come out" to me, if they were anxious if their families and friends would accept their LGBT identity, or if they talked about the detrimental effects of homophobia. Ally development models emphasize that allies need to acquire knowledge about the experiences, concerns, and realities of the LGBT community. I needed to enter a knowledge stage. To gain knowledge, I wanted to be a part of a group that was involved with the LGBT community. The logical place to start was a local chap­ ter of the national organization, Parents and Friends for Lesbian and Gays (PFLAG). The PFLAG meeting was illuminating. I met an old friend and found out that after all these years he was gay. We have maintained our friendship ever since. Members were happy to see a heterosexual man participating in PFLAG. The meeting also altered my

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 assumption that everyone at PFLAG was comfortable with his or her LGBT loved ones. Some have fully embraced their gay or lesbian family member while others still struggled to accept. However, PFLAG pro­ vided a space for everyone to feel comfortable and talk openly about their experiences in being a family member or a friend of a LGBT loved one. As I listed to their stories, I became familiar with the experiences of LGBT persons, the coming out process, and the experience of family members when they first received the news that their loved one was LGBT. I discovered a key reason to be an ally. Allies can Integrating the Personal and Professional 179

support non-LGBT persons, family members and friends, who feel isolated because they carry a secret: someone they know and love is gay. For example, one mother said her daughter confided that she was a lesbian. However, the daughter was unsure if she could tell the other members of her family. Only the mother knew her daughter's secret. Consequently, when the mother came to a PFLAG meeting she could not tell family members where she went because she did not want to expose her daughter's secret. A father described how difficult it was for him to hear his fellow co-workers joke about "homosexuals." He could not risk saying he was offended because he was afraid of the potential backlash if he disclosed he had a gay son. Listening to these stories, I realized that being an ally is not just about accepting LGBT persons. One can support parents, family members, and other non-LGBT persons who feel isolated because their secrets cannot be shared due to homophobia, discrimination, and oppression. In a homophobic society, it is not enough to accept passively LGBT persons; allies need to ex­ press openly their support so everyone can be free to either say they are LGBT or that they know someone who is. The later stages of Gelberg and Chojnacki (1995) and Getz and Kirkley's (2003) models describe how allies engage in pro-LGBT activities. I finally felt comfortable interacting with LGBT persons and their families and friends because I felt conversant in the experiences and realities of the LGBT community. I was no longer silent. During my internship, I decided to construct an outreach event titled, "Being an Ally to the LGBT Community." I presented it at the University of Illinois at Chicago as part of their LGBT Pride week. The aim of the event was to demonstrate that allies did more than voice support for the LGBT community. They can support LGBT persons who are coming out, support the family and friends of LGBT persons, and non-LGBT persons who struggle with homophobia or oppression. By accessing supportive resources and interacting with the

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 LGBT community, one can develop pro-LGBT skills and form an ally identity. Based on these experiences, I came up with a list of thirteen reasons why it was important for non-LGBT persons to support the LGBT community: It is important to be an ally because:

1. Allies can help other persons stop the oppression ofLGBT persons. 2. Some non-LGBT persons may have communicated to an LGBT person that his or her sexual identity is deviant, inappropriate, or 180 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

transitional. Allies, however, can embrace and value an LGBT person's sexual identity. 3. Allies can dispel the myths and misconceptions of the LGBT community that are held by the majority of society. 4. Allies can help non-LGBT persons positively resolve their bi­ ases and discomfort with LGBT persons. 5. An LGBT person might feel excluded from other parts of society if the LGBT community is the only community that accepts him or her. Allies from all parts of society can help LGBT persons feel acceptance. 6. When everyone, not just the LGBT community, accepts and includes LGBT persons, LGBT persons have an easier time ac­ cepting their identities. 7. Sometimes, the LGBT community may not express acceptance towards an LGBT person. In these cases, an LGBT person can rely on allies for safety and support. 8. Allies can provide hope to an LGBT person that non-LGBT persons will accept his or her sexual identity when the LGBT person is ready to come out" to his or her families and friends. 9. Allies can support an LGBT person if his or her own family or friends do not accept or support him or her. 10. The friends and family members of LGBT persons, who are searching for support, may need to come out to allies. 11. Persons who want to come out as allies need the support of other allies. 12. Allies can make every setting (e.g., a workplace, school, or so­ cial group) safe for LGBT persons and their family and friends to come out. 13. It is simply the right thing to do}

The response to this outreach event was astounding. Many non-LGBT persons used it as a first opportunity to come out as an ally to the LGBT

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 community. Many LGBT persons attended because they were glad to see heterosexual persons presenting pro-LGBT programs. I received an enormous thank you from the LGBT outreach center at the university. The program helped solidify my identity as an ally. I was no longer alone and I was relieved to share my struggles with others. We realized that to be a true supporter meant remaining curious about our ally identi­ ties, being honest about ourselves, acknowledging what we knew about our experiences with the LGBT community, and deciding how we wanted to be of help. Integrating the Personal and Professional 181

All of the ally models previously cited list action as a final stage. This involves open advocacy for the LGBT community. I was finally able to reach this stage. After my experience in PFLAG and the outreach event, I marched in my first Chicago Gay Pride Parade. The experience was won­ derful. Our PFLAG section received the loudest cheers. Proud parents held up signs: "Our children free at last" or "God blessed me with a gay son." I walked arm in arm with a gay man and crowds cheered our em­ brace. Each time I march in the parade, I have mixed emotions. While I have made progress, I have always felt that I have not done enough. I felt a need to combat my own complacency by continually trying to be a better ally. At that point, I felt comfortable in a supportive role. I felt I could sup­ port an LGBT person's concerns and realities if he or she decided to come out. I also felt I could offer support to the families and friends of LGBT persons and interact with the LGBT persons and converse with them about our experiences with homophobia, oppression, and hetero­ sexual privilege. I decided to take on another role: advocacy. In January of 2005, I joined the members of PFLAG and Equality Illinois, a pro-LGBT political organization, to convince Illinois State senators to vote in favor of and to pass Illinois Senate Bill 3186,which prohibited the discrimination against sexual minorities. The experience taught me that there was much to learn about advocating for the LGBT community. I witnessed how PFLAG parents tirelessly waited outside politicians' offices to persuade them to vote for this senate bill so that their LGBT sons and daughters would be protected from discrimination. I remember my shock that my state senator planned to vote against the bill because she did not know much about the issue and how it affected her constituents. I remember another senator, ini­ tially unsure how he would vote, saying he would vote for the bill be­ cause a PFLAG parent single-handedly convinced him that Illinois needed to join the growing list of states that prohibit the discrimination Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 of sexual minorities. I remember during a subcommittee senate hearing, how members of a religious group tried to persuade senators to vote against the bill by contemning gay men and. portraying them as en­ gaging in acts of moral turpitude. Political advocacy was a completely new experience for me. As an ally, I did not have the skills to engage in this arena. I find myself back at the beginning. Fortunately, for me, I have role models who will help me build my advocacy skills so I can help even­ tually rid society of institutionalized homophobia. 182 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY AFFECT IN ALLY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT

One component of the models with which I could consistently iden­ tify were those that fit my affective experience as an ally (Gelberg and Chojnaci, 1995; Getz and Kirkely, 2003). I could see how my affect progressed from initial anxiety and fear, to anger about defending my motives, to feeling content about being an ally. I had difficulty aligning my experience with all of the models' content components, such as oppression, homophobia, or heterosexual privilege. Most of the models described how allies become aware of oppression or homophobia in a linear fashion. At first, as an ally, I did not perceive that my emotional reactions were imbued with homophobia and oppres­ sion. I experienced those topics as distant social forces and not germane to my intra- and interpersonal motivations. Later, I realized how those social forces were impediments to my ally identity. I did not feel my awareness of homophobia or oppression did not progress in a linear fashion; rather, I continually revisited those topics as I saw how they were related to the affective component of my ally identity. Another reason I resonated with the affect component of the models is that I had strong emotional reactions about being an ally within my intra and inter-personal spheres. Models that addressed how allies operated at a macro-level were not as salient because I simply was not ready to be an ally at that level until my intra- and interpersonal strug­ gles were resolved. If I had to track my struggles: (1) I started with my internal distress over the incongruency between my internal pro-gay beliefs and my external behaviors that communicated silent acceptance; (2) then I observed my interpersonal relationships where I was con­ cerned that others might think I was gay because I was supportive of gay rights; and (3) I then proceeded to macro-level activities such as witnessing groups using homophobia to persuade political figures to impede pro-gay legislation. After attending to my intra- and inter-personal

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 spheres, ally models based on content, such as oppression or homopho­ bia, were helpful to me because I envisioned how I could advocate at a macro-level for the LGBT community. Based on the models and my experience, I believe have two roles: support and advocacy. I saw myself in more of a supportive role because my initial motivation for being an ally was to have meaningful interac­ tions with my LGBT friends and make my external behaviors congruent with my internal beliefs. I am just beginning to develop the advocate component of my identity. The roles are not mutually exclusive; both Integrating the Personal and Professional 183

are related because oppression and homophobia can shape one's experi- ence as a supporter or an advocate. . Perhaps the reason why I did not initially pursue being an ally as an advocate was that I simply was not ready to discuss forbidden topics like oppression, homophobia, or heterosexism. My confidence in discuss­ ing those topics was compromised by my concern that an unintentional statement might indict me as prejudiced. Furthermore, the imagined the prospect of combating an intransigent society's immutable views of the LGBT community at the macro level as a Herculean task. I could only discuss those topics with other allies who could listen and validate my concerns. I first had to see how these topics were germane to me at the intra- and interpersonal level before I could venture into how I could ad­ dress these issues at a macro-level. As I thought about being an advocate, I was not sure if I had the per­ sonality for it. My initial image of the advocate role was someone who engaged in political lobbying, wrote letters to key government figures, and tried to change social norms. I equivocated on whether or not I wanted to engage in those activities. In addition, I was not sure if! could withstand the backlash. I remember watching a PLFAG mom get into a heated confrontation with an antigay religious group at PRIDE parade. Watching how members of that group taunted and vilified the mother was unbearable. The experience was like watching two mountain rams collide. I was thankful that this PFLAG mom was on our side. I remem­ ber thinking to myself, "Could I do that? I am not like that mother." My answer was "no," but that does not mean I could still advocate for LGBT causes in my own way. I would argue that advocacy development has its own unique starting point. After my first foray into advocacy, I felt I was back at the begin­ ning, learning how to talk to politicians about pro-LGBT legislation or witnessing how to address conservative religious groups who condemn the LGBT community. As in the case of being an ally in the supportive role, becoming an ally in the advocate role may call for a separate model

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 with its own beginning, middle, and end.

IMPLICATIONS FOR TRAINING

Allies are not born; they are trained. As I reflected on my own devel­ opment, the important factors that helped me move from one stage to another were (a) access to supportive relationships, (b) contact, and (c) practice opportunities. When I presented my outreach event, non-LGBT 184 ACT1V1SM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

persons attended because they wanted to come out as and to learn what they could do to become allies. My therapist training has taught me that a client can explore concerns only within the context of an established supportive relationship (Gelso and Carter, 1990; Kivlighan, 1995; Bordin, 1992; Horvath and Greenberg, 1991). Potential allies need a supportive relationship to explore questions, concerns, or anxieties about the process and to explore difficult subjects like homophobia and oppression. Nascent allies are trying new behav­ iors and ways of thinking and being. They are unlikely to get it right the first time and need supportive relationships to establish a positive emotional base from which to explore the difficulties of being an ally. Contact with others is an important factor (Gel berg and Chojnacik, 1995; Getz and Kirkley, 2003) for those who want to acquire knowl­ edge and skills by learning from and listening to the stories of LGBT persons, their friends and families, and other allies. Allies also need opportunities to practice their skills (Gelman and Chomski, 1997). One's confidence grows when there are opportunities to build skills and receive positive feedback (Combs, 1962; Purkey, 1970; Purkey and Novak, 1984). Experienced allies need to advertise that they are open to anyone who wants to join them. Potential allies need to choose which model best fits their development and enlist the support of other allies to guide their development. There are many ways to be an ally; my way is just one possibility.

NOTE

1. As I was reviewing the first twelve responses, I suddenly realized that I forgot a crucial piece: discrimination and oppressing others is inherently wrong. Everyone should not have to live with the feeling that others hate or exclude him or her. Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 REFERENCES

Becker, H. S. (1998), Tricks of the Trade: How to Think About Your Research While You're Doing it. University of Chicago Press: Chicago, IL. Broido, E. M. (2000), The development of social justice allies during college: A phenomenological investigation. J. College Student Development, 41 (1 ):3-18. Chojnacki, J. T. & Gelberg, S. (1995), The facilitation of a gay/lesbian/bisexual support-therapy group by heterosexual counselors. 1. Counseling & Development, ·73(3):352-354. Integrating the Personal and Professional 185

Combs, A. (1962), Perceiving, Behaving, Becoming: A New Focus for Educators. ASCD 1962 Yearbook. Washington. DC: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Croteau, J. M., Talbot, D. M., Lance, T. S. & Evans, N. J. (2002),A qualitative study of the interplay between privilege and oppression. J. Multicultural Counseling & Development, 30:239-258. DiStefano, T. M., Croteau, J. M., Anderson, M. Z., Kampa-Kokesch, S. & Bullard, M. A. (2000), Experiences of being heterosexual allies to lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: A qualitative exploration. J. College Counseling, 3: 131-141. Gelberg, S. & Chojnacki, J. T. (1995), Developmental transitions of gay/lesbian/ bisexual-affirmative, heterosexual career counselors. Career Development Quar­ terly, 43(3):267-273. Getz, C., & Kelty, E. (2003), Identity Development Models: One Size Fits All? Hetero­ sexual Identity Development and the Search for Allies in Higher Education. Paper presented at the 84th meeting of American Education Research Association, Chicago, IL. Purkey, W. W. (1970), Self-Concept and School Achievement. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Purkey, W. W. & Novak, 1. (1984), Inviting School Success: A Self Concept Approach to Teaching and Learning. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

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ACA. See American Counseling ASCA National Model for School Association (ACA) Counseling Programs, 146 Activism Association for the Advancement of collaborative research for, 105-107 Behavior Therapy (AABT), coming out as form, 157-158 l5-16,31n22 necessity of, 38-40 Authenticity/meaning, 79 professionalism and, 61 Aversion therapy, 21-22 Activist perspective, 3 Adler, Alfred, 78 Adlerian psychology, 79 Behaviorists, 21 Adolescents. See LGB youth Benjamin, Jessica, 55 Agencies, mental health, coming out Bibliotherapy, for trans clients, 83-84 in, 166-167 Boal, Augustus, 123 Agency, political, 53 Bohan, Janis, 3-4 Allies, heterosexual Brecht, Bertold, 123 identity development models for, Brill, Henry, 17 174-181 importance of being, 179-180 training of, 183-184 Cameron, Paul, 27,32n31 Ally identity development CBOs. See Community-based affect in, 182-183 organizations (CBOs) models of, 174-181 Cerbone, Armand, 78,80 American Counseling Association Client self-empowerment, treatment (ACA),146 model of, 78-80 American Psychiatric Association, Clinical roles, changes in, 19-20 16,17,156 Collaborative research American Psychological Association, for activism, 105-107 156 community-based organizations Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 Convention of 1972, 15 and, 105-106 Division 44 of, 15 conducting, on LGB youth, 107-109 American School Counseling providing safe spaces for LGB Association (ASCA), 146,156 self-expression in, 109-112 ASCA. See American School Comas-Diaz, Lillian, 45 Counseling Association Coming out, 123-124 (ASCA) creating change and, 167-169 Available online at http://jglp.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. 187 188 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

ethical and political considerations Garcia, Irm a Serrano, 45 of, 161-162 Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education as form activism, 157-158 Network (GLSEN)-Chicago, in graduate/medical school, 163-165 145 impact on others' attitudes and, anti-LGBT harassment training 158-159 course of, 149-151 impact on self and, 159-160 Lunchbox training model, 151 mental health professionals and, Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education 162-163 Network (GLSEN) National timing of, 159 School Climate Survey in work settings, 165-167 (2003), 144,145 Community activism, self-advocacy Gay Activist Alliance, 12,16,30nlO and,81-83 Gay-affirmative psychotherapy, 23-24 Gay movement, history of Community-based organizations American Psychological (CBOs),105 Association Convention of partnershiershps with, 106 1972 and, 15 using research findings for change behaviorists and, 21 and, 112-114 changing clinical roles and, 19-20 Counselors. See School counselors death of aversion therapy and, "Cured," requests to be, 24-27 21-22 history of, 10-11 Identity House and, 13-15 Davison, Gerald, 21-22 Institute of Human Identity, 18-19 Disclosure Journal of Homosexuality, 22-23 clinical discretion and, 81 removal of homosexuality as historical, 80-81 mental disorder, 15-17 Division 44, of APA, 15 social change and, 12-13 Gay psychotherapy, current challenge to, 24-29. See also Empowerment/power, 79 Psychotherapy "Encouragement" principle, Adlerian, parental selection, 27-29 78-79,95n3 request to be "cured," 24-27 Environments, recommendations for Gay rights, progress of, reparative creating supportive psychotherapy and, 26

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 for heterosexuals, 168 Genderal authenticity, 79,95n4 for LGB professionals, 168-169 Giovinco, Michael, 18 Exodus International, 27 Gittings, Barbara, 20 Glassgold, Judith, 3-4,37-57 GLSEN Lunchbox training model, 151 Frankl, Viktor, 78,79 Gold, Ron, 16 Franks, Cyril, 31 n22 Goodman, Bernice, 15,16,18,19 Freire, Paolo, 44-45,64 Gniduate schools, coming out in, Freud, Anna, 17 163-165 Freud, Sigmund, 2-3 Group, for transpeople, 84-85 Index 189

Hahn, Thich Nhat, 47-48,55n2 Kaufman, Moises, 5,122 Harassment, training course on Kinsey study, 12 preventing anti-LGBT, Kooden, Harold, 78 149-151 Harper, Gary, 4-5 Hatred in the Hallways (Human Rights Labeling, harmfulnes of petjorative, Watch),144 10-11 Herek, Greg, 32n31 The Laramie Project (TLP), 5,122. See Heterosexism, 62-63 also Theater LBG youth and, 102-103 structure of, 123 Heterosexual allies. See also Ally UML production of identity development auditions for, 133-134 identity development models for, community college students and, 174-181 128 importance of being, 179-180 community involvement and, training of, 183-184 128-129 Heterosexual Questionnaire, 2 education campaign for, 131-133 Higher education settings, coming out faculty involvement and, 127 in, 165 fundraising for, 129-130 Historical disclosure, 80-81 initiation of, 125-126 Homonegativity, adverse mental health opening night for, 134-135 consequences of, 65-68 planning for, 129 Homophile Community Health Center, post performance discussions of, 30n14 134-135 Homophobia, 62-63 publicity for, 130-131 internalized, 63,67 purpose of, 126 Honneth, Axel, 52-53,55n3 reviews of, 136-138 Hope is Vital, 123 sponsors of, 126-127 staff involvement and, 127 student involvement and, Identity House, 13-15 127-128 Impermanence, 47-48 Lesbigay. See under LGB Institute of Human Identity (IHI), LGB mental health professionals. See 18-19,30nI4 also Mental health Interconnectedness, 79 professionals

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 between self and community, 81-82 advocacy and activism expectation Internalized homophobia, 63,67 for, 156-157 Internalized transphobia, 83 ethical and political considerations Internet, professional practice and, 26-27 of coming out for, 161-162 LGBT individualslcommunities oppression of, 40-42 Jamil, Omar Bashir, 4-5 LGBT mental health professionals, Ji, Peter, 6 38-39 Jordan, Rose, 16 LGBTQ individuals, 53 Journal of Homosexuality OH), 22-23,31 LGBTQyouth 190 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

issues facing, 145-146 Mental health agencies, coming out in, Psychologists as advocates for, 166-167 148-149 Mental health professionals. See also school challenges of, 144-145 LGB mental health LGBTT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, professionals transsexual and coming out and, 162-163 transgendered) programs, 78 as LGB activists, 103-105 LGB youth training of, for LGBTQ affirmative conducting research on, 107-109 services, 147 ethnic identities and, 10 1-1 02 Mentors, transpeople and, 81 heterosexism and, 102-103 Meyer, Han, 3 identify formation process and, Modeling, transpeople and, 81 100-101 Moral turpitude, concept of, 11 mental health professionals as Morin, Steven, 15 activists for, 103-105 Mulvey, Anne, 5 providing safe spaces for Muyderman, Dovid, 128,129,135 self-expression and, 109-112 sexual identities and, 10 1-102 Liberation psychology, 39-40. See also National Association of Research and Psychology Therapy (NARTH), 26,27 elements, 63-64 implications of, for psychotherapy, 68-72 O'Leary, Jean, 16 incorporating social/individual Oppression, 41-42 theories in, 52-53 consequences of, 42 philosophical traditions of, 54-55 Oppressive societies, 40-41 psychotherapy, 64-65 theory of, 44-48 Liberatory psycotherapy. See also Parental selection, 27-29 Psychotherapy Parents and Friends for Lesbian and practice of, 48-49 Gays (PFLAG), 178-179 process of, 50-52 Pejorative labeling, harmfulness of, Logotherapy,79 10-11 Lowell, Massachusetts, 124-125 Perls, Fritz, 20 Perls, Laura, 20

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 PFLAG. See Parents and Friends for Mandell, Charlotte, 5 Lesbian and Gays (PFLAG) Martin-Baro, Ignacio, 45,61-62,63-64, Pillard, Richard, 30n14 65,66,69-71 Political agency, 53 Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Power/empowerment, 79 Survey (2001), 145-146 Professionalism Maylon, Alan, 23 activism and, 61 McGaw, Rev. Don, 30n14 political realities and, 60-61 Meaning/authenticity, 79 Psychiatrists, as LGB activists, Medical schools, coming out in, 163-165 103-105 Index 191

Psychologists Schools as advocates for LGVTQ youths, coming out in, for professionals, 148-149 166 as advocates for school counselors, creating safe, 149-151 148-149 training course on preventing as LGB activists, 103-105 anti-LGBT harassment in, training school counselors to be 149-151 LGBTQ affirmative, 144-145 Self-advocacy, community activism Psychology. See also Liberation and,81-83 Psychology Self-empowerment, client, treatment apolitical, 61-62 model of, 78-80 problems of traditional, 43-44 Shephard, Matthew, 125 values and, 61 Silverstein, Charles, 3,9-32 Psychotherapy. See also Gay Socarides, Charles, 30nll,31n28 psychotherapy; Liberatory Social contract, 52 psycotherapy Social interest, 79,95n5 activism and, 38-40 Societal transphobia, 83 changes necessary for, 43 Spectrum (student organization), 125 homonegativity and, 65-68 Spitzer, Robert, 16,26 implications of liberation Sullivan, Harry Stack, 17 psychology for, 68-72 Summer Institute, 145 liberation psychology and, 64-65 training program of, 149-151 as liberatory process, 42-43 Sussman, Don, 18

Raj, Rupert, 3-4 Tectonic Theatre Company, 122 Rees-Turyn, Amy, 5-6 Thanephonesy,EJrraney, 129 Reparative psychotherapy, 26 Theater. See also The Laramie Project Requests to be "cured," 24-27 (TLP) Rochlin, Martin, 1-3,15 social change and, 123-126 Rohd, Michael, 123 use of, for social causes, 123-124 Russell, Glenda, 3-4 Theatre of the Oppressed, 123 Theoretical models, development of new, 23-24 School climate, changing, 146-147 Therapist self-disclosure, 80-81

Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016 School counselors TLP. See The Laramie Project (TLP) needs ofLGBTQ youth and, 147 Trans-activist skills-building workshops, psychologists as advocates for, 85 148-149 Transactivist therapy-in-action, model role of, 146-148 of training of, for LGBTQ affirmative theoretical underpinnings, 79-80 services, 147-148 Transpeople training of, to be LGBTQ application of interventions to case affirmative, 144-145 studyof,86 School experiences, of LGBTQ youth, 5 bibliotherapy for, 83-84 192 ACTIVISM AND LGBT PSYCHOLOGY

connecting self-advoacy and University of Massachusetts Lowell community activism for, 81-83 (UML), 125. See also The facilitating opportunities for, 85-86 Laramie Project (TLP) group work and, 84-85 mentors and, 81 modeling and, 81 Values therapist self-disclosure and, 80-81 psychology and, 61 transforming righteous rage into Vitale, Anne, 78,79 self- and community empowerment, 83 Transphobia Watts, Rod, 45 Wilson, Bianca D: M., 4-5 internalized, 83 Wilson, Brad, 16 societal, 83

Youth. See LOB youth UML. See University of Massachusetts Lowell (UML) Zap demonstration, 3Onl0 Downloaded by [New York University] at 13:47 08 August 2016