I-Iistoriosil Revie-vsr

The State Historical Society of Missouri COLUMBIA, MISSOURI BOARD OF EDITORS

LAWRENCE 0. CHRISTENSEN SUSAN M. HARTMANN University of Missouri-Rolla Ohio State University, Columbus

WILLIAM E. FOLEY ALAN R. HAVIG Central Missouri State University, Stephens College, Warrensburg Columbia

JEAN TYREE HAMILTON DAVID D. MARCH Marshall Kirksville

ARVARH E. STRICKLAND University of Missouri-Columbia

COVER DESCRIPTION: Frederick Oakes Sylvester (1869-1915) earned national recognition as a regionalist painter of the Midwest. Much of his work portrays scenes along the Mississippi River near St. Louis and Elsah, Illinois, where he lived and worked between 1892 and 1915. Sylvester emphasized the perfection of nature in his landscapes; man is noticeably absent from his paintings. This unidentified water- Color appeared as the frontpiece in his book, The Great River (1911). The State Historical Society of Missouri has several of Sylvester's paintings in its Fine Arts Collection. MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI

COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

JAMES W. GOODRICH EDITOR

MARY K. DAINS ASSOCIATE EDITOR

R. DOUGLAS HURT ASSOCIATE EDITOR

LEONA S. MORRIS RESEARCH ASSISTANT

Copyright © 1989 by the State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201 The Missouri Historical Review (ISSN 0026-6582) is owned by The State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 10 South Hitt, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communications, business and editorial correspondence and change of address to the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri.

SOCIETY HOURS: The Society is open to the public from 8:00 A.M. to 4:30 P.M., Monday through Friday, and Saturday from 9:00 A.M. to 4:30 P.M., except legal holidays. Holiday Schedule: The Society will be closed Saturday during VOLUME LXXXIII the Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanks­ giving, Christmas and New Year's weekends. NUMBER 3 On the day of the annual meeting, October 7, 1989, the Society will be closed for research. APRIL, 1989 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1969, chapter 183, as revised 1978.

OFFICERS 1986-1989 JOSEPH WEBBER, St. Louis, President Avis TUCKER, Warrensburg, First Vice President SHERIDAN A. LOGAN, St. Joseph, Second Vice President VIRGINIA YOUNG, Columbia, Third Vice President NOBLE E. CUNNINGHAM, Columbia, Fourth Vice President R. KENNETH ELLIOTT, Kansas City, Fifth Vice President ROBERT G.J. HOESTER, Kirkwood, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer JAMES W. GOODRICH, Columbia, Executive Director, Secretary and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia ELMER ELLIS, Columbia WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1989 MRS. SAMUEL A. BURK, Kirksville DOYLE PATTERSON, Kansas City VICTOR A. GIERKE, Louisiana STUART SYMINGTON, JR., St. Louis JEAN TYREE HAMILTON, Marshall ROBERT WOLPERS, Poplar Bluff W. ROGERS HEWITT, Shelbyville DALTON C. WRIGHT, Lebanon

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1990 H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis ROBERT S. DALE, Carthage ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia FREDERICK W. LEHMANN IV, WALLACE B. SMITH, Independence Webster Groves ROBERT M. WHITE, Mexico

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1991 JAMES W. BROWN, Harrisonville BOB PRIDDY, Jefferson City ILUS W. DAVIS, Kansas City DALE REESMAN, Boonville JOHN K. HULSTON, Springfield ARVARH E. STRICKLAND, Columbia JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City BLANCHE M. TOUHILL, St. Louis

BOARD OF TRUSTEES The Board of Trustees consists of one Trustee from each Congressional District of the State and fourteen Trustees elected at large. In addition to the elected Trustees, the President of the Society, the Vice Presidents of the Society, all former Presidents of the Society, and the ex officio members of the Society constitute the Board of Trustees. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Six Trustees elected by the Board of Trustees together with the President of the Society constitute the Executive Committee. The Executive Director of the Society serves as an ex officio member. WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington, Chairman JEAN TYREE HAMILTON, Marshall FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City ELMER ELLIS, Columbia ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia JOSEPH WEBBER, St. Louis EDITORIAL POLICY The editors of the Missouri Historical Review welcome submission of articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Any aspect of Missouri history will be considered for publication in the Review. Genealogical studies, however, are not accepted because of limited appeal to general readers. Manuscripts pertaining to all fields of American history will be considered if the subject matter has significant relevance to the history of Missouri or the West. Authors should submit two double-spaced copies of their manuscripts. The footnotes, prepared according to The Chicago Manual of Style, also should be double-spaced and placed at the end of the text. Authors may submit manu­ scripts on PC/DOS, 360K floppy disk. The disk must be IBM compatible, preferably a Displaywrite 3 or 4 program. Otherwise, it must be in ASCII format. Two hard copies still are required, and the print must be letter or near-letter quality. Dot matrix submissions will not be accepted. Orig­ inality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used, interpretation and style are criteria for acceptance and publica­ tion. Manuscripts should not exceed 7,500 words. Articles that are accepted for publication become the property of The State Historical Society of Missouri and may not be pub­ lished elsewhere without permission. The Society does not accept responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by the authors. Articles published in the Review are abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts, America: History and Life, Recently Published Articles, Writings on American History, The Western Historical Quarterly and The Journal of Ameri­ can History. Manuscripts submitted for the Review should be ad­ dressed to: Dr. James W. Goodrich, Editor Missouri Historical Review The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, Missouri 65201 CONTENTS

"DEAR MAMMA": THE FAMILY LETTERS OF HARRY S. TRUMAN. By Glenda Riley 249

THE GREAT-LITTLE BATTLE OF PILOT KNOB. [PART II]. By Joseph Conan Thompson 271

GERMAN AMERICANS IN THE ST. LOUIS REGION, 1840-1860. By Bonnie J. Krause 295

HARD TIMES CHRONICLER—AN OHIO TEACHER IN WESTERN

MISSOURI, 1879-1881. By /. Merlon England 311

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

News in Brief 330

Local Historical Societies 333

Gifts 343

Missouri History in Newspapers 348

Missouri History in Magazines 355

In Memoriam 363

Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History 364

BOOK REVIEWS 365

BOOK NOTES 369 Kansas City Star Photograph, Courtesy Harry S. Truman Library Harry S. Truman maintained close ties with his mother, Martha, and sister, Mary Jane, during his senatorial, vice presidential and presidential career. He frequently wrote letters to both in which he provided news, opinions and advice. Here, Truman poses with his mother and sister, probably at the farm near Grandview, sometime during his senatorial years. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman BY GLENDA RILEY* Although the papers and letters of Harry S. Truman have been assiduously collected and published during recent decades, most of the resulting books and articles have focused on Truman as a political leader rather than a private individual. Consequently, numerous public- oriented characteristics spring to mind when his letters or other writings are mentioned: plain talk, tough decisions, World War II, the dropping of the atomic bomb and struggles with cabinet members. The vast

*Glenda Riley is professor of history at the University of Northern Iowa. Her most recent book is The Female Frontier: A Comparative View of Women on the Prairie and the Plains (1988). The author would like to thank the staff of the Harry S. Truman Library for their assistance as well as Alonzo L. Hamby for his critical review of an early draft of the manuscript. This research was supported by a grant from the Harry S. Truman Library Institute. 249 250 Missouri Historical Review scholarship concerning Truman and his era reflects the significance of Truman, the president and the diverse concerns of his administration. But what of the softer side of Harry Truman? His image does include a thwarted concert pianist who continued to pursue music despite the demands of his career, an adoring husband who often sought support and advice from a wife he called "The Boss" and a feisty father who defended a daughter aspiring to become a singer against what he believed to be unfair criticism. Still, most collections of Harry S. Truman's writings that contain examples of family and personal correspondence do so for what the documents reveal about Truman as a politician rather than as a person. Only during the past few years have writers and scholars begun to examine Truman's personal affairs, especially his relationship with his wife, Bess, in greater detail.1 This attention to the private side of Harry S. Truman reflects changing conceptions of history. As a consequence of the work of women's and pyscho historians in particular, investigators and their readers are increasingly interested in the inner and private dimensions of historical leaders. The letters examined here are a further response to this growing enthusiasm for learning more about the personal thoughts and character of Harry S. Truman. The "Dear Mamma" letters include excerpts from Truman's writ­ ings to three very important women in his life: his mother, Martha; sister, Mary Jane; and daughter, Margaret. They draw upon Truman's letters to his mother and sister between 1945 and 1947; his sister after his mother's death in 1947 and 1948 when this part of the collection ends; and his daughter, Margaret, between 1927 and the last surviving letter written in 1955. Published only in a piecemeal, scattered fashion, these letters have not been analyzed in their entirety as a reflection of Truman's personal thoughts and feelings. Truman's letters to his wife are not included here because they have been covered in depth else­ where. First, and perhaps most importantly, the letters expose some of Truman's basic attitudes toward women. Although he has been criti­ cized for failing to involve women to any great degree in his various 1 Editors of Country Beautiful, The Truman Years: The Words and Times of Harry S. Truman (Waukesha, Wisconsin: Country Beautiful, 1976); Robert H. Ferrell, ed., Off the Record the Private Papers of Harry S. Truman (New York: Harper and Row, 1980); Monte M. Poen, Strictly Personal and Confidential: The Letters Harry Truman Never Mailed (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1982); Jhan Robbins, Bess and Harry: An American Love Story (New York: Putnam's, 1980); Margaret Truman, Letters From Father: The Truman Family's Personal Correspondence (New York: Arbor House, 1981); Poen, Strictly Personal, especially 138-187; Robert H. Ferrell, ed., Dear Bess: The Letters From Harry to Bess Truman, 1910-1959 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1983); and Margaret Truman, Bess W. Truman (New York: Macmillan, 1986). "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 251 administrations and the assumption thus has been made that he did not trust or respect female ability, his family letters indicate a highly respectful stance, at least toward the women of his biological family. He often solicited and followed their advice, urged them to manage family matters and make other decisions, and encouraged them to expand their personal horizons, often in unorthodox ways according to the era's standards for women. In a manner that almost bordered upon the feminist, he drew his mother into his political campaigns and programs, backed his sister's managerial role on the family farm, and pushed his daughter Margaret to develop educational and career aspirations un­ limited by the gender expectations of the times. In addition, the "Dear Mamma" letters reveal Truman's views on the significance of family ties. He strongly believed in maintaining family communication and solidarity despite all the other demands on his time and energy, including world crises. Here, Truman demonstrates his commitment to sharing ideas and support with the women of his family. The letters offer an often touching view of a supportive son, brother and father, who at the same time vented his political frustra­ tions and feelings to these women, often in even more direct and pithy ways than in other more public letters, documents and speeches. The "Dear Mamma" letters thus deserve close scrutiny because they are filled with comments that offer insight into Truman, the president and politician, and into Truman, the family man. Even during the hectic early months of his succession to the presidency, Truman continued to pen handwritten letters to his mother and sister every three to six days. These letters, along with the more irregular missives to Margaret, disclose his personal views of women and the importance he places upon their continuing involvement in his life and career. They also demonstrate his feelings about his roles as a son, brother and father through his enduring devotion, concern and support for his family. On a more specific level, Truman's family letters also poignantly illustrate his continuing and frequent absences from the women so important to him, his distress about those absences, and his attempts to remedy the situation. Harry Truman appeared very cognizant of his distance from the women he so dearly loved and of the toll his political career took on their lives. Thus, the letters overflow with explanations regarding why he pursued the course he chose, concern for the welfare of his family, and frustrations about the need to raise a child in absentia. A thread of apology runs through the letters; expressions of sorrow for missing a family gathering, not being present to mark someone's personal milestone, and disrupting the lives of loved ones 252 Missouri Historical Review with unwanted publicity and the presence of Secret Service people. He even apologized frequently that he could not find the time to write more often and at greater length. Truman's ties with his mother particularly appeared close and enduring. Martha Ellen Young Truman was born in 1852 in Jackson County, Missouri. Coming to young adulthood on the present-day Truman farm near Grandview, Missouri, where the family located shortly after the Civil War, young Martha developed work habits and discipline often associated with farm life, qualities she later tried to instill in her eldest son, Harry. In 1881, Martha Young, aged twenty- nine, married John Anderson Truman. The couple had three children: Harry born in 1884, John Vivian in 1886, and Mary Jane in 1889. In 1914, when Martha's husband died, she turned her full attention to the farm and her children. In 1917, Harry joined the Army to serve in World War I while his mother and sister ran the family farm. After his return, he married and left his mother's home. The intimate mother-son bond forged during the thirty-five years preceding Harry's marriage remained in force until Martha Truman's death in 1947 at age ninety- four. Frequent telephone calls and letters maintained their relationship. An astute political observer and enthusiastic Democrat nearly obsessed in politics, Martha often served as an advisor to her son. She actively participated in his campaigns for a Senate seat and enthusiastically supported his campaign for the vice-presidency. Well-educated by the standards of her day, she was an inveterate reader, and friends and associates often characterized her as a tough and strong-willed person.2 Harry Truman's letters to his mother clearly reflected his attach­ ment to and respect for her. He shared his political activities and his innermost thoughts with her. The extant letters began on April 11, 1945, from the vice president's office, and ended on April 5, 1947, from the president's office. Truman usually addressed them to his sister, Mary Jane, in addition to his mother. The letters typically intertwined political commentary, personal concerns and apology. In the first letter to "Dear Mamma," Truman complained that he had "a lot to do," adding by way of explanation that Bennett Champ Clark "was never any help as a representative of the people of Missouri. He was always either tipsey or up in the clouds on some wild policy to embarrass the administration." Truman added that in addition to incompetent assistants eroding his precious work time, his attempt to

2 Martha Ellen Young, Clippings, etc., undated, Harry S. Truman Library, Inde­ pendence, Missouri, and Doris Faber, "Martha Young Truman, Lightfoot Baptist," in Doris Faber, The Mothers of American Presidents (New York: New American Librarv. 1968), 48-62. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 253

Truman particularly was close to his mother, and she often served as an ad­ visor during his political career. Truman sent Mary Jane checks to cover living expenses, fussed over her driving and apologized for not writing more often.

Kansas City Star Photograph, Courtesy Harry S. Truman Library be an involved parent did so as well. Because he personally took Margaret to school every morning, he could not reach his office until what he considered the advanced hour of 8:30 A.M. He seemed particu­ larly disgruntled by the crowds of "curiosity-seekers" that consumed his time. According to him, they wanted "to see what a V.P. looks like and if he walks and talks and has teeth." He concluded the letter with the thought, "I'm trying to make a job out of the Vice Presidency and it's quite a chore." He signed himself "Harry," then added the postscript, "111 be home one of these days and tell you all about it."3

3 Harry S. Truman to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 11 April 1945, Letters of Harry S. Truman to Mrs. John A. Truman and Mary Jane Truman, April 11, 1945-November 254 Missouri Historical Review

A few days later, Truman described in detail the startling process by which he suddenly became president of the United States. In his words, he had "the most momentous, and the most trying time anyone could possibly have since Thursday, April 12th." On that day, he arrived in Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn's office where he received a message to come "as quickly and as quietly" as he could to the White House. With a touch of irony, he explained, "I had hurried to the White House to see the President and when I arrived I found I was the President." As he so often did, Truman expressed anxiety for others rather than for himself. He first tried to console Eleanor Roose­ velt, wife of the deceased president. "I asked Mrs. Roosevelt what I could do," he wrote his mother, "and she asked me what she could do to help me." He then called his wife, Bess, and daughter, Margaret, to inform them of the tragic news and the drastic changes it would bring to their lives. He also worried about the effect of the radically altered situation on his mother and sister: "Soon as we get settled in the White House you'll both be here to visit us. Lots of love from your very much worried son and brother."4 The worries to which Truman referred were articulated more clearly in a letter written later in April 1945. On April 21, Truman reassured the two women that they were doing "fine" despite "this terrible blow." A few days later, he apologized for the new and troubling status of his family. "It is terrible - and I mean terrible to be kin to the President of the United States," he lamented. "Reporters have been haunting every relative and purported relative I ever heard of and they've probably made life miserable for my mother, brother and sister." He added, "I am sorry for it, but it can't be helped." He explained that the lives of Bess and Margaret had been disrupted as well. He claimed they highly resented the "guard" that accompanied them at all times and they both spent "a lot of time figuring out how to beat the game," something that, in his view, just could not "be done." He noted "the papers and the nuts" had "made life miserable for the Roosevelt family" and cautioned Martha and Mary Jane not to "let the pests get you down."5 7, 1948, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. Bennett Champ Clark served as Democratic Senator from Missouri between 1933 and 1945. Other mentions of Senator Clark by Truman were brief and non-judgmental. See in particular Robert H. Ferrell, ed., The Autobiography of Harry S. Truman (Boulder: Colorado Associated University Press, 1980), 64, 67, 70, 72, 92, 131; and Harry S. Truman, Memoirs of Harry S. Truman (1955; reprint, New York: DeCapo Press, 1986), 142, 156, 161, 193, 324. Truman's short stint as vice president is analyzed in Arthur F. McClure and Donna Costigan, "The Truman Vice Presidency: Constructive Apprenticeship or Brief Inter­ lude?" Missouri Historical Review 65 (April 1971): 318-341. 4 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 16 April 1945. 5 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 21 and 29 April 1945. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 255

By the spring of 1945, Truman struggled with a host of new problems. The White House demanded extensive repair, redecorating and expulsion of its many rat inhabitants. The war in Europe had to be brought to a conclusion. And on May 8, Truman grumbled, "My expensive gold pen doesn't work as well as it should." In that same note, he commented to his mother that he was having "one heck of a time with the fat old Prime Minister of Great Britain." According to Truman, Prime Minister Winston Churchill wanted to release the news of the German surrender sooner than the time agreed upon by the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. Truman forced Churchill to stick to the plan, but he thought Churchill was "mad as a wet hen." Truman believed things had been moving at a "terrific rate" and every day called for "some momentous decision." He modestly commented that "luck" had been with him so far, and he hoped "when the mistake comes it won't be too great to remedy." From the war, his thoughts turned once again to the welfare of his family. "We are looking forward to a grand visit with you," he told his mother. "I may

When Margaret left her home in the White House to continue her voice lessons in New York City, Truman expressed feelings of loneliness and pride. Although he liked close family relationships, Truman supported Margaret's pursuit of a professional career that would take her far from home and him' Glenda Riley 256 Missouri Historical Review not be able to come for you as planned but I'm sending the safest finest plane and all kinds of help so please don't disappoint me."6 During the following weeks, Truman's letters continued to blend world events with his personal and often disquieting emotions. In June, he mentioned all the dignitaries and "furriners" that he had met. Some meetings, he found interesting and others a "headache." Despite the many people around him, he still felt "lonesome" in the rambling White House when Bess and Margaret were not with him. He added that he wished he could "drop in" on Martha and Mary Jane as he once did "without upsetting the apple cart," but concluded such a visit now was impossible. Despite the restrictions and problems of the present, he looked optimistically to the future. "As long as we all behave as we have the first two months, Mr. President will get through the next two years all right."7 A few days later, the president wrote another note combining national and domestic matters. He informed his mother and sister that the bungalow they shared in Grandview, Missouri, was theirs now rent- free for the rest of their lives. He urged them to take good care of themselves and "Live as long as you can." He then described his own "strenuous time." He wrote, "Every day I see some notable of some sort, pin medals on heroes and make world shaking decisions." He thought it all agreed with him for he had gained twelve pounds. With a touch of humor, Truman added, "I guess it's cause I have nothing to look forward to but retirement. Ed McKim says this job has no future." In closing he rhetorically queried, "How would you like to be the President des Etats Unis? It's a hell of a life." Interestingly, he later penciled a notation on a copy of the letter, "Don't publish this letter until I'm out of office."8 In his letters home, Truman also relayed a light-hearted view of the lengthy negotiations ending the war and establishing peace. "I am 6 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 8 May 1945. An analysis of the factors involved in Truman's career other than "luck" is found in Richard S. Kirkendall, "Harry S. Truman, 1945-1953," in Frank N. Magill, ed., The American President, Volume HI: Roosevelt to Reagan (Pasadena, CA: Salem Press, 1986), 627-658. One particular factor, Truman's abilities as a speaker, is examined in Robert L. Ivie, "Literalizing the Metaphor of Soviet Savagery: President Truman's Plain Style," The Southern Speech Communications Journal 51 (Winter 1980): 91-105. A more critical view of Truman is Richard L. Miller, The Rise to Power (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1986). 7 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 13 June 1945. 8 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 16 June 1945. Truman's mother and sister had lived on the family farm near Grandview until 1940 when a foreclosure on the farm forced them to move to a bungalow in Grandview. Truman cleared the deed on the bungalow so that Martha and Mary Jane would be free of financial obligations on their home. Edward D. McKim was President Truman's long-time friend and administrative assistant. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 257 getting ready to go see Stalin & Churchill," he wrote on July 3, 1945. "I have to take my tuxedo, tails, negro preacher coat, high hat, low hat and hard hat as well as sundry other things." He expressed the wish he did not have to attend the conference to be held in Potsdam, Germany, but added that because he would be away he sent Martha and Mary Jane a check. He asked them to keep writing to him during his absence as he would receive an airmail pouch every day. A later letter from Germany noted that he had received six letters from them since his departure. It also discussed family matters, including Mary Jane's activities as a member and officer of the Order of Eastern Star.9 Truman's other letters from Germany contained a variety of emo­ tions. He enjoyed a number of the meetings and state affairs that he attended. On July 23, he exclaimed, "Stalin gave his state dinner night before last and it was a wow. Started with caviar and vodka and wound up with watermelon and champagne, with smoked fish, fresh fish, venison, chicken, duck and all sorts of vegetables in between. There was a toast every five minutes until at least 25 had been drunk. I ate very little and drank less, but it was a colorful and enjoyable occasion." But he also experienced grief as he toured Germany. "The big towns like Frankfurt and Darmstadt were destroyed but the small ones are in tact," he noted. "It is awful to see what the bombs did to the towns, railroads and bridges. To think that millions of Russians, Poles, English and Americans were slaughtered all for the folly of one crazy egotist by the name of . . . Hitler. ... I hope it won't happen again."10 When he returned to Washington, D.C, Truman found himself embroiled in the end of the war in Japan. Yet, with his usual concern for his family, he consoled Mary Jane about some problems with Eastern Star. He worried that perhaps he was not answering all the questions they had asked, and sent his mother a luncheon set along with other gifts, including the pen he used to sign the Berlin Protocol. He noted the pen was "also used by Stalin & Attlee. It is quite a pen."11 During the next few months, Truman felt overwhelmed by the number of people he had to meet and speak to, yet he maintained his contact and concern for Martha and Mary Jane. In October, he wrote that he would arrange for a better car for them to drive. "Keep 35 pounds of air in the tires and have it greased once in a while and have 9 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 3 and 18 July 1945. For a discussion of Truman's role at Potsdam see Robert J. Donovan, Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1945-1948 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1977), 72-89 and Donald R. McCoy, The Presidency of Harry S. Truman (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984), 15-40. u HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 23 and 28 July 1945. 11 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 17 August 1945. 258 Missouri Historical Review

Truman was protective of his family. When the members of the Eastern Star did not treat Mary Jane with what he con­ sidered appropriate courtesy be­ cause of her relationship to him, Truman called the organization a "good-for-nothing outfit. " He urged her to avoid it because the rude members were "Repub­ lican trash."

Kansas City Star Photograph, Courtesy of Harry S. Truman Library the oil changed every thousand miles," he instructed them. In the same letter, he claimed that he spoke "to 3 or 4 acres of people - 15 or 20 thousand I guess" in Kentucky. In Arkansas, he had "to ride in an open car and give 'em a chessie cat grin and almost freeze stiff but the onlookers seemed to enjoy it." With a tinge of sadness he added, "If you'd been there I would probably have only had a glimpse of you."12 In November, Truman once again consoled Mary Jane about conflicts, not clearly detailed in his letters, between her and her col­ leagues in Eastern Star. "But I still don't like the way that good-for- nothing outfit treated my lovely sister," he wrote. He thought Star members directed their ill feeling about him at Mary Jane. "When people slug me I can take it but when they slug me over the shoulder of my immediate family I want to slug back," he asserted. "But as you know that outfit is made up of alot of Republican trash - the women folks of the people who were unsuccessful in beating me." He advised Martha and Mary Jane to forget both the problems and the people involved.13

12 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 13 October 1945. 13 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 9 November 1945. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 259

In early 1946, after months of labor disputes, Truman once again mixed the public and personal in his letters. He closed one note with the statement, "Big money has too much power and so have big unions - both are riding to a fall because I like neither. Hope you are both well and stay that way. Margie is having exams and Bess is having luncheons and teas and I'm having the customary hell. Love to you both. Harry."14 In subsequent letters, Truman offered his support for various family activities while grumbling about his own continuing difficulties. On September 18, 1946, he complained, "I'm still having Henry Wallace trouble and it grows worse as we go along. I think he'll quit today and I won't shed any tears. Never was there such a mess and it is partly my making. But when I made a mistake it is a good one." Two days later, he explained that the Wallace situation had reached a drastic point: "Well, I had to fire Henry today and of course I hated to do it. Henry Wallace is the best Secretary of Agriculture this country ever had unless Clint Anderson turns out as I think he will. If Henry had stayed Sec. of Agri. in 1940 as he should have there'd never have been all this controversy - and I would not be here - and wouldn't that be nice?" In Truman's view, Henry Wallace was "the most peculiar fellow" he had ever dealt with. "Well now he's out and the crackpots are having conniption fits," Truman declared. "I'm glad they are. It convinces me I'm right." In the next paragraph, Truman shifted to a more mundane topic: continuing difficulties with the family car. He apologized for his earlier injunction about its tires, maintaining that he knew all along that the women took good care of the car. "But I couldn't help talking about the tires. They always have been an obsession of mine." He also offered additional advice to Mary Jane regarding the Eastern Star. With perhaps a slight touch of paranoia, Truman enjoined her not to "let that bunch of trash entice you into the Grand O.E.S. again. They'll simply mistreat you again for malicious political purposes against your brother."15 Harry Truman often formed definite opinions of other groups of people as well. During the summer of 1945, after a conference with Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, he declared, "You never saw such a pig headed people as the Russians. I hope I never have to hold another 14 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 23 January 1946. For a discussion of Truman's problems with labor see Donovan, Conflict and Crisis, 116-126, 166-168, 208- 218 and McCoy, The Presidency, 57-61. 15 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 20 September 1946. For a discussion of the Wallace matter see Donovan, Conflict and Crisis, 222-229 and McCoy, The Presidency, 63-66. 260 Missouri Historical Review conference with them but of course I will." He developed a more positive view of the Arabs, however. Early in 1947, he wrote about entertaining an Arab prince. "I am of the opinion that the Arabs are on the level and a lot smarter than some other people with whom I have to deal," he observed.16 Although Truman demonstrated stubborn views upon some occa­ sions, he could be extremely sensitive on others. Early in 1947, he wrote his mother that, somewhat to his dismay, Margaret would be going to New York to continue her voice lessons, a move that would leave him "lonesome again." At the same time, he expressed pride in Margaret's determination to build her career "without exploiting" her position as the president's daughter. Truman did not suggest any specific career choice for Margaret, but he clearly hoped she would chose one that would keep her near him and Bess. Still, he put his own feelings aside and supported her decision to leave. He revealed a sensibility bordering on the feminist when he stated, "I'd rather she'd stay at home. . . .But I don't want her to be a Washington socialite and she doesn't want to be." Several weeks later, he added, "Margaret went to New York yesterday and it leaves a blank place here. But I guess the parting time has to come to everybody and if she wants to be a warbler and has the talent and will do the hard work necessary to accomplish her purpose, I don't suppose I should kick." On the occassion of Margaret's birthday in February of that year, he wrote her grandmother, "She's one nice girl and I'm so glad that she hasn't turned out like Alice Roosevelt and a couple of the Wilson daughters."17 During early 1947, Truman increasingly worried about his sister and aging mother. In March, he encouraged them to hire household help and take good care of themselves. "I worry about both of you a lot - but what makes me more worried I can't seem to do anything about it." In his next letter on April 5, he opened with an apology: "I have, as usual, been up to my eyes in work and haven't had a chance to write promptly." He closed the letter with the somewhat wry statement, "If weather is good I may come out next Sunday. But don't count on it too much."18 On July 26, 1947, Truman was devastated by the death of his mother. The national media not only reported her death but speculated at great length upon her extensive and lasting influence on the president. Reports claimed that everything from his habit of rising at 5:30 A.M. (which he actually got from his days on the farm with his father) to his 16 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 31 July 1945 and 17 January 1947. 17 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 17, 30 January and 19 February 1947. 18 HST to "Dear Mamma and Mary," 22 March and 5 April 1947. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 261 marriage at a relatively late age, he derived from his mother's own habits and beliefs. Certainly, his homely philosophies showed great similarity to hers. His concern for others was another trait that marked Harry Truman as his mother's son. Thus, much in character, Truman immediately turned his attention to offering sympathy and support to his sister, Mary Jane. He con­ tinued to write regular letters to her on a wide variety of public and family matters. Mary Jane Truman may have destroyed many of the letters from her brother, especially those written after 1948. Perhaps she tried to preserve the personal Harry Truman from the public's prying gaze. Or, as some who knew her suggested, she simply expressed an increasing sense of bitterness over her role as the "spinster" daughter caring for an aged and infirm mother. Despite her zeal, enough of her brother's letters survived to further establish the portrait of Truman as a dedicated family man and an outspoken commentator on people and events, visible in his earlier writings to his mother. Mary Jane Truman was born on August 12, 1889, on the Truman family farm near Grandview, Missouri. She grew up on the farm, and when her older brother, Harry, joined the Army in 1917, Mary Jane ran the farm. After his return, Mary Jane continued to help run the farm until 1940 when she and her mother moved to a smaller home in town. She devoted immense amounts of time and energy to the Baptist Church and Order of Eastern Star. In addition, Mary Jane corre­ sponded regularly with her brother Harry, contributed some of her own pithy philosophies to his, and visited him in Washington, D.C.19 Family matters tended to dominate the letters that Harry wrote to Mary Jane. In August 1947, he expressed his anger over what he considered an unjustified critique of Margaret's singing. He labeled the critic as "mean" and threatened "to box her ears because she lied" if he should ever meet her. The critic, Truman explained, "said that Margie was off pitch and she has perfect pitch." He added, "a critic is a person who can do nothing himself and who tries to tear down those who do things. That's true in politics, business and particularly true in the arts." Many weeks later, Truman agreed with one critic in Pittsburgh. "There may be something in what he says. . . .He was very constructive and kindly," Truman told his sister, noting that he intended to counsel Margaret "to weigh carefully what he said." He quickly dismissed the other Pittsburgh critics as "just simply mean" and suggested they suffered from "stomach ulcers and most of them can do nothing well themselves and hate to see anyone else do it."20 19 Mary Jane Truman, Clippings, etc., undated, Harry S. Truman Library, Inde­ pendence, Missouri. 20 HST to "Dear Mary," 26 August and 21 October 1947. 262 Missouri Historical Review

Truman strongly supported Mary Jane's interests and activities, even her frequently problematic involvement in Eastern Star. He ex­ pressed pride in her achievements in various offices. He sent her regular expense checks and further acted the part of the elder brother by fussing over her driving. He warned her, "Not only is the weather a bad hazard but a lot of damn fools and morons are driving cars these days. I've tried with some success to eliminate them but there's still far too many of them on the road." He frequently enjoined her not to work too hard and refrain from wearing herself out. And, true to form, he frequently apologized for "neglecting her" and not writing regularly.21 In his letters to his sister, Truman gradually began to disclose the toll his office was taking on him. In September 1947, he told Mary Jane, "The Circuit Justice and a lot of Circuit Judges called on me yesterday afternoon, the bank examiners called the afternoon before - so there's never a dull moment for the customers, but I get rather tired of it but can't show it. Coolidge did and got a reputation for it." In November, he remarked, "am so tired when night comes, I just fall into bed and go to sleep." He observed, "a man in his right mind would never want to be President if he knew what it entails. Aside from the impossible administrative burden, he has to take all sorts of abuse from liars and demagogues. ..." In Truman's view, the president was simply "a glorified public relations man who spends his time flattering, kissing and kicking people to get them to do what they are supposed to do anyway." Further disgruntled, he believed his family suffered as well. "They say I'm my daughter's greatest handicap! Isn't that something?" he lamented. He advised Mary Jane to take good care of herself and "someday the nightmare will be over and maybe we can all go back to normal living."22 On April 12, 1948, Truman wrote an uncharacteristic letter to his sister in which he looked back instead of ahead. He reminisced on his years as president of the United States: Just three years ago tonight at 7:09 P.M. eastern standard time I was sworn in as President. It seems an age and it has been. Two wars were in progress - one in Europe and one in Asia. We were supporting both of them with men, munitions, planes and ships. Just 26 days after that day Germany surrendered. On August 14 Japan gave up and signed the surrender document on board the Battleship Missouri on September 2, 1945. In the meantime between the two surrenders I went to Berlin to

21 HST to "Dear Mary," 27 October and 24 November 1947; 20 October, 14 November and 13 December 1948; 21 and 26 March 1948; and 28 April, 5 and 25 October 1948. 22 HST to "Dear Mary," 28 September and 14 November 1947. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 263

meet Stalin and Churchill. On that trip coming home I ordered the Atomic Bomb to be dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It was a terrible decision. But I made it. And I'd made it to save 250,000 boys from the United States and I'd make it again under similar circum­ stances. Many decisions have had to be made - most of them of world wide significance - many of them affecting only home affairs. They've all been right and when history is written without prejudice it will say just that. He concluded, he still had "a long way to go" and "it will be a rough road." Two weeks later, he wrote, "I'm rather fed up on all the fol-de- rol it takes to be President. If it were not for the world situation and my lack of confidence in the Presidential candidates I'd throw the whole works out the window and go home and stay there. But I can't

Glenda Riley

When Margaret launched her career as a con­ cert singer in 1947, Truman expressed great offense in a letter to Mary Jane over an un­ favorable review of his daughter's singing. Three years later, Truman wrote to a music critic for the Washington Post about his "lousy review" of a recent performance of his daugh­ ter. In that letter, Truman threatened to give him a black eye and worse, if he ever met him. Truman wrote that a "guttersnipe" was a gentleman compared to that critic. 264 Missouri Historical Review run from responsibility as you know. So I have to face the music."23 After winning the presidency in his own right over Thomas Dewey in 1948, Truman shared his jubilation with Mary Jane. "The White House sent me a big scrap book of editorials from all the papers over the country and my, how they've banqueted on crow!" he exulted. In Truman's last existing letter to his sister, he described the Gridiron Dinner in December 1948, at which many speakers "ribbed Dewey unmercifully." When it was Truman's turn to speak, he claimed he simply told his opponents "they'd ridden in the wrong boat and then made a very solemn and serious speech on the grave responsibility we are facing and told them that the country is their's not mine but they'd have to help me run it. Complimented Dewey on being a good sport and sat down." Truman appeared delighted with the overwhelming ovation that followed during which "some of those old hard boiled Republican news men openly cried."24 In a rare interview many years later, Mary Jane Truman assessed her brother and herself. Of her brother, she said: "I think that Harry did what he believed was right. ... he was conscientious and wanted to do the right thing, not especially for himself but for the country." Looking back over her own life, she remembered her work with the Order of Eastern Star, especially her service as Worthy Grand Matron of the Eastern Star of Missouri beginning in 1950, and her service to the First Baptist Church of Grandview. Not quite two years after the 1976 interview, having suffered numerous medical problems, Mary Jane died on November 3, 1978.25 Harry Truman's letters to his daughter Margaret span a longer time period and are more intermittent than the surviving letters to his mother and sister. Despite assertions by Margaret in one of her books that her father began to write her when she was somewhat older, Harry Truman's letters to his daughter actually began in July 1927, when she 23 HST to "Dear Mary," 12 April 1948. Truman later reflected on this period and his decision in detail. See Harry S. Truman, Memoirs of Harry S. Truman, Volume II: Years of Trial and Hope (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1956). The atom bomb decision is found on 1-16; HST to "Dear Mary," 28 April 1948. That Truman's feelings concerning the limitations of the presidency continued to grow after his re-election is demonstrated in several later letters to his cousin, Ethel Noland. In 1950, Truman complained to her about his treatment by the press. In 1951, he described "seventeen or eighteen" hour days, the White House as a "darn jail," and the Congress as his "top headache." HST to "Dear Ethel," 24 September 1950, 15 June and 12 December 1951, and 4 June and 21 August 1952, Mary Ethel Noland, Papers, 1903-1971, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. 24 HST to "Dear Mary," 20 November and 13 December 1948. 25 Mary Jane Truman, Oral History Interview, 2 January 1976, by interviewers Jerald L. Hill and William D. Stilley, students at William Jewell College, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 265 was three years old. As he did in his letters to his mother and sister, Truman often showed himself to be a complex blend of family man and public figure.26 Mary Margaret Truman was born on February 17, 1924. An only child, she spent her early years in the "Truman home" on North Delaware Street in Independence, Missouri. During his frequent ab­ sences from Margaret, Truman wrote often encouraging her to further herself through school and musical studies. Addressing her as "My dear daughter, Marg, Margie, Sistie, and Baby," he frequently assured her that she was capable of achieving whatever she wanted. In 1934, upon Harry Truman's election to the U.S. Senate, Margaret spent half the year in Washington and the other half in Independence. In 1942, she entered George Washington University as a history and international relations major. Three years later, Margaret's life grew more compli­ cated as a result of her obligations as the president's daughter and the almost constant presence of Secret Service guards. She graduated from college in 1946 and began to pursue a career as a concert soprano. For several years, Margaret sang on the concert stage, fulfilled her White House obligations and helped her father campaign for office. In 1956, she married Clifton Daniel, Jr., a New York newspaper editor. She developed a second career as a writer and bore four sons. She also maintained a close relationship with her father until his death in 1972.27 Harry Truman wrote the first letters to Margaret while he served as an officer in the field artillery reserve at Fort Riley, Kansas. His initial letter to his young daughter told little of his own affairs. Instead, he described "two little girls living in the barracks" in great detail, apparently hoping to catch her interest. In a letter from Ft. Riley the following summer, Truman expressed concern about the health of Margaret's dolls. He plaintively expressed his wish that she and her mother come visit him, although he did not think they "would really enjoy the trip suggested." The following year, he described a "pretty little yellow haired girl" who clearly reminded him of his own absent daughter. "She made me think of you," Truman told Margaret, "and I wished, oh so much that I had you here and could give you a good hug and kiss." He signed himself, "Your loving daddy."28

26 Truman, Letters from Father, 11, 31. 27 Margaret Truman, Souvenir: Margaret Truman's own Story (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1956) and Clippings, 1947 to present, and Papers of Clifton and Margaret Truman Daniel, 1956 to present, both at the Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. 28 HST to "Dear Little Daughter," 16 July 1927; "My Dear Little Daughter," 13 July 1928; and "Dear Daughter," 16 July 1929, Family Correspondence from Harry S. Truman to Margaret Truman, 1927-1955, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, 266 Missouri Historical Review

These early letters contained a theme that recurred repeatedly in Harry Truman's missives to Margaret. Over the years, he apologized an untold number of times for missing family occasions and her own personal landmarks. On July 10, 1935, he complained, "Congress is a slow motion affair, but the paper said this morning we might be home by August." He added, "I miss my daughter just as badly as she misses me. I should like very much to see that permanent. If you get one every week you'll be in debt the rest of your life won't you. I also want to see that trapeze. That must have been a fine dinner Sunday." A few days later, he promised to take her to the Plantation Grill when he returned home, "if I ever do." In August, he commiserated with her over a sprained ankle and said he would be in Independence in a few days. He expressed the hope that after his return, the family would take a ten- day vacation, she would begin a new school term and "everyone will be happy." During the following years, he missed her performances in plays and as a speaker, scraped knees, special luncheons and dinners, holidays, birthdays and other celebrations, important school exams and numerous other events, all very much to his chagrin. He consoled himself by sending gifts or congratulatory telegrams instead.29 During his absences, Truman alternately indulged and disciplined Margaret. Usually against his wife's wishes, he frequently sent Margaret coins and bills to supplement her allowance. At the same time, he chastised her for staying at a family friend's home later than he thought proper. He urged her repeatedly to develop her letter-writing skills in general, and to write to him in particular. He even encouraged her to adopt his own belief in the efficacy of daily walks: "You remember that will you and you'll never have to diet and maybe never be sick either I hope."30 Missouri. Descriptions of Truman's National Guard service are found in James B. Agnews, "Got to hell . . . but I'll Try," Field Artillery Journal 42 (March-April 1974): 33-41; and Major Francis B. Kish, "Citizen Soldier: Harry S. Truman, 1884-1972," Military Review 53 (February 1973): 30-44. 29 HST to "My Dear Margey," 10 July 1935; "My dear little, or should I say Big Girl," 18 July 1935; "Dear Miss Margey," 22 August 1935; "Miss Mary Margaret Truman," 16 April 1938; and "Miss Margaret Truman," 16 June 1945. This pattern was a long-term one in Truman's letters home. In 1916, he wrote Bess of his homesickness and loneliness for her while he was in Oklahoma concluding his T.C.H. Mining Company venture. He wrote, "I am most awful sorry I wasn't present Monday. I spent the day in a most homesick manner. . . .1 am crazy to see you and hope to very soon." HST to "Dear Bess," 7 September 1916, Correspondence from H.S. Truman to Bess Wallace in Harry S. Truman: Papers pertaining to family, business, and personal affairs, 1910-1959, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. 30 HST to "My Dear Daughter," 11 December 1935; "My Dear Daughter," 21 June 1936; "My dear Daughter," 24 November 1937; "My dear sweet daughter," 9 December 1937; "Margie Dear," 19 October 1939; and "Dear Margie," 18 January 1937. Margaret Truman's memories regarding her father's gifts of money and his injunctions to write to him are recalled in Truman, Letters from Father, 18 and 12-15, respectively. "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 267

Harry Truman showed great interest in his daughter becoming a competent pianist. He purchased a grand piano for her and became her first teacher. In his letters, he urged her to practice diligently. "I would be disappointed if someone should say that the reason Margaret Truman can't play is because her daddy is trying to teach her and he doesn't know how," he teased her in 1932. In other letters, he empha­ sized how anxious he was to hear her play the piano when he returned from his current absence and reassured her that she possessed "musical talent."31 Margaret's father especially expressed concern that she excel as a student. He placed geography and history as high priority subjects on his list. He thought she should master these topics in order "to talk intelligently to educated people" and believed she "would certainly have to do that." He assured her that some day she would be very glad she could "play the piano, speak French, talk intelligently about Agrippa and Ghengis Khan and reasonably understand geography and math." A few months later he added, "I don't want my pretty daughter to be a dumbbell." When she earned good grades, Truman often rewarded her monetarily. He tried to motivate her in other ways as well. On Decem­ ber 4, 1939, he informed her, "a beautiful young lady who is a Senator's daughter is supposed to know all about how the Federal government works and also all about a lot of other things. You'll have to learn all the necessary things and then there are millions of things you learn every day." He closed with a touching comment regarding his own meager education: "It was always a handicap to your dad because he didn't know as much as he should. He is still trying to learn."32 In a 1942 letter, Truman expanded his thoughts on education. "Your dad is trying very hard to do something for his country," he explained. "I don't want the young men twenty five years from now doing what I did twenty five years ago and what our young men are doing now." Showing no reservations about her abilities and oppor­ tunities as a woman, he continued, "You know if we could only learn how to harness this great machine age of ours for constructive instead of destructive purposes every family in this country could have a high

31 HST to "Dear Daughter," 20 July 1932; "My dear Baby," 28 August 1933; "My dear daughter," 20 October 1933; and "My Dear Margar," 17 June 1935. Margaret Truman's recollections about her piano playing are found in Truman, Letters from Father, 19-20. 32 HST to "My dear Daughter," 10 December 1936; "My dear daughter," 23 February 1937; "My dear Baby," 12 April 1937; "Dear Margaret," 25 October 1937; "Dear Daughter," 4 November 1939; and "Dear Sistie," 4 December 1939. 268 Missouri Historical Review

Office of War Information, Courtesy Harry S. Truman Library Truman's letters to his mother and sister show that he was devoted to his family. The letters also reflect his over-protec­ tive nature and his failure to understand that public figures invariably are subjected to criticism of themselves and their families because of their position alone. standard of living. I want you to study and find out how to do that because your dad can't live long enough to help get it done."33 Truman's long custom of apologizing continued throughout his letters to Margaret. After he became president of the United States, Harry Truman found a new reason to apologize to his daughter. On June 11, 1945, he wrote her, "You evidently are just finding out what a terrible situation the President's daughter is facing. That was the main reason for my not wanting to be Vice-President. I knew what it would mean to you and your mother - to your Aunts and Uncles and Grand­ mothers and cousins particularly those named Truman if what has happened came about." He advised her to face the situation squarely and act as she thought proper while ignoring the criticisms and false­ hoods that now punctuated her daily existence.34

33 HST to "Dear Margie," 30 October 1942. Truman's support of his daughter was not reflected in his legislative record concerning women in general. See Cynthia E. Harrison, "Stalemate: Federal Legislation for Women in the Truman Era," in William F. Levantrosser, ed., Harry S. Truman: The Man from Independence (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 217-232. 34 HST to "My dear Daughter," 11 June 1945. Truman continued to ruminate on the matter of the privacy of a president's family even after he left office. See Harry S. Truman, Harry Truman Speaks His Mind (New York: Popular Library, 1960), 147-152. Truman's thoughts on remaining a Senator are found in Ferrell, ed., Autobiography, "Dear Mamma": The Family Letters of Harry S. Truman 269

The presidency did nothing to alleviate Truman's career-long lone­ liness for his family. While in the Senate, such statements as "How I wish you and mother were here" and "It will surely be grand when you and your mamma get here" concluded many of his notes. As president, he frequently characterized himself as lonely, the White House as an "old barn" when Margaret and her mother were not in it, and himself as "hemmed in." Even during the drama of his visit to Germany, he wrote that, after talking to his wife and daughter by telephone, he was "very, very homesick." He further remarked, "While I am nicely sit­ uated here and waited upon by everybody, that does not fill the gap."35 Despite the frustrations of the presidential years and the tremen­ dous drain on his time and energy, Truman poured out enthusiasm and support for Margaret's undertakings and ambitions. He threatened to "bust in the nose" any of the infamous Pittsburgh critics he happened to run into. On a more serious note, he assured Margaret, "You'll have my backing whatever you do but I want you to do what will be most likely to take you to the top of the ladder." When Margaret toured Europe in 1951, her father could not compliment her highly enough. "The reaction here to your English visit has been perfect - fantastic, in fact. I've had numerous pieces from papers in England, all favorable and letters and reports from people who have seen you at various places." He hoped she would not "be taken in" by the glamorous sights and powerful people. He thus counseled her, "Just be the great daughter that you are of a Missouri farmer, Grand Master of Masons and a Roger Williams Baptist." A few years later, he complimented her again, this time on her skill as a writer.36 Other themes ran through Harry Truman's letters to his daughter. Particularly as she grew older, he described political events and deci­ sions. However, he seemed to have reserved his most incisive and caustic political comments for letters to his mother. He also sent 87-90. The reasons that Truman was chosen as vice president are examined in Richard S. Kirkendall, "Truman's Path to Power," Social Science 43 (April 1968): 67-73; and John W. Partin, "Roosevelt, Byrnes, and the 1944 Vice-Presidential Nomination," Historian 42 (November 1979): 85-100. 35 HST to "Dear Margey," 29 October 1937; "My dear Daughter," 5 December 1937; "Dear Margie," 25 July 1945; and "Dear Margie," 22 July 1945. 36 HST to "Dear Margie," 21 October 1947; "Dear Margie," 12 June 1951; and "Dear Margie," 19 August 1955. In turn, Margaret passed on positive statements about her father to him: "Your ears must burn for the wonderful things they say about you and they mean it especially here in Holland." Margaret S. Truman to "Dear Daddy," undated, received by the White House, 19 June 1951, Papers of Clifton and Margaret Truman Daniel. Margaret Truman's view of her career are given in Truman, Souvenir, 149-180. Her ideas about the courage needed by women who try to expand their lives are found in Margaret Truman, Women of Courage (New York: William Morrow & Co., Inc., 1976), 13-24. 270 Missouri Historical Review detailed descriptions of the many places he visited, presumably to pique her interest in world geography. And he frequently demonstrated his great love for his wife, Bess. He often asked Margaret to kiss her mother, help her and console her during his absences. He solicited Margaret's aid in helping Bess to understand and accept his deep political involvement and commitment to public service that created so many unwelcome departures from home. In a February 1946, birthday telegram to Margaret, Truman wrote in a highly revealing way: "Happy Birthday I Hope you Can Persuade Your Mother To Be For The President." He signed it simply "Daddy," although he hadn't used that signature on Margaret's letters for many years.37 Clearly, the family letters of Harry S. Truman to his mother, sister and daughter reveal a number of characteristics about the politican and the man. They particularly reflect a person who, despite his power and renown, continued to be family and home-oriented, and thus often lonely and apologetic—a man whose heart always remained in Mis­ souri. Because his personal writings to his mother, sister and daughter juxtapose the public and private sides of his life, Harry S. Truman's family letters offer great insight into the outer and inner character of this significant twentieth-century American president.38

37 HST to "Miss Mary Margaret Truman," undated. Truman's ties to Bess are further described in numerous popular articles of the time. See Bess Wallace Truman, Clippings, etc., 1885-1982, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. 38 Because Truman's family letters are sparse between 1949 and 1953, they do not offer a very full view of his presidency during those years. They are supplemented by a small collection of letters from Harry S. Truman to his cousins, Ethel and Nellie Noland between September 24, 1950 and May 21, 1956 that contain a number of political remarks along with personal and family comments. Papers of Mary Ethel Noland. For a detailed discussion of the Truman presidency after 1949 see Robert J. Donovan, Tumultuous Years. The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1949-1953 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1982). Specific issues from that period are analyzed in William E. Pemberton, "Struggle for the New Deal: Truman and the Hoover Commission," Presidential Studies Quarterly 16 (Summer 1986): 511-527 and Benjamin F. Rogers, "'Dear Mr. President:'The Hoover-Truman Correspondence," ibid., 503-510. A slightly different and recent analysis by a British politician is Roy Jenkins, Truman (New York: Harper & Row, 1986). Additional references can be found by consulting Richard Dean Burns, comp., Harry S. Truman: A Bibliography of His Times and Presidency (Wilm­ ington, Delaware: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1984); Truman's ties to Missouri are explored in Richard S. Kirkendall, A History of Missouri, Volume 5: 1919-1953 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986), 273-402 and "Truman and Missouri," Missouri Historical Review 81 (January 1987): 127-140.

The Delicate Art of Definition Kansas City Daily Journal of Commerce, January 9, 1864. PUNCH says that social science is the art of mixing whisky toddy. State Historical Society of Missouri At 2 P.M. on September 27, 1864, Confederate soldiers poised on Pilot Knob for their bombardment and frontal assault on Fort Davidson. This photograph, taken in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century, shows Pilot Knob from the location of Fort Davidson.

The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob [Part II] BY JOSEPH CONAN THOMPSON* At dawn on September 27, 1864, as a misty rain fell from a cloudy sky and a light breeze wafted across the Arcadia Valley, the Confed­ erates recommenced their assault on the Union army in Ironton. They had formed a line that extended from Stout's Creek to the farms on the western edge of Ironton and began to advance toward the Federal encampments. The Union cavalry which had been posted as pickets on the road close to the Rebel line soon detected the renewed activity. A Confederate soldier fired at them as they mounted their horses to ride off and alert their superiors. The riders returned the fire and sped off to the campsite. The camp sentries, who spied the Confederates through their field glasses, heard this exchange of gunfire. The sentries reported to Major James Wilson and Captain William Campbell, who in turn roused their men and called them to arms. As he watched his men ready

•Joseph Conan Thompson received his B.A. degree from East Stroudsburg Univer­ sity and his M.A. degree from Kent State University. He is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of Florida. 271 272 Missouri Historical Review themselves for battle, Campbell realized the Confederates had received substantial reinforcements the previous night and that his and Major Wilson's men appeared vastly outnumbered.1 The Federals opened fire as soon as the Rebels came within range of their Springfields. This volley did little to check the Rebel advance. Acting on his own initiative, Major Wilson rode to Captain Campbell and asked him to lead his men and the men of Company E to the base of Shepherd Mountain. The major left further instructions to send Lieutenant Morgan Simonton's battery back to Fort Davidson lest his guns be captured. Happy to oblige the major, Campbell led his infantry on a double-quick march past the fields on the north side of town. When they reached the gap, they turned off the road and took cover amid the trees and bushes on the eastern base of Shepherd Mountain. From their position, the men of the 14th could see Major Wilson's and Lieutenant J.A. Rice's cavalry as they attempted to fend off the Rebels. Campbell also observed that Lieutenant Simonton had misunderstood his orders and set up his guns on the western slope of Pilot Knob Mountain.2 Satisfied that his cavalry had successfully covered the infantry's withdrawal, Major Wilson decided to abandon his attempt to impede the Rebels in the open field and instead tried to do so opposite Campbell's men on the western slope of Pilot Knob Mountain. The major led his men at a gallop into the gap along the same road taken by Campbell's men. They dismounted and deployed as skirmishers in the brush near Simonton's battery. At this juncture of the battle, neither Major Wilson nor Captain Campbell had lost a man.3 From their respective vantage points, Wilson and Campbell watched as part of James Fagan's cavalry approached the gap. Rather than subject their men to unnecessary risk, the Union commanders led them up the slopes, along the mountainsides and through the gap making them visible to the men in Fort Davidson. Fagan's men, unaware of seven Union cannons trained on the gap, entered the space 1 Henry Wilkinson to CA. Peterson, circa 1904, Letter No. 18 from the private collection of Jack Mayes, Ironton, Missouri. Hereafter this manuscript collection will be referred to as the Jack Mayes Collection. Cyrus A. Peterson and Joseph M. Hanson, Pilot Knob, The Thermopylae of the West (New York: The Neale Publishing Co., 1914), 128. 2 U.S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 4 ser. 128 vols. (Washington, D.C, 1890-1901), ser. 1, vol. 41, pt. 1, 325. Hereafter cited as O.R. with all subsequent citations from series 1, volume 41, pt. 1, unless otherwise noted. Recollections of Hugo Hoffbauer, 6 December 1902, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3, Missouri Historical Society Archives, Jefferson Memorial Building, St. Louis, Missouri. 3 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 139. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 273 vacated by the Union soldiers. Upon seeing the Rebels, Lieutenant David Murphy let loose a barrage of artillery which raked the pass, killing a number of men and horses. The survivors turned and bolted. Campbell's men then retraced their steps back to the southeastern base of Shepherd's Mountain and Wilson's men did the same on the south­ western base of Pilot Knob Mountain until once again the Union line extended across the gap. Larger contingents of Confederate cavalrymen repeated this pattern of events twice with the same sanguinary results. After the third try, the Rebels abandoned this approach and sought a more circuitous route to the fort.4 Fagan's men regrouped in the fields south of Pilot Knob Mountain, dismounted and prepared to ascend the craggy slope. Immediately south of Shepherd Mountain, General John Clark's brigade, which had recently arrived in Ironton as part of John Marmaduke's division, readied themselves for ascent up that mountain. In addition, the Federals on both mountains witnessed the formation of a Rebel column in Ironton as well as the arrival of the remainder of Marmaduke's division parading into Arcadia Valley along the Fredericktown Road. Captain Campbell deduced the Confederates planned a full-scale of­ fensive up the mountainside. He conveyed his apprehension to General Thomas Ewing through his adjutant and asked the general's permission to reposition on the spur of Shepherd Mountain. The general, who wanted to keep his troops as close as possible to the Rebels in order to monitor their activity, reluctantly acceded to the Iowan's request in deference to his battle experience.5 General Clark's Confederate brigade belatedly reached the foot of Shepherd Mountain, far to the west of Campbell's position. As a result, Captain Campbell and his men proceeded unmolested through the timber to the mountain's summit where he deployed his soldiers into a skirmish line. Wilson's cavalry appeared less fortunate. Their opponents had embarked on a vigorous offensive directly in front of his position. Letting out a "Rebel yell," Fagan's men charged the Federals only to be greeted by a volley of rifle fire. The Rebels balked and sought refuge behind trees and large rocks. Utilizing this cover, they moved closer to Wilson's men until both sides fought with pistols and sabers in a heated exchange. The Confederates eventually orchestrated a series of flank-

4 O.R., 447; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 139; Wiley Britton, The Civil War on the Border (New York: B.P. Putnam's Sons, 1899), 2:400. 5 Lewis Sutton to CA. Peterson, 12 February 1903, Letter No. 1, Jack Mayes Collection; W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 March 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 130, 139; Britton, Civil War on the Border, 400. 274 Missouri Historical Review ing maneuvers which forced Wilson and his men further up the slope.6 On Shepherd Mountain, Lieutenant Smith Thompson informed Captain Campbell that a heavy column of dismounted cavalry had been seen advancing up the slope to the right of the Union line. These men belonged to General Clark's brigade and were attempting to secure the crest of the mountain and cut Campbell off from the fort. Campbell correctly construed Clark's purpose and retreated to the fort. He ordered Thompson to assemble his men and march them double-quick back to the center of the line. Once Thompson had returned, his troops marched parallel with the valley until they reached a mining road. They followed that road toward the crest of the mountain, where they drove through a small contingent of Clark's men and descended the rocky, treeless side of the mountain. Two men from Company E of the 47th Missouri were killed on the descent. By the time the Federals reached the plain, most of Clark's men were at the crest of the mountain firing at their fleeing foe. Campbell and his men reached the south rifle pit without any additional casualties. Clark's men prudently remained at the top of the mountain because the artillery inside the fort commanded the naked north side.7 At 9:30 A.M., General Ewing ordered Wilson's men and Simonton's battery to return to the fort. They arrived at approximately the same time Campbell and his men entered the south rifle pit. The men of the 14th, and Company E of the 47th Missouri, spent the rest of the morning in the pit along with Lieutenant Amos Maupin and Companies F, G and H of the 47th. The remainder of the 47th and part of Company F of the 50th Missouri manned the north rifle pit. Colonel Thomas Fletcher had charge of the trench. Soon after Simonton returned to the fort, he received orders to post two guns at the northern terminus of the north rifle pit.8 Inside the fort, the artillerists honed their skills by firing practice shots at the trees on the crest of Shepherd Mountain. The manner in which they repelled the Rebels' attempt to storm the gap earlier that morning attested to their expertise. They again tested this skill about 9:30 A.M. when the Confederates placed a 12-pound gun in a hollow at the eastern base of Shepherd Mountain. From their position, the Confederate gunners could not see the fort, only its flagstaff, which

6 W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 March 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 130-131. 7 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; O.R., 447; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 131-132, 140; Britton, Civil War on the Border, 400; Letter No. 1, Jack Mayes Collection. 8 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 104. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 275 they used as a guide. They fired two rounds at the fort and then pulled back a few yards to see whether the Union gunners could zero in on their position. The shells flew over the fort and exploded harmlessly in an open field. The Union gunners retaliated with a brisk round of fire aimed at the puff of smoke emitted from the Rebel gun. The accuracy of the Union gunners compelled the Rebels to relocate their gun in the bed of a dry stream at the base of Shepherd Mountain. This new site provided the Rebel gunners with a safe haven, but they caused little damage given the awkward angle from which they fired.9 General Sterling Price entered Arcadia at approximately 10 o'clock that morning. He first surveyed the Union redoubt, its armaments and other aspects of its defense. To acquire this information, the general sent a reconnoitering party under the supervision of his chief engineer, Captain Thomas J. Mackey, to the peak of Shepherd Mountain. General Marmaduke had gone to the summit of that same mountain to familiarize himself with the surroundings. After conducting his own survey, he formed an opinion about the manner of attack most effective for reducing the fort. General Fagan did the same from the top of Pilot Knob Mountain.10 Mackey's observation took less than five minutes to complete. He reported to Price that eight guns were located inside Fort Davidson, and a "slight ditch" appeared around the post. He added that a cloud of artillery smoke obscured his view of the fort, but he sketched a map which included the salient features of the area. Asked by Price how the garrison could best be forced into submission, Mackey stated that an entire battery of guns fired from atop Shepherd Mountain, combined with the direct frontal assault by the dismounted cavalry of Fagan's and Marmaduke's division would be sufficient. The captain believed the eight guns could be placed atop the mountain in two hours time. Price also solicited the advice of General Fagan who claimed his division alone could capture the fort. Marmaduke contended that his troops, supported by two artillery pieces, could secure a victory for the Con­ federacy. Both Fagan and Marmaduke advised against Mackey's plan because they believed the two-hour delay would afford the Federals an opportunity for reinforcement.11

9 O.R., 447; Recollections of J.A. Coker, circa 1903, Pilot Knob Papers, Missouri Historical Society; "The Battle of Pilot Knob by One Who Was There," typescript memoir of an unknown observer of the Battle of Pilot Knob, Joint Collection, University of Missouri Western Historical Manuscript Collection, Columbia and State Historical Society of Missouri Manuscripts; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 151-152, 195. 10 O.R., 707. 11 O.R., 707, 713-714; Norman Potter Morrow, "Price's Missouri Expedition, 1864" (Master's thesis, University of Texas, 1949), 79; Thomas A. Belser, "Military Operations in Missouri and Arkansas 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1958), 703. 276 Missouri Historical Review

State Historical Society of Missouri The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 111

Before Price decided which method of attack to employ, he first considered the plea of a deputation of citizens who told him several local citizens with southern sympathies had been taken into the fort against their will. The presence of civilians detered the Confederates from using artillery against the post. This group of citizens also implored the Confederates not to subject the fort to a bombardment. Based upon this and the advice of Fagan, Marmaduke and Mackey, Price drew up a battle plan. It entailed General Fagan leading his men to the crest of Pilot Knob Mountain and General Marmaduke doing the same on Shepherd Mountain. These two divisions were to wait for a signal, a cannon shot, before charging the fort. To eliminate one of the Union's lines of retreat, he sent Colonel Archibald Dobbins with approximately 1,500 mounted men to occupy a position one mile north of the fort on the Potosi Road. These men were not to take part in the assault. Price also sent a message to General Joseph Shelby, whom he believed to be in Potosi, ordering him to march to Pilot Knob, but the message never reached Shelby.12 Eager for information regarding the strength of the Rebel army as well as its movements, General Ewing dispatched two men, Colonel James Lindsay and a private citizen named Joseph A. Hughes, to the summit of Pilot Knob Mountain to serve as signalers. The two men remained on the mountain until approximately 10:15 A.M. when they sighted a patrol of Rebel scouts approaching their position. Hughes and Lindsay escaped unharmed to the garrison as the Rebel scouts, unob­ served by anyone in the fort, passed through the gap. When they reached a road running alongside a row of log houses which the local iron company owned, a soldier inside the fort detected them. At once the Union artillerist fired a salvo of shells and grapeshot into the midst of the Confederate scouting party. As the shells burst about them, the Rebels fled in disarray. Several motioned toward the "knob store," a structure located just to the west of the iron furnace, but grapeshot prevented them from entering that building. After Union guns fired more rounds, the Rebel scouting party left the field. As a precaution against further incursions through the gap, General Ewing dispatched a line of skirmishers to the northern base of Pilot Knob Mountain. A

12 No mention of these "captives" could be found among the Union accounts of the battle, in fact this author doubts they existed. The loyalty of the people who informed General Price of the "captives" is uncertain. They may have been loyal to the Union and their message merely a ruse designed to save their allies from an artillery bombardment. Price wrote of this visit after the expedition so one may suspect that the story of the "captives" was simply a post-battle excuse for his poor judgment at the time of the conflict. O.R., 709, 714; Robert Shalhope, Sterling Price, Portrait of a Southerner (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971), 265. 278 Missouri Historical Review portion of Company E of the 47th Missouri, under Captain Franz Dinger, occupied the left flank of this line. These men protected the fort from assault via the Farmington Road. Major Wilson and 100 men of the 3rd Missouri Cavalry occupied the center of the line. The remaining 40 members of Company E under Lieutenant George Tetley manned the right flank. Skirmishers stood at arms and awaited further orders from Ewing.13 Shortly after noon, the rain stopped falling and the sun appeared, but the air remained ominously still. The Federals waited apprehensively for the inevitable attack. From the south rifle pit, the soldiers saw the Rebels moving about the crest of Shepherd Mountain. The sounds of picks and shovels preparing the ground for their cannon could be heard reverberating throughout the valley. General Ewing also anticipated a Rebel assault. He had received intelligence that confirmed the presence of General Price in Ironton. Ewing now believed he faced the whole of Price's Army of the Field.14 A number of events that took place that morning helped manifest Ewing's resolve to make use of as much of the available defenses as possible. He insisted that Wilson and Campbell hold the mountainsides as long as possible. His decision to position Simonton's guns outside the fort and deployment of troops at the base of Pilot Knob Mountain following the incident at the "knob store" indicated that he did not desire to be confined inside Fort Davidson. The general also may have intended to use every opportunity to impede the Rebels in the hope that reinforcements would arrive. Again utilizing this strategy, he ordered Captain Henry B. Milks of the 3rd Missouri State Militia Cavalry to take 20 men from his regiment and 40 men from Company H of the 47th Missouri to reoccupy a picket post near the northwestern base of Shepherd Mountain. Milks and his men left the fort at approximately 12:15 P.M. traveling on foot. When they reached a point to safely survey their destination, they halted and observed the body of 500 Confederate cavalrymen riding toward them. The Confederates did not notice Milks and his men as they ascended the slope and found cover behind some shrubs and large rocks. The Confederate column con­ tinued its advance and within a short time its lead rider appeared

13 Thomas C. Fletcher, "The Battle of Pilot Knob and Retreat to Leasburg," in War Papers and Personal Reminiscences, 1861-1865; Read Before the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, Missouri Commandery, vol. 1 (St. Louis: Becktold and Co., 1892), 37; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 154-155; Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; John Hendricks to CA. Peterson, 23 February 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 5. 14 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 149, 186, 200. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 279 directly below the awaiting Federals. At that instant, Milks ordered his men to open fire. After so doing, he led them to a more concealed point further up the mountainside. The Confederate commander, Colonel Thomas R. Freeman, halted his men and ordered a few of them to dismount and deploy as skirmishers. They found no sign of their enemy. Rather than move on and risk provoking the unseen militia, the Confederates remained still, thus ensuring a temporary stalemate. Had Milks ordered his men to fire a second volley, their position and inferior strength would have been revealed.15 Once Campbell and his men had been dispelled from Shepherd Mountain, the Confederates freely began the arduous task of hauling their artillery to its peak. Contrary to General Price's original plan, only two guns were brought to the mountaintop because of the diffi­ culties of transporting the guns over the road obstructed to prevent just such activity. Upon reaching the peak, the gunners selected a site approximately 1,250 yards south of the fort and began leveling the ground for the placement of their guns. Two hours after beginning their trek up the mountain, the Rebel cannoneers had the first gun loaded and in place.16 Inside the fort, Lieutenant Murphy made his own preparations. He had assigned a number to each team of gunners and instructed them to fire only when they heard their number. This gave Murphy great control of the artillery and enabled his men to function uniformly and efficiently. The lieutenant saw and heard the activity taking place atop Shepherd Mountain but allowed the Rebels to finish their work. He believed that once the Rebels fired their guns, his men would be able to destroy them. Until that time he would permit the Rebels to expend energy on what he believed to be a wasted effort. Ewing consented to Murphy's strategy with some trepidation, because he did not share the lieutenant's confidence in his gunners' abilities.17 Minutes after Lieutenant Murphy finished explaining the merits of his strategy to General Ewing, a Rebel cannoneer, without any authori­ zation from a commanding officer, fired one of the guns from atop Shepherd Mountain. The shell landed outside the fort. Murphy reacted before another shell could be fired. He shouted, "Number one, ready, fire, load," and the first team of gunners fired their cannon. The shell exploded near the offending Rebel gun, damaging its axle. As the Federals cheered, Murphy cried out, "Number two, ready, fire, load." 15 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 160. 16 O.R., 709; Birdie Cole, "The Battle of Pilot Knob," Confederate Veteran Maga­ zine 22 (1914): 417. 17 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 149-150. 280 Missouri Historical Review

This time the shell detonated even closer to its target, permanently disabling it. Murphy then ordered every gun facing the mountain to fire at will in the direction of the Rebel gun. The resulting bombardment proved too violent for the Rebels. Under heavy fire, they fastened the remaining gun to a mule and moved it down the southern slope of the mountain. They were followed by the men of Marmaduke's division which had been preparing for the assault.18 The Rebel gunners repositioned their piece along a ridge on Shepherd's southern face. With this new placement out of sight of the fort, for the first time since Campbell had been driven from the mountain, Ewing lost sight of the Rebels. In order to reestablish visual contact with the enemy and direct artillery fire against them, Ewing decided to send Captain Campbell and Companies B, C and D of his regiment back to the top of the mountain. Campbell instructed Major Wilson to lead the men with him at the base of Pilot Knob Mountain in an ascent of that slope.19 The 14th Iowa, in compliance with General Ewing's directive, left for the mountain at approximately 1:15 P.M. When Campbell and his men reached the foot of the mountain, they formed a line of battle. Once at the top, the captain used a handkerchief as a signal flag to direct fire. He also made mental notes pertaining to the composition and deportment of the Rebel army in the valley below. From the look out he had chosen, Campbell could not gather the intelligence Ewing had requested, and he sent five volunteers, led by Sergeant Hugo Hoffbauer, to scout the southern face of the mountain. Hoffbauer returned a few minutes later with word of a substantial Rebel column ascending the southern face of Shepherd Mountain. Moments before Hoffbauer had returned to the line with his news, an orderly called Captain Campbell's attention to the southern slope of Pilot Knob Mountain. With the aid of a spy glass, Campbell saw a large body of Rebel soldiers ascending that mountain. Neither the men in Fort Davidson nor Major Wilson's men, who had yet to reach the peak of the mountain, knew what was happening on the southern faces of the two mountains. The captain surmised the events taking place on the two mountains were merely a prelude to a full frontal assault against the fort, and it was his duty to relay this information to General Ewing personally. Campbell then formed his men into a line that extended about one-half mile along the crest of the mountain, turned

18 Ibid., 150. 19 W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 May 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 150; Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 281 over command of the regiment to a Captain Davidson of Company E and rode off to Fort Davidson. Campbell met Ewing near the sally port and gave him a detailed description of the activity outside the fort. The General ordered Campbell to bring his men back to the fort.20 Before Campbell could return to the mountain and retrieve his men, the Confederate column came into view of the Federal line. At first the Union soldiers held their fire because many of the Rebel soldiers were wearing blue coats. This hesitation allowed the southerners to reach the summit unscathed and eliminated any advantage the Federals might have had by their occupation of the higher ground. Once the firing commenced, Captain Davidson realized he confronted a much larger force than his own. As a result, he ordered his men to retreat to the south rifle pit. As they negotiated their way down the rocky incline, the Rebels fired at their backs. Despite the death of several soldiers, the men of the 14th Iowa remained undaunted and continued their orderly retreat. Upon reaching the south rifle pit, they turned to face their enemy and began firing.21 At approximately 1:30 P.M., Wilson's men began to ascend the northern face of Pilot Knob Mountain. As they neared the midway point of their trek they heard the sound of cannon fire coming from Fort Davidson. The shells flew directly over them and exploded further up the slope. The Federals looked for the artillerists' target and discovered thousands of Rebels descending through the thick brush in front of them. Initially Wilson and his men thought about breaking rank and seeking cover, but clearer heads prevailed and orders were given for the men to fire. Using pistols, they temporarily slowed the progress of the Rebels until Confederate reinforcements arrived. Further assistance from their artillerists also became impossible because the lines had closed within a few yards of one another.22 Recognizing the desperate situation of his men, Major Wilson detailed Lieutenant W.H. Smith as an aide-de-camp and sent him to the fort to tell General Ewing of his men's dire straits and their need to fall back. He also ordered Lieutenant W.C. Shattuck to take Company I and part of Company K of the 3rd Missouri Cavalry and form a line on

20 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; Recollections of Hugo Hoffbauer, 6 December 1902, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Letter No. 1, Jack Mayes Collection; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 158. 21 W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 May 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Letter No. 1, Jack Mayes Collection; Recollections of Hugo Hoffbauer, 6 December 1902, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3. 22 Lewis Sutton to CA. Peterson, 14 March 1902, Letter No. 2, Jack Mayes Collection; John Hendricks to CA. Peterson, 23 February 1903, Civil War Collection- Pilot Knob Papers, box 5; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 41. 282 Missouri Historical Review the road leading to the fort. The Confederate juggernaut continued to gain momentum as more and more Rebels entered the fray. Unable to withstand the punishment, the Union line broke and many fled. One group of men, the majority of whom belonged to Company C of the 3rd Missouri Cavalry, escaped into the ironworks building. They held that building for a short time, then retreated north along the railroad tracks and into the fort. Another group of men followed Lieutenant J.A. Rice past the ironworks and through a livestock pen before being forced to surrender. In the confusion that followed, Rice and his men escaped after only ten minutes of imprisonment. Despite being severely wounded, Lieutenant Tetley brought his men to the safety of the north rifle pit. Lieutenant Shattuck and his men also found refuge in that trench.23 On the northwestern base of the mountain, Major Wilson, Captain Dinger and approximately 65 other men were hard pressed to find a safe passage back to the fort, being surrounded and subjected to intense fire. Despite their encirclement, the Federals had access to one of the

23 Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 141- 142; J.A. Rice to CA. Peterson, no date, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 2; John Hendricks to CA. Peterson, 23 February 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 5.

Fort Davidson consisted, in part, of six, hexagonally sloped earthen walls. Each wall stretched 100 feet and stood approximately 4 to 6 feet high. Federal rifle and artillery men waited behind these walls as the Confederate soldiers raced across the plain toward them and nearly certain death. By sunset, the Confederates had lost 1,500 men. Union casualties totaled approximately 200 killed and wounded. State Historical Society of Missouri

•\»K*«*«. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 283 mountain's mining roads. Taking advantage of the road, Wilson led his men to a hollow where they found cover. The Confederates continued their relentless pursuit of Major Wilson's men, and within a short time the Federals abandoned the hollow. As his men fell back, the major directed them to a nearby mill stream, but in the turmoil that followed, only 15, including Wilson and Dinger, reached the mill; the others bolted toward the fort. The mill proved to be no safer than the hollow and the men soon engaged in hand-to-hand combat. Hopelessly out­ numbered, Wilson, Dinger and five others surrendered. Word of Wilson's capture reached the fort with the 30 men who made it safely from the hollow into the north rifle pit.24 Having expelled the last of the Federals from the mountains, the Confederates poised for their assault on the fort. Their line extended along the crest of Pilot Knob Mountain down its western length, through the gap and up the eastern slope of Shepherd Mountain to its summit. The line on the Knob consisted of Colonel W.F. Slemons's and Colonel Thomas H. McCray's brigades. General William L. Cabell's brigade occupied the gap with its flanks and ascended both mountains. Colonel Colton Greene's, Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Woods's and Colonel Robert L. Lawther's battalions occupied the immediate left of Cabell's men. Colonel John Q. Burbridge's and Colonel William L. Jeffers's troops manned the extreme left flank of the Rebel line. Colonel Freeman's brigade, which had been sent around the western edge of Shepherd Mountain, had yet to extract itself from its standoff with Captain Milks and his men. Once in place, the 7,500 Rebels waited for the command to charge.25 At 2 P.M. a white flag appeared on the summit of Shepherd Mountain. This was not Price's first attempt to parlay with Ewing. Earlier in the day, he had sent an envoy, Lieutenant Colonel Lauchlan A. Maclean, to the fort under a flag of truce to demand that General Ewing surrender the garrison. Ewing politely rejected the unconditional 24 Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 41; James Wilson Papers, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia; Morrow, "Price's Missouri Expedition," 79. After their cap­ ture, Major Wilson, Captain Dinger and the others were led into Ironton. There they assembled with the other prisoners. After being stripped to the waist and forced to relinquish their boots, the prisoners marched barefooted behind General Fagan's column to a farm located 10 miles west of Union and 15 miles southwest of Washington, Missouri. While on the farm, Confederate Colonel Tim Reeves singled out Major Wilson and five other men, chosen at random, and had them executed by firing squad. All of the others were paroled. No explanation for the major's murder has ever been offered. 25 O.R., 679, 695, 698, 709; Richard Brownlee, "The Battle of Pilot Knob, Iron County, Missouri, September 27, 1864," Missouri Historical Review 59 (October 1964): 23; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Co­ lumbia. 284 Missouri Historical Review terms. About an hour later, another rider arrived at the fort bearing a white flag. He too demanded the general's surrender, and again Ewing refused. After the second messenger had departed, Ewing conferred with his officers, all of whom agreed the flags were ruses designed to gain time for the Rebels and should another appear, it should be fired upon. Whether the last flag actually was a legitimate flag for truce or merely a signal for the men to begin their advance has never been determined. When the flag was raised, the Rebels did begin to move forward, but at an exceedingly slow pace and without the benefit of artillery support. Regardless of its intention, Ewing directed his men to fire at the flag. The Confederates then let loose a resounding "Rebel yell" and charged down the two mountain slopes. Rebel cannoneers also opened fire from their positions on the ridge on Shepherd Moun­ tain's southern face and in the hollow near that mountain's eastern base.26 The site of the Rebels descending the mountains drew an immediate response from General Ewing. From his lookout position near the sally port, he shouted to Lieutenant Murphy to commence firing. The first volley of shells burst amid the Rebel line. Murphy then instructed his men to fire at will. With an unbroken rhythm, the Union gunners swabbed, loaded and fired their guns with lethal precision. As the smoke from the big guns rose above the earthwork, the Federal sharpshooters fired into the Rebel line.27 Descending the mountainside under an intense barrage of artillery proved to be too much for Marmaduke's men. Almost immediately after beginning their attack, their line divided. The left side, consisting primarily of Colonel Burbridge's and Jeffers's men, was the first to waver. On the way down the slope, these two brigades suffered heavy losses. Reaching the plain, they continued their advance, but the Union guns delivered such fierce blows into their ranks that the men fell back after advancing only a few yards. They ran in confusion to a dry streambed near the base of Shepherd Mountain. The right side of their original line sustained itself long enough to clear the south rifle pit of its occupants, but eventually it broke after the Union gunners substituted grapeshot for the shells. The debilitating fire compelled the men under Colonels Greene, Lawther and Woods to turn and run. They joined Burbridge's and Jeffers's men in the streambed where they initiated a series of ineffective volleys directed against the fort.28 26 O.R., 448; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 155-156; Brownlee, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 22. 27 Brownlee, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 24. 28 O.R., 448, 679, 687; Letter No. 18, Jack Mayes Collection. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 285

With the exception of General Cabell's brigade, the men in General Fagan's division behaved similarly to their companions on Shepherd Mountain. In the open field, a rain of shells, grapeshot, bullets and musket balls greeted them. Entire sections of their line fell as it moved toward the fort. Terrified by the carnage about them, many of the enlisted men fled in disarray. The officers tried to calm them and organize an orderly retreat, but in the commotion little could be done as more and more men dropped their firearms and ran toward the rear. General Cabell's men provided a notable exception to the unruly and frantic behavior exhibited by most of the Rebels. Cabell realized the futility of the charge and directed his men to fall back. Despite heavy losses, Cabell's brigade fell back in an organized fashion. The entire line regrouped at the base of Pilot Knob Mountain and prepared for another push forward. Marmaduke's men remained in the dry stream- bed, afraid to venture out onto the open field. There they stayed for the duration of the conflict.29 Having realigned themselves, Fagan's men renewed their attempt to storm the fort. Inside the Federals appeared struck by an eerie sight. The approaching column of Rebel soldiers had been partially obscured by the dense cloud of gunpowder smoke which hung over the battle­ field. The legs and the piercing sound of their "Rebel yell" were all the Federals could see or hear in the haze. As they ventured forward, the Rebel line again suffered from shells and grapeshot, but unlike the pre­ vious charge, the officers maintained the line and coaxed the men forward.30 Throughout the course of the attack, Lieutenant Murphy exhibited signs of both exemplary valor and reckless abandon. Moving from cannon to cannon, he watched that each gun crew executed its duties properly. Firing from atop elevated gun platforms, Murphy's men were exposed to hostile gunfire. When he sensed this beginning to unnerve his men, the lieutenant picked up a handful of stones, leaped onto the south wall and threw them in the direction of the Rebel army, shouting, "We will clean you out as fast as you come." Unimpressed by the lieutenant's unbridled enthusiasm, General Ewing ordered him, "Come down or you will be killed." "That is what I am here for," Murphy answered, as he stepped down off the wall, "there was never a prettier place in this world to die than right here." Apparently the lieutenant's methods succeeded, for his gunners let out a cheer and attacked with a new found vigor.31

2* 0.i?.,448, 709. 30 Brownlee, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 26. 31 David Murphy, "My Recollections of Pilot Knob, Mo., Sept. 27th, 1864," 8 October 1902, St. Louis, Missouri, Civil War Papers-Missouri-Union, Missouri His­ torical Society; W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 May 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3. 286 Missouri Historical Review

The Federal riflemen stood four men deep along all but the south wall of the fort. There the depth of the line extended to six men, to meet the bulk of the Rebel army advancing from that direction. The older civilians who had volunteered their services to General Ewing crouched beneath the sharpshooters. Determined to aid the Union cause in any way they could, these men tore cartridges and loaded muskets.32 The absence of Rebel activity on Shepherd Mountain afforded Captain Milks and his men an opportunity to extricate themselves from their stalemate with Colonel Freeman's mounted brigade. They slipped quietly away from the Colonel's men and proceeded east along the northern slope of the mountain until they reached a point where the trees could no longer provide adequate cover. From the edge of the thicket, Milks discovered he had led his men behind the Rebel line. As he stood pondering his next move, a Union artillerist mistook him for a Rebel soldier. The gunner fired a shell which exploded on the hillside above Milks and his men. The captain realized immediately what had happened and dispatched two men to the fort to inform the general of their presence. The messengers passed undetected through the Rebel line and into the fort before Milks's men suffered injury from the "friendly fire." While awaiting the return of the two runners, a large Rebel force ambushed the Federals. After a brief exchange of gunfire, the Rebels withdrew. Milks remained on the mountain until nightfall, then he led his men back to the fort.33 Colonel Freeman's brigade entered the fray at approximately the same time Fagan's men launched their second attack on the fort. They emerged from the shadow of Shepherd Mountain, rode north before turning abruptly to the east toward Cedar Mountain. The men in the north rifle pit watched in terror as the thundering hooves of 500 horses raced toward them. With relief they heard that General Ewing had recalled them into the fort. At the extreme northern end of the pit, Lieutenant Simonton's men worked frantically to hitch the guns to their horses so they too could return to the fort. With the last straps fastened, one of the two teams bolted with the gun in tow. Rather than allow the piece to fall into Rebel hands, the men shot the horses. They fell a few yards from the sally port where neither side could reach them safely. The other gun was brought into the fort as the last of Fletcher's men clambered over the fort's walls. Freeman's men passed between

32 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 168, 180-181, 185, 194; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 3 October 1864. 33 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 176, 186-187. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 287

Cedar Mountain and the north rifle pit on their way to the village. They remained there until nightfall.34 Fagan's second attempt to take Fort Davidson by storm ended in failure. His men reached within fifty yards of the fort before the carnage became too much for them. When the demoralized southerners turned and ran, the men inside the fort rose jubilantly and cheered, but the horror that lay before them quickly silenced them. Hundreds of corpses, many of which had been mutilated by shells and canister shot, littered the battlefield. They heard moans of the wounded and their cries for water across the battlefield. At the base of Pilot Knob Mountain, the persistent Confederate generals realigned their men for a third assault.35 This time Rebels formed three columns, each four rows deep, at the base of Pilot Knob Mountain. The Federals watched as the three massive bodies, moving in unison, approached from the south and east. Lieutenant Murphy stood with his arm raised high above his head, a signal for his men to hold their fire. When the Rebels reached a point 600 yards from the fort, the lieutenant dropped his arm and the seven cannons unleashed the first volley. The explosion sent earth and stone sailing into the air, but the Rebels persevered and even quickened their pace. Murphy had his men substitute grapeshot for the shells when the Rebels came within 100 yards of the fort. Once again, the relentless fire from the Union guns became too punishing for most of the Confed­ erates. The officers could not quell the panic that had spread through the ranks. One by one the men turned and bolted until the entire right and center columns ran back toward the mountain.36 The column on the left, commanded by General Cabell, continued to push forward. Sitting atop his horse with his saber drawn, the general cut an impressive figure. His booming voice could be heard by the men in the fort as he encouraged his men onward. Thirty yards from the fort his horse was struck down. Cabell toppled to the ground and the impact rendered him senseless. As he was led to the rear, the first of his men reached the moat. Apparently they had not been warned of this obstacle, because they stopped for several seconds before reacting. While most turned and ran, a few panicked and jumped into the ditch. The Federals leaned over the wall and shot the Rebels at 34 O.R., 448, 459; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 40; David Murphy, "My Recollections of Pilot Knob, Mo., Sept. 27th, 1864." 35 "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Co­ lumbia; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 176, 210, 214. 36 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 111; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 4 October 1864; David Murphy, "My Recollections of Pilot Knob, Mo., Sept. 27th, 1864"; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia. 288 Missouri Historical Review

A dry moat 10 feet wide and 6 feet deep surrounded the earthen walls of Fort Davidson. The at­ tacking Confederates apparently did not expect to encounter a moat and upon reaching it, they temporarily hesitated. Unable to cross the moat and breach the walls of Fort Davidson, the Confederates retreated with heavy losses. Today, the tree- lined moat and earthen walls provide little evidence of the bloody battle fought here in the early autumn of 1864.

State Historical Society of Missouri point blank range. Federals brought a crate of hand grenades from the magazine and distributed its contents among the men at the south wall. Heaved into the moat, the bombs exploded with such force the Rebels' bodies ripped apart. Those who survived the horror climbed out of the moat only to be shot in the back as they attempted to flee. As the last of the Rebels disappeared into the cloud of gunpowder smoke, Lieuten­ ant Murphy rose to the parapet and shouted at the Rebels, daring them to come back.37 Having repulsed the last of Cabell's men, General Ewing turned his attention to the north. A large band of Confederate cavalrymen had emerged from the western base of Shepherd Mountain and were racing toward the Middlebrook Road. At the base of Cedar Mountain, a contingent of Union infantrymen swarmed out of the north rifle pit and ambushed the riders. After a brief exchange of fire, the Rebels re­ treated. The Federals launched two more bloodless sorties before

37 O.R., 448, 680; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 42; Robert L. Lindsay to CA. Peterson, 25 September 1905, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 5; John Darr, "Price's Raid Into Missouri," Confederate Veteran Magazine 11 (1903): 360. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 289 darkness compelled the general to recall his troops. At sunset the sporadic gunfire ceased, only the cries of the wounded arose from the darkened battlefield.38 Under the cover of darkness, Marmaduke's men filed out of the streambed, through the gap and into Ironton. With the exception of Dobbins's and Freeman's brigades which set up their camps along the roads to Potosi and Middlebrook as a precaution against a Union evacuation, all of the Confederates encamped near Ironton. After the final assault, the Confederate generals met in Price's headquarters to discuss their options. Although the Rebels had lost nearly 1,500 men, General Fagan implored Price to consent to another attack. Marma­ duke, with tears streaming down his face, did the same. General Cabell dissented from his two colleagues and Price agreed; another assault would be foolish. Knowing full well he had been misled about the strength and spirit of his enemy, Price began making preparations for the next day. That night, he sent all of the artillery up the mountains so that in the morning it would be fully operational. Messengers retrieved General Shelby's division and Captain Mackey's engineers constructed scaling ladders. The enlisted men assisted the surgeons and formed burial parties. A few men, carrying torches, wandered among the dead and dying on the battlefield, searching for friends or relatives. The Federals allowed them to carry out their quests. Eventually, the general sent a request for help to the Union doctors. General Ewing obliged.39 A somber mood prevailed inside Fort Davidson. The exhausted men tried to sleep, but the renewed drizzle and cramped quarters made it difficult. Off in the distance, beside the iron furnace, a huge pile of coal burned brightly. Ignited by an errant artillery shell, its glowing embers illuminated much of the valley. With their lanterns swaying from side to side, the ambulances drove from the fort to a nearby church now used as a temporary hospital. A few of the wounded crawled into the empty tents left standing south of the fort. Unattended, most of these men died. Confederate doctors appeared overwhelmed by Price's great loss. Upon his return from the hospital, one of the surgeons informed Captain Campbell that a Rebel officer had revealed Price's strategy for the next day. The doctor told Campbell that 300 scaling ladders were being built, and Rebels intended to use them to traverse the moat at 38 O.R., 448; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 180; Smith Thompson to CA. Peterson, 13 January 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 2. 3* O.R., 629, 687-688, 693, 709, 715; ibid., vol. 41, pt. Ill, 960; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia; Brownlee, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 27-28; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 44; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 181, 194, 209, 210, 218, 227; Ironton Mountain Echo, May 1985. 290 Missouri Historical Review

daylight. When Campbell relayed this information, General Ewing replied he had heard a similar story from a wounded Rebel scout. The general conferred with his ordinance officer who estimated their current stock of fixed ammunition would not be sufficient to carry them through a similar engagement. These two bits of information prompted General Ewing to summon his senior officers for their counsel and suggestions.40 At the council of war, the general proposed three options, and encouraged his officers to discuss them before a final vote determined their course of action. He put forth the following alternatives: remain in the fort and fight in hopes reinforcements would arrive; surrender; or evacuate the fort immediately and fight their way through the Rebel camps to the north. By a majority of one, the officers elected to evacuate the fort. Satisfied with the outcome of the vote, the general had learned from his prisoners the strength and location of Price's army and thus had all the information Rosecrans had sent him to gather.41 Preparations for the evacuations began soon after the council of war adjourned. Soldiers spiked all of the stationary pieces of artillery. They covered wheels of Montgomery's guns with rags and blanketed the drawbridge with a layer of straw topped by a few tents. These last two precautions assured a quieter withdrawal and thus helped the Federals avoid detection for as long as possible. Each man received 100 rounds of ammunition. As the last details were attended, a woman arrived at the fort bearing a message from Confederate Colonel Alonzo Slayback. Slayback, an officer in Freeman's brigade, was a close friend of General Ewing's. His note contained an unofficial plea for the general to surrender his garrison. Ewing, using the same courier, sent a politely worded message to Slayback refusing his offer and adding that he intended to fight to the last man. A short time later, a sentry brought a boy into the fort. The boy had been apprehended as he approached the fort with a message for General Ewing. He told the general the road to Potosi had been left unguarded. The general had intended to lead his men to Mineral Point, a small town four miles east of Potosi, the purported location of two regiments of Union infantry. He remained undecided about which road to travel until the boy arrived with his message. With Campbell's men at the fore, they marched through the sally port into the moat and then through the north rifle pit. Once

40 St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 4 October 1864; W.V. Lucas to CA. Peterson, 14 May 1903, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 3; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 213, 221-222. 41 O.R., 448-449, 629; Belser, "Military Operations in Missouri," 705; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 43-44; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 217, 224. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 291 outside the ditch, they formed a line of march and struck out on the road to Potosi. The surgeons and nurses remained behind to care for the wounded. Captain Milks and 25 other men also remained behind, with different instructions. They were to blow up the powder magazine two hours after Ewing had departed, or as soon as the evacuation was discovered.42 General Ewing and his men marched northward along the road to Potosi expecting an encounter that never materialized. On either side of the road, they could see the campfires of their enemies, but no one challenged them as they passed further up the road. Back at the fort, Milks and his men prepared the powder magazine for demolition. They tipped over powder kegs and allowed their contents to spill to the ground. After forming a pile of gunpowder in the center of the magazine, the men searched for a fuse. The search proved fruitless, so the men trailed gunpowder across the drawbridge. This done, the men mounted their horses and watched Sergeant W.H. Moore apply a match to the powder. As the sparks flew, Moore leaped onto his horse and rode off with the others. They had ridden about 75 yards before the magazine erupted in a tremendous explosion. Windows shattered in Pilot Knob, trees fell and dirt was thrown in every direction. The blast

42 O.R., 448-449; Thomas Ewing, Jr., to George Ewing, 24 September 1894, Civil War Collection-Pilot Knob Papers, box 2; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 44-45; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 218-222. State Historical Society of Missouri

General Thomas Ewing, who com­ manded the Union forces at Fort Davidson, retreated under the cover of darkness on the night of Septem­ ber 27, 1864. He repositioned his troops three days later at Leasburg, but the pursuing Confederates chose not to risk another major engage­ ment and instead headed west to­ ward Jefferson City. Ewing had bought time for the Union army. With the garrison in St. Louis strengthened, Price lost his oppor­ tunity to capture that city. 292 Missouri Historical Review was heard 20 miles away. Following the same route Ewing had taken a few hours earlier, Milks and his men made it safely through the Rebel line. From his headquarters in Ironton, General Price saw the flash and assumed it to be the result of an accident. The survivors, he thought, would surrender in the morning.43 When General Price learned of the evacuation, he reputedly said, "Damn them, they have given me the slip, and I shall follow." And so he did. After he commandeered the material left behind by the Federals, including a few salvageable pieces of artillery, a cache of small arms, bedrolls and a large quantity of foodstuffs, Price gave a futile chase.44 After learning the enemy occupied Potosi, General Ewing led his troops to Leasburg, a small town situated on the Pacific Railroad. The journey from Pilot Knob to Leasburg lasted three days, during which time Ewing's rear guard repelled Marmaduke's advance guard with little difficulty. Once in Leasburg, the Federals positioned themselves to discourage any further action by the Confederate army. On September 30th, the Rebels marched away from Leasburg, thus concluding their engagement with General Ewing and his men.45 The tangible results of the battle can be evaluated with relative certainty. While most estimates of the Confederate dead reached about 1,500, no formal data from the Confederate army supported this claim. In his official report, General Price wrote that he could not provide his superiors with a precise figure because neither Fagan nor Marmaduke filed a report. Loose organization of Price's Army of the Field compli­ cated matters. No one kept records of the men who were incorporated into or who had deserted from the army as it marched through Arkansas and Missouri. However, the testimony of the two doctors who attended to the casualties from both sides following the battle, lent a great deal of credibility to the above estimate. Dr. Thomas W. Johnson and Dr. Seymour Carpenter both cared for, as well as saw to the burial of most of the 1,500 casualties. Dr. Carpenter added that Cabell's division alone lost 200 men during its third attempt to storm the fort. The number of Union casualties appeared easier to substan­ tiate because the men remained affiliated with the units into which they had been mustered. Dr. Johnson reported 28 men killed and 59 wounded during the battle and subsequent retreat to Leasburg. General

43 O.R., 449; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 4 October 1864; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 220, 224, 226; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 45; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia. 44 O.R., 449, 459, 629; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 3 October 1864. 45 O.R., 449-451, 459, 629-630; ibid., vol. 41, pt. Ill, 363, 388. The Great-Little Battle of Pilot Knob 293

Ewing reported at least 100 men missing, most of whom he presumed were captured.46 In terms of material, Price's attack on Fort Davidson yielded a few prizes. His adjutant, Lieutenant Colonel Lauchlan Maclean, reported the capture of four 32-pound siege guns, three 24-pound howitzers, six Woodruff field guns, and two 24-pound Cohorn mortars. His report revealed a discrepancy between the number of guns reported to be in the fort before and after the evacuation. Before the battle, General Ewing had acknowledged the presence of each of the guns listed above but reported that he had taken an unspecified number of field guns with his army upon its evacuation of the garrison. Nevertheless, the exact number of guns recovered by the Rebel army remains unimportant, because most had been rendered inoperable by the Union army before it had left the fort. The Rebels salvaged only two Woodruff guns and one Cohorn mortar. In addition to the artillery, they found harnesses, rifles, blankets and about 10,000 rations, including hundreds of barrels of flour, slabs of bacon and sacks of coffee.47 The Union army gained time as a result of the battle of Pilot Knob, far more significant than the few articles recovered by Price's army. Ewing's staunch defense of Ironton and Fort Davidson cost the Confederates two days of valuable time. Price expended an additional three days in the vain pursuit of General Ewing and his men. During that time, the Union army bolstered its garrison in St. Louis to nearly 20,000 men.48 Because a major part of the success of Price's raid depended on swift and unfaltering marches against St. Louis and Jefferson City, one must question his decision to attack Pilot Knob and his almost obsessive desire to overtake the elusive Ewing after he left Fort Davidson. Price had learned of General A.J. Smith's presence in St. Louis while in Fredericktown, and therefore decided to march to Pilot Knob instead. He did not rule out an attack on St. Louis, however, until after he reached Arcadia. Whether he made this decision before or after his failure to take Fort Davidson will never be known, but by going to Pilot Knob, Price conceded his last opportunity to attack St. Louis with numerical superiority. In terms of his overall objectives, he un­ wisely chased General Ewing's army for three days> Ewing and his men merely were a nuisance to Price and he should have ignored them once 46 O.R., 451, 453, 630; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 3 October 1864; Jefferson City Missouri State Times, 1 October 1864; "Battle of Pilot Knob," typescript memoir, Joint Collection, WHMC-SHS, Columbia; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 319; Fletcher, "Battle of Pilot Knob," 43. 47 O.R., 629; ibid., vol. 41, pt. Ill, 961; Morrow, "Price's Missouri Expedition," 86. 48 Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 45. 294 Missouri Historical Review they left the fort. Instead, Price allowed his need for redemption to waste his precious time.49 After Marmaduke's and Shelby's men rendezvoused with Fagan's men and General Price in St. Clair, the entire army moved toward Jefferson City. Once outside the capital, they discovered it had been reinforced and entrenched and could be taken only after an unjustifiable loss of manpower. Price now hesitated to attack entrenched positions during the closing stages of his Missouri campaign. As he bypassed Jefferson City, another of the lasting effects of the battle of Pilot Knob became more pronounced: low morale among the enlisted men. Dis­ harmony eventually spread among the officers as the army fought its way back to Arkansas.50 The battle of Pilot Knob appears not so much won by General Ewing as lost by General Price. Price launched a poorly coordinated attack with undisciplined troops and a woefully inadequate artillery. Nevertheless, the Federals, numbering approximately 1,000, repelled a force of 7,500 Confederates and received praise from all quarters. General Ewing received the most ringing acclamations for his leadership and courage. Some credited him with saving St. Louis. Even so, the general failed to take every precaution to protect his men from un­ necessary risks. Captain Campbell's and Major Wilson's men needlessly exposed themselves to life-threatening situations. The major's fate might have been different had the general recognized the futility of repelling the enemy from outside the fort. The Federal's presence on the two mountains also limited the effectiveness of the Union artillery and allowed the Rebels to pass through the gap and position themselves for the attack. Nevertheless, Price's blunders lost the battle, and consider­ ing General Ewing's limited field command experience, his defense of Fort Davidson appeared remarkable indeed. In the battle of Pilot Knob, more great than little, the Union troops delayed the enemy long enough for Rosecrans to strengthen St. Louis with additional man­ power. That proved a substantial feat.51

49 O.R., 628, 630; ibid., vol. 41, pt. Ill, 961-962. so O.R., 701, 716, 725; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 47, 48, 53, 54; Morrow, ''Price's Missouri Expedition," 81. 51 O.R., 316, 318, 623, 709, 715; Peterson and Hanson, Pilot Knob, 181, 198.

Say No to Vanity

Kirksville North Missouri Register, December 15, 1870. Vanity is a strong drink that makes all the virtues stagger. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 297

i^%^-^;>,?

Gustave Koerner, a German immi­ grant, translated the Revised Laws of Illinois, the Declaration of Indepen­ dence and the Constitution into Ger­ man for the new immigrants. Koerner bitterly criticized the new arrivals in newspaper editorials for their lack of respect of the older generation of im­ migrants. Rather than settle in a slave state, such as Missouri, he settled in Belleville, Illinois, where he practiced law.

State Historical Society of Missouri

A difficult life in the United States confronted these new intel­ lectual immigrants who could not continue their professional careers because of language difficulties and a lack of appropriate employment opportunities. Many settled on farms and soon found they had neither the aptitude nor inclination for farming. As the visitor Frederick Gustorf commented in his journal in 1836: "Imagine people from the finest German classes living in miserable huts! Previously they had lived in comfortable houses, and now they have to eat the plainest of food and do the hardest work in the fields, surrounded by black forests and cut off from society and all the conveniences of life."4 In contrast to the Grays, the Greens, "die Gruenen," also known as the Forty-Eighters, escaped from the unsuccessful revolutions in the German states during 1848 and 1849. This refugee group included professionals, merchants, manufacturers, intellectuals and journalists. Impatient for reforms they had sought in Germany, they carried their zeal and enthusiasm as well as their radicalism to the United States. Many opposed organized religion. As new American citizens, they continued to advocate revolution in Germany. Henry Boernstein, Fran­ cis Sigel, Carl Danzer, Theodore Olshausen, Emil Pretorius and Fred- 4 Journal of Frederick Gustorf in St. Louis, October 1836, quoted in Billigmeier, Americans from Germany, 51. 298 Missouri Historical Review erick Hecker numbered among the notable Forty-Eighters in the St. Louis region. Karl Heinzen, an independent communist journalist in Boston, listed some of the radical programs advocated by Forty-Eighters in the United States. He included the abolition of the presidency, guberna­ torial positions and Congress; the advocacy of free public land and the exclusion of Catholics from public office. Friedrich Hassaurek, a participant in the 1848 revolution in Vienna and an editor in Cincinnati, voiced other Forty-Eighter themes. He suggested that government officials be paid the same wages as good workmen, priests be prohibited from performing marriages, journals and letters be postage free, the government intervene in favor of republics, German teachers be in­ cluded in every school, rich men be heavily taxed and prisons be changed to reformation houses.5 Another group of Germans, Catholics in St. Louis numbered approximately one thousand in 1838. By 1840, Bishop Joseph Rosati noted German Catholics had increased to three thousand. The Germans constructed Our Lady of Victory in 1843 with a membership of seven thousand. By 1850, St. Louis contained an estimated 24,000 Catholics. Alton, in southwestern Illinois, just north of St. Louis, became the seat of a Catholic diocese which covered all of Southern Illinois in 1857. By 1859, the diocese held a Catholic population of 55,000, including 24,750 Germans.6 Bishop Henry Juncker of the Alton Diocese traveled to northern Germany in 1858 to search for German priests to serve his German parishes. In Westphalia and Rhineland, Franciscans promised to send three priests and four lay brothers. Contact between new- and old- country German Catholics remained constant during the pre-Civil War period. Mission societies such as the Austrian Leopoldinen Stiftung and Bavarian Ludwig-Missionsverein supported the American German Catholics with priests, nuns for schools and financial aid. Like the Lutherans, the German Catholics found that educational instruction by teachers using the German language helped their children retain the speech and customs of the homeland as well as their Catholic faith. German Catholics, like Lutherans, generally followed the dictates and leadership of their clergy. As Daniel Callahan stated in The Mind of the Catholic Layman, "Any conservatism the German immigrant did not supply of his own accord, his clergy were likely to supply for him."7

5 Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 566, 567. 6 Reverend Emmet H. Rothan, The German Catholic Immigrant in the United States (1830-1860) (Washington, D.C: The Catholic University of America Press, 1946), 48-49. 7 Ibid., 84, 80-83; Daniel Callahan, The Mind of the Catholic Layman (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1963), 55. Missouri Historical Society Many Germans immigrated to the United States following their unsuccessful revolutionary activities during the late 1840s. Com­ monly known as the Forty-Eighters, they continued to advocate revolution in Germany as well as social reform in the United States. Two notable Forty-Eighters in the St. Louis region were Emil Pretorius (left) and Carl Schurz (right). Edward Pretorius is seated in the center. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 BY BONNIE J. KRAUSE* In 1860, the German-born population in the United States reached 1,301,136. At that time, St. Louis County, Missouri, had a German population of 50,510, while St. Clair County, Illinois, directly across the Mississippi River, contained a German population of more than 100,000. This concentration of Germans within the St. Louis region played a major role in American politics between 1840 and 1860 as well as in the nomination and election of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War. The Germans of the St. Louis region, however, were not a homogeneous group nor were their views on political issues similar. Homeland states, religious background, educational level, economic status and time of immigration determined the viewpoints of these

* Bonnie J. Krause is research project specialist, Office of Research Development and Administration, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. 295 296 Missouri Historical Review

Germans who can be divided into four major groups. These groups include the Grays, the Greens, the German Catholics and the German Lutherans. Each group had a unique past and formed particular attitudes to political issues.1 Whether an immigrant became a member of the "Greens" or "Grays" depended upon the time of immigration. Gustave Koerner, an early German immigrant, explained that old German immigrants con­ sidered new immigrants "green." Henry Boernstein, a new immigrant and publisher, retaliated by designating older German residents as "grays." The Grays, "die Grauen," for example, consisted of those Germans who arrived in the United States before the radical revolu­ tionaries of the late 1840s. Moderate in political attitude, they migrated to avoid wars and revolutionary activities in the German states. These early immigrants included laborers, peasants, artisans, tradesmen and farmers. They slowly prospered through hard work and dedication.2 However, a significant number of these early immigrants consisted of intellectuals: doctors, lawyers, professors and professional people. Because of their university education in Latin and Greek, this group became known as the "Latin Farmers." As Ernest Kirschten commented in his book Catfish and Crystal: "Outstanding among them (Germans before the Forty-Eighters) were the Latin Farmers of Belleville, so called by their neighbors either out of respect or in derision of these yeomen to the classics. Virgil was a best seller on the frontier." These Latin Farmers included settlers in both Missouri and Illinois, such as Theodore and Edward Hilgard, George Bunson, Frederick and George Engelmann, Wilhelm Weber, Gustave Koerner and Friedrich Munch. Many of this group had been involved in early revolutionary activities and fled to the United States to avoid capture and imprisonment in Germany. They sought freedom and liberty, pledged themselves to the basic principles of the American republic and as Friedrich Munch remarked, they sought to "establish an essentially German state ... a model state."3

1 James A. Bergquist, "People and Politics in Transition: The Illinois Germans, 1850-60," in Ethnic Voters and the Election of Lincoln, ed. Frederick C. Luebke (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1971), 197; Steven Rowan and James Primm, Germans for a Free Missouri (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1983), 4; Jay Monaghan, "Did Abraham Lincoln Receive the Illinois German Votes?" in Luebke, ed., Ethnic Voters and the Election of Lincoln, 65. 2 Gustave Koerner, Memoirs of Gustave Koerner, ed. Thomas J. McCormack, 2 vols. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: The Torch Press, 1909), 1: 549. 3 Ernest Kirschten, Catfish and Crystal (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1960), 244; The German Element in the United States quoted in Robert Henry Billigmeier, Americans from Germany: A Study in Cultural Diversity (Belmont, Cali­ fornia: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1974), 53. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 299

The fourth group of Germans consisted of the more than 600 Saxon German colonists, led by Martin Stephan, founder of the> American German Lutheran Church and the Missouri Synod in the St. Louis region. These Germans immigrated between 1838 and 1839. As ultraconservatives, they fled liberal changes within German Lutheran- ism. The colony of artisans, craftsmen and farmers purchased land in Perry County, Missouri, for settlement; however, a vital segment re­ mained in St. Louis where they sought employment. By the 1840s, the German Lutherans in St. Louis supported the Old Trinity Church and the Concordia Seminary as did their less fortunate brothers in Perry County. After the expulsion of Martin Stephan, CF. Walther held strict leadership of the growing synod. Conservative German Lutherans from other German states immigrated and joined the established group. In 1854, forty-six pastors represented the Western District, which included Illinois and Missouri, at the conference of the Missouri Synod. The majority of the pastors came from St. Louis and southwestern Illinois.8 Although the German Lutheran population in the St. Louis region remains uncertain, the total Lutheran population in the United States reached 400,000 in 1870. Abdel Wentz, in his A Basic History of Lutheranism in America, stated that German Lutheran immigrants outnumbered German Catholic immigrants. Thus, the German Lutheran population in the St. Louis region could be estimated to equal that of German Catholics, approximately 50,000.9 The association between Gustave Koerner and William Weber represented the continuous relationship across the Mississippi River between the Germans in Missouri and Illinois. Weber founded the German newspaper, Anzeiger des Western, in 1835 at St. Louis, and Koerner contributed constantly until he founded the Belleville Zeitung newspaper in Illinois. In 1837, the St. Clair Library Association sent Weber to a German Convention in Pittsburgh. He also had been appointed a delegate by St. Louis Germans. A year later, Weber also published Koerner's translation of the Revised Laws of Illinois, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution for the new German immigrants. Printed in St. Louis, the 245-page book became the first German text published in the West. It proved popular with the German immigrants and soon became out of print. This relationship between German groups of similar attitudes in Missouri and southwestern

8 August Suelflow, "The Missouri Synod Organized," in Moving Frontiers, ed. Carl S. Meyer (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1964), 187-189. 9 Abdel Ross Wentz, A Basic History of Lutheranism in America (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1964), 105. 300 Missouri Historical Review

Illinois continued throughout the nineteenth century. During the 1840s and 1850s, however, a hostile relationship between Grays, Greens, German Lutherans and German Catholics, disrupted this fragile unity between the groups.10 In 1841, Martin Stephan, the exiled leader of the Saxon German Lutherans, approached Gustave Koerner, a lawyer in Belleville, Illinois, to sue for the loss of his property at the colony in Perry County. Koerner found "sufficient foundation for commencing several actions" against those who had "mobbed the Bishop's house . . . made him sign all kinds of renunciations and releases . . . locked up in a warehouse all his furniture . . . [and took] possession of his money, claiming it as belonging to the common treasury." Koerner won the case for Stephan but commented in his Memoirs that he had not paid much attention to the "Squabbles amongst the old Lutheran colonists ... as strife and troubles were very common occurrences in such emigration societies after their arrival." Koerner also noted after the case that "I had been violently abused in the Dresden and Leipsic [sic] papers for having taken up Stephan's case."11 Koerner's patronizing regard for the Saxon German Lutherans 10 Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 423, 430. 11 Ibid., 472, 470, 473.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Many of the German immigrants were Catholic in faith. In 1840, Bishop Joseph Rosati noted the German Catholics numbered 3,000, up 300 percent since 1838. The German Catholics continued to increase rapidly. By the Civil War, the Catholic diocese, seated at Alton, Illinois, claimed for the St. Louis region, a church population of 55,000. The dio­ cese actively sought priests, nuns and financial support from the German states. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 301 appeared mild in comparison to his opinion of the Forty-Eighters. He called Boernstein a "charlatan," Heisen and Hassaurek "pseudo-re­ formers." Koerner remarked that Heisen "belongs to the era of the powdered wigs and long queues," and called him "a mere bungler." In addition he noted the "ignorance, the arrogance, the insolence and charlatanism of these would be reformers . . . ." Koerner originally had been a major contributor to Weber's Anzeiger des Western; however, when Henry Boernstein became editor in 1850, he found himself writing editorials in the Belleville Zeitung that opposed Boernstein's radical articles and editorials. For a period of time, the two papers contained dueling editorials. Koerner's Memoirs gave evidence of this mutual hostility. He wrote: "It is true, the utterly hollow and vain pretenses to superior knowledge of Mr. Boernstein, and his palpable charlatanism, I occasionally castigated. As he had very soon managed, by his over­ bearing vanity, his flippant and dictatorial behavior,—his bull-dozing as it would now be called—to make himself a good many enemies, the 'Belleville Zeitung' was readily taken and greedily read in St. Louis." Koerner recognized the mutual hostility, noting that the pre-Forty- Eighters "did not much fancy being called Philistines who did not know how to assert themselves." Not "Mere hewers of wood and drawers of water," he added, they recognized true freedom without the instruction of the Forty-Eighters. Koerner remarked it was rather the Forty- Eighters who voiced their "ignorance of the condition of the German element."12 This hostile battle of editors eventually involved all German groups in the St. Louis region, newspapers being the major vehicle of public expression for the various groups. Boernstein, however, also published cheap novels often with anti-Catholic plots based on cruelty in convents and kidnapping. The Catholic St. Louis Tages-Chronik, founded in 1849, provided "defenses against nonCatholic organs of the day." Reverend Emmet Rothan's The German Catholic Immigrant in the United States (1830-1860) noted that Catholic newspapers provided support for the German Catholic immigrant "who was in great danger of losing that faith at the hands of the anti-Catholic and radical factions." Rothan quoted from Central-Blatt and Social Justice reveal­ ing Catholic opinion of the Forty-Eighters: They had "left behind every thought of God and religion; some were disciples of crass materialism," and the cross as a symbol of Christianity "was repugnant to them."13 In 1855, Philip Schaff spoke for the German Lutherans in Missouri 12 Ibid., 549, 550, 566-567. 13 Rothan, The German Catholic Immigrant, 121; "Subjected to an Acid Test," Central-Blatt and Social Justice 18 (1925-1926) quoted in ibid., 119-120. 302 Missouri Historical Review when he pronounced the Forty-Eighters as "so called immigrants floated over by unsuccessful revolutions." He denounced them as atheists and agnostics, "estranged from all Christianity" and "all higher morality" who "deserved to be called pioneers of heathenism and a new barbarism .... This godless German-American pest." CF. Walther also advised his congregation of German Lutherans against the "Satan- Presse" of St. Louis and, in 1855, supported a move to form a stock company to provide Protestants a daily newspaper. By 1857, Boernstein had purchased the Volksblatt, the Protestant newspaper, and Walther lamented in his Der Lutheraner the loss of a daily newspaper for his flock. In 1857, however, Carl Danzer, Boernstein's former editor-in- chief, organized the Westliche Post. More moderate than the Anzeiger, by the late nineteenth century the Post absorbed the Anzeiger and became the major newspaper for the German midwest.14 During the 1840s to 1850s, the political issues which concerned the Germans in the region of St. Louis included slavery, abolition and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. They also fought nativism and the "Know- Nothings." Generally, the St. Louis region Germans opposed slavery. Early immigrants such as Hilgard and Koerner settled in Illinois rather than in Missouri because Missouri allowed slavery. In 1834, Koerner recorded in his diary: "Negro slavery is the only rope by which the devil holds the American People. . . . This national debt is more oppressive and dangerous than the English one." Koerner recognized the possibility of a Civil War even as he recommended that Germans avoid settlement in slave states because they might eventually be wooed to support that institution. He predicted: "The Rupture between the Free and Slave States is inevitable, and who would then like to fight on the wrong side?" In the late 1850s, Koerner added: "The idea that the Constitution of the freest country on earth carries slavery wherever its flag is unfurled, I hold in utter abhorrence." Representative of most Grays, Koerner's attitude toward slavery typified the early immigrants that fled from tyranny in Germany. They equated slavery with their former situation. The Greens also opposed slavery in accordance with their radical antagonism against most American institutions. A moderate expression of their antislavery attitude can be found in Anzeiger des Westens of July 1854: "We are for the doing away of slavery in Missouri according to the Constitution."15 The Turners or Turnverein, offspring of the Forty-Eighters, also

14 Kirschten, Catfish, 246; Rowan and Primm, Free Missouri, 43. 15 Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 316, 341; 2: 4; A.A. Dunson, "Notes on the Missouri Germans and Slavery," Missouri Historical Review 59 (April 1965): 359. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 303

Henry Boernstein, who became editor of the Anzeiger des Wes- tens in St. Louis in 1850, retali­ ated to Gustave Koerner's claim that the new immigrants, himself included, were "green." Boern­ stein called the old arrivals, "grays." He considered the older German immigrants an unasser­ tive lot who did not measure up to the newcomers political and social ideology. By the late 1850s, Boernstein provided a moderate voice for the German community concerning slavery. He professed the Germans op­ posed slavery but did not ap­ prove of abolition. They favored resolution of the slavery issue through law, not violence.

Missouri Historical Society expressed antislavery sentiments frgm their strong organizational base. The St. Louis Turner Society, founded in 1850, followed the national organization in supporting the "promotion of liberty and resistance to the arbitrary and tyrannical government of the rulers of the various kingdoms of Old Germans." By 1846, the national organization pro­ moted the Free Soil party. The weekly St. Louis agenda included lectures of a liberal bent. The young men soon practiced rifle drill and Prussian tactics and eventually formed the original companies of the First Regiment of the Missouri Volunteers in 1861.16 German Catholics and Lutherans held more conservative attitudes toward slavery. Although generally opposed to slavery, abolitionism shocked both groups, and the clergy preached that abolitionist demon­ strations and radicalism should be avoided at all costs since they threatened peace and order. Catholic Bishop Frances P. Kendrick of 16 F.I. Herriott, "The Conference in the Deutsches Haus Chicago, May 14-15, 1860," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 35 (1928): 156; Robert J. Rombauer, The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 (St. Louis: Nixon-Jones Printing Co., 1909), 128. 304 Missouri Historical Review

Philadelphia contended that: "Slavery was not demonstrably incom­ patible with the natural law." Moreover, the Fourth Provincial Council in 1840 advised Catholics to "avoid the contaminating influence of political strife" and recommended they remain "aloof from the pesti­ lential atmosphere in which honor, virtue, patriotism and religion perish." Pope Gregory XVI issued an Apostolic letter in December 1839, that stated the antislavery position of the Roman Catholic church. In that letter, the church cardinals stated that "no one hereafter may dare unjustly to molest Indians, negroes or other men of this sort or to spoil them of their goods or reduce them to slavery." In addition, they "strictly prohibit" any lay or church person from defending "that very trade in negroes as lawful under any pretext ... or otherwise preach, or ... to teach contrary to those things. . . ."as charged in the Apostolic letter. The official Catholic position, then, condemned both slavery and slave trade. Nevertheless, the German American Catholics did not become politically involved in the slavery issue probably because of growing anti-Catholic sentiment within the Know Nothing party and among the American public.17 Although German and American Catholics volunteered in the Civil War, the clergy continued their reticence to take a political position on the abolition of slavery. In October 1861, a letter from Archbishop John Hughes to Secretary of War Simon Cameron summarized this posture after acknowledging the rumor that the war's purpose was the abolition of slavery. Hughes stated: "The Catholics, so far as I know, whether of native or foreign birth, are willing to fight to the death for the support of the Constitution, the Government and the laws of the country. But if it should be understood that, with or without knowing it, they are to fight for the abolition of slavery, that indeed they will turn away in disgust from the discharge of what would otherwise be a patriotic duty."18 The German Lutherans, like the Catholics, did not publicly express their opposition to slavery. Nevertheless, like most German immigrants, they linked slavery with the oppression they had fled in the fatherland. As Abdel Wentz discussed in his A Basic History of Lutheranism in America, "Very few of the nineteenth-century immigrants from Europe, Germans or Scandinavian, went to the southern states, because the newcomers wanted to avoid a society that supported the institution of slavery."19 17 Callahan, Mind of the Catholic Layman, 36, 38; John Tracy Ellis, Documents of American Catholic History (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Co., 1956), 390-391. 18 Archbishop Hughes letter quoted in Dorothy Dohen, Nationalism and American Catholicism (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1967), 141. 19 Wentz, History of Lutheranism, 162. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 305

Dr. CF. Walther, leader of the Missouri Synod, provided a major exception to the German Lutheran attitude toward slavery. As Wentz noted: "His extreme conservatism led him instinctively to support the status quo." Since Scriptures taught nothing directly against slavery, but rather supported it, Walther carefully expressed in public his defense of slavery as an institution. He also attacked abolitionism as "a child of unbelief and its unfolding, rationalism, deistic philanthropism, pantheism, materialism, atheism and a brother of modern socialism, Jacobism and communism." Considering the United States a federation, he placed loyalty to the state above that to the federal government. Walther's support for slavery would eventually cause his embarrassment at the end of the Civil War.20 In the late 1850s, Henry Boernstein's Anzeiger des Westens reached the height of its influence expressing the German opinion. It had grown more moderate with age. To increase circulation, Boernstein offered cheap press novels. By 1857, subscription agents numbered forty-six in southern and western Illinois from Springfield and Urbana to Cairo. An additional thirty-seven agents concentrated along the major Mis­ souri rivers while others resided in Minnesota, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Kansas and other midwestern states. Boernstein claimed that he could sell the weekly newspaper for more than $60,000.21 The moderate German attitude toward slavery of the Anzeiger des Westens of 1860 is evident in the following description from the newspaper: "The German is no border raider and no thief of Negroes; no German had anything to do with the Harper's Ferry Raid, nor has he ever disturbed the abolitionist leader. Yet the German is an open opponent of slavery, and the German is always unfailingly there when free labor is being defended through law and the Constitution against the pressure and dominance of slavery and the despotic principles of government it brings with it." This statement summarized the German attitudes toward slavery and abolitionism in the region of St. Louis, whether Gray, Green, Catholic or Lutheran. In varying degrees, all Germans opposed slavery and yet did not approve abolitionism. Their faith and trust rested in the Constitution and its ability through law to eventually eliminate slavery in America.22 The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 changed the attitudes on slavery between the German groups. When Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois introduced the bill to organize the Kansas and Nebraska territories, the

20 Ibid.; "Vorwort," Lehre und Wehre 9 (February 1863) quoted in Carl S. Meyer, "Early Growth of the Missouri Synod" in Meyer, Moving Frontiers, 234. 21 Rowan and Primm, Free Missouri, 41. 22 Anzeiger des Westens quoted in ibid., 147. 306 Missouri Historical Review

Germans opposed the issue. Douglas had been a favorite among Germans but when he sponsored the bill "that turned the tide and led to some remarkable demonstrations of temper. ..." Indeed, most Germans had affiliated with the Democratic party when they became citizens. The Democrats stood for immigrant rights. The Whig party, with its ancestor the Federalist party, had a history of nativism that made it unattractive to new German immigrants. Koerner commented during the 1840 election: "All the adjoining counties (to St. Clair) where there were large German settlements, went Democratic. . . ,"23 Even so, Stephen Douglas's proposal to permit slavery above the boundary of the Missouri Compromise shocked midwestern Germans. They considered the Kansas-Nebraska bill a betrayal of their trust and belief in liberty and freedom. For those Germans in the St. Louis region, this betrayal extended slavery into the West. And the West contained farmlands for future German immigrants and relatives. In general, the Germans rapidly abandoned the Democratic party that soon became the party of the South and slavery. Koerner voiced the German sentiment: "I always hated slavery, and while constitutionally I saw no way of abolishing it, I could not prevail on myself to favor it in any way whatever, or to extend it into any Territory heretofore

23 Frederick Schrader, The Germans in the Making of America (Boston: The Stratford Co., 1924), 186; Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 446.

Library of Congress

Stephen A. Douglas, senator from Illinois, caused the Germans in the St. Louis region to lose faith in the Democratic party after he intro­ duced the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854. Although most German im­ migrants affiliated with the Demo­ cratic party, they believed the ex­ tension of slavery into the Kansas Territory violated their basic belief in personal liberty. After the crea­ tion of the Republican party in 1856, many Germans abandoned the Democratic ranks. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 307 declared to be free." Koerner sacrificed a great deal by leaving the Democratic party. He had been a close associate of Douglas and might have followed him in the Senate or obtained a foreign mission if Douglas had succeeded in his bid for the presidency. But for Koerner, as with most Germans, his commitment to liberty, freedom and anti- slavery, led him to the Republican party.24 As Dr. Gamaliel Bailey, editor of the Cincinnati Philanthropist, wrote of the German reaction to the Kansas-Nebraska bill: "They have no fondness for slavery, and do not choose to labor with slaves." Bailey continued to describe the German belief in the "Far West as sacred to freedom" and as a future home for refugees from the fatherland. He feared the Kansas-Nebraska bill would "leave no spot of American territory sacred against the intrusions of Negro Slavery. ..." The Anzeiger des Westens named Douglas "Stephen Douglas Arnold" and "Don Quixote der Sklave ritter partei." Out of eighty-eight German newspapers in the United States, eighty opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill.25 When Douglas recognized that he had lost the Germans through his support for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he attempted to rebuild a new German Democratic press and link nativism to the Republican party. But, he failed in these efforts, because the Republicans already had won the support of the German leaders, such as Gustave Koerner and Frederick Hecker, in the St. Louis region. If the issue of nativism had not arisen during the mid-1850s, the Germans in the St. Louis region also might have turned to the Republican party. Although both Repub­ licans and Democrats attempted to woo the Germans, the Know- Nothing party caused a split among the Germans during the election of I860.26 With the massive increase of immigrants during the 1850s, a nativist American sentiment arose in the United States. Fears arose concerning temperance, pauperism, crime and cheap labor. The immi­ grants tended to vote as a group and changed traditional voting patterns. The foreign-born also threatened to upset traditional American isolationism. As a result, the antiforeign sentiment crystallized into a political party that attempted to change naturalization laws and prevent immigrants from voting or holding public office.

24 Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 618. 25 Philanthropist quoted in F.I. Herriott, "Stephen A. Douglas and the Germans in 1854," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 17 (1912): 147; ibid., 149, 150. 26 Bergquist, "People and Politics," 208. 308 Missouri Historical Review

Koerner laid the blame for the rise of the Know-Nothingism on the Forty-Eighters: "A good deal of the very strong revival of the Native American feeling . . . was owing to the arrogance, imperious and the domineering conduct of the refugees." In truth, much of the nativists' antagonism was linked to intellectual Germans. Carl Wittke in The German Language Press in America remarked about "the arrogant air of superiority of some Germans, particularly editors of radical news­ papers, toward the American 'way of life.'" He added that Americans resented German newspaper attacks on "alleged low cultural and edu­ cational standards of the United States," ridicule of eating and drinking habits and "criticism of American art, architecture, literature, dirty cities, corrupt spoils politics, and the American's absorption in business to the exclusion of all interest in intellectual and theoretical matters."27 When Washington King became mayor in St. Louis in 1855, he followed Know-Nothing policies and platforms. King expanded the police force to control German and Irish mobs and to enforce the Sunday closing laws against Irish pubs and German beer gardens. Meanwhile, reputable established hotel bars remained open. This action caused Wittke to criticize "the unjust attacks of narrow minded native Americans on everything of non-English origin brought about an

27 Koerner, Memoirs, 1: 549; Carl Wittke, The German Language Press in America (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), 132.

Missouri Historical Society

Growing nativist feelings, fos­ tered by the Know-Nothings or Native American party, caused a major break among the Ger­ man community in the St. Louis region. The older immigrants blamed the new radical arrivals for creating dissension with their criticism of American cultural, educational and political stan­ dards. When Washington King became mayor of St. Louis in 1855, he capitalized on the anti- German feeling in the city by accepting the Know-Nothings' platform and by expanding the police to enforce Sunday closing laws at German beer gardens. German Americans in the St. Louis Region, 1840-1860 309 organized resistance on the part of the whole German element." As a result, a new unity arose among German groups. Opposition to the Know-Nothing party solidified the Grays, Greens and a majority of the German Lutherans into a single voice. The strongest prejudice of the Know-Nothings, however, fell on Catholics, including German Cath­ olics.28 According to the Wahrheits-Freund, the Know-Nothing party di­ rected acts of violence and insults against priests and sisters, defiled cloisters and "reckless bands stormed Catholic churches." In a sense, German Catholics were subjected to double attack. The nativists struck at them as both Germans and Catholics. In addition, many of the Forty-Eighters remained anti-Catholic. If the German Catholics left the Democratic party because of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, they felt they could not join the Republican party that wooed Germans but did nothing to support Catholics. In addition, many prominent nativists had become Republicans. No party existed for the German Catholics. Accused of having linkages to the Pope and foreign powers, shunned by New England liberals and Protestants, the German Catholics remained linked to the Democratic party as the lesser of two evils. When Know- Nothingism died, anti-Catholicism remained. German Catholics con­ tinued their loyalty to Douglas and maintained their belief that the individual states must settle the question of slavery by constitutional means.29 At that same time, the Grays, Greens and the German Lutherans unified. Representatives of this group, in part, formed the German American delegates to the National Republican Convention of 1860. Together with other German Americans, they proposed resolutions that publicly stated their attitudes toward slavery, the Kansas-Nebraska Act and Know-Nothingism. They suggested that the principles of the Re­ publican party of 1856 "be applied in a sense most hostile to slavery," that "all rights of all classes of citizens irrespective of their descent" be protected and that "state legislatures be prohibited from passing any laws discriminating between native and adopted citizens" in regard to suffrage. They also requested that the territory of Kansas, which asked for admission to the Union, "be admitted without delay as a sovereign state and without slavery." Thus, the Germans of the St. Louis region participated in the May 1860 Deutsches Haus Conference and with

28 Rowan and Primm, Free Missouri, 8; Wittke, German Language Press, 132-133. 29 Wahrheits-Freund 21 (1855), quoted in Rothan, The German Catholic Immi­ grant, 116; Koerner, Memoirs, 2: 21. 310 Missouri Historical Review

other German Americans who helped form the platform of the Repub­ lican party in 1860. Although not homogeneous in religion, homeland, education or economic status, the Germans in the St. Louis region contributed to the growth of the Republican party and to the national election of Abraham Lincoln. Moreover, the issues of slavery, the Kansas-Nebraska Act and nativism helped these Germans to unite as never before and to play an active role in national politics between 1840 and I860.30

30 Der Demokrat, 16 May 1860, quoted in Herriott, "The Conference in the Deutsches Haus Chicago, May 14-15, 1860," 189.

Centralia's Place on the Map Columbia Missouri Herald, January 20, 1905. In every state in the American union, save some, there is a town named Centralia. All Centralias are not alike. There is one glory of the Illinois Centralia and another of the Missouri Centralia. It hints at a coming into existence after the neighboring towns have been born, for it is not probable that a central town would be selected before there were other and surrounding towns. The Missouri town bears out the name. It is a central community and it became a town after Mexico and Fulton and Columbia had been on the map for two score years and more. It has all the airs of a youngster vigorous, full of animal spirits, a trifle cocky, jealous of its rights and somewhat self-assertive. The neighboring towns are more staid, self-complacent and inclined to be less careless about the opinions of others. Centralia attaches importance to some things which older communities pass by with little or no concern. Centralia is a good town of itself. Louis E. Frost, of Moberly, a careful observer, said Monday that there was "no better business town in Missouri of anywhere near the same population." It has good schools getting better, good churches, good banks, good people. It has politics run to seed occasionally and it does not always vote right on the county courthouse question but with all its faults no one who knows Centralia will fail to give credit to its virtues which, as towns go, are many. Centralia is a town of enterprise, thrift and public integrity. As a community it is above the average in municipal works. Its city hall is a model of economy and, from the standpoint of public comfort and usefulness, superior to any building for similar purposes in any near-by town. Centralia's place on the map is well filled

Oldest Woman in America Lancaster Excelsior, August 18, 1866. Rachel Byers, resident of Boone, Iowa, just beyond the Polk county line, is reported to be one hundred and fourteen years old. She is a native of Georgia, and is probably the oldest living specimen of humanity in the world. She was born before the French and Indian war of 1755, and twenty-four years before the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. She is reported to be hale, healthy, and pretty good-looking. J. Merton England In 1878, John Roberts had just passed his forty-fifth birthday when he had this photo­ graph taken in Anson Corey's studio in Clin­ ton, Missouri. Roberts moved from Ohio to Missouri in early July of that year in search of a teaching position in the vicinity of Clinton. Although he eventually found employment, hard times continually plagued him. The life of a rural schoolteacher often was difficult and grim.

A Hard Times Chronicler— An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 1879-1881 BY J. MERTON ENGLAND* John M. Roberts was a compulsive recordkeeper—the first robin, the first crow, the first bluebird, every letter received and sent, and

*J. Merton England is a native of Henry County, Missouri. He received his Ph.D. from Vanderbilt University and has been a member of the Department of History at the University of Kentucky and managing editor of the Journal of Southern History. From 1961 until his retirement in 1986, England served as the historian for the National Science Foundation. 311 312 Missouri Historical Review every day's weather. From his twenty-fifth birthday in 1858 until the week before he died in 1914 in his eighty-first year, he kept a diary every single day, cramming the pages, often in minuscule script, with details of his life as a country schoolteacher, farmer, itinerant book­ seller, miller, fishhatcher, game warden, and correspondent for the local Democratic press on livestock sales, neighborhood news, and Repub­ lican depravity. It presents an astonishing daily chronicle of a man's journey through life.1 Roberts spent most of his years in Madison County, Ohio, near London, the county seat. Like his father, he early decided to try school teaching and found it an agreeable occupation, though hardly lucrative. His amorous interest in some of the older girls in his schoolroom ended when he married Emarine Truitt in 1859. Of five children born to the couple during the next nineteen years, three lived and moved with their parents to Henry County, Missouri, in 1879.2 Roberts had scouted the country a year earlier. Several Madison Countians had settled in the area, among them his younger brother, Henry, a carpenter, who had married a widow with three children and considerable property. Henry owned a farm and orchard near Clinton, Missouri, and a house in town. On July 8, 1878, John, with Henry, left London by train and arrived in Clinton the next day. It was a move of despair, not adventure. He ended his diary entry the day before he left: "I hate to leave here very much but do [not] see how to make a living if I do not do so." He had to borrow $15 from the bank to pay for his train ticket and signed a note to cover his life insurance premium.3 Despite heat as high as 106 degrees and dust two or three inches deep on the country roads he walked canvassing for book buyers, Roberts liked the country and hoped to bring his family there. He found few subscribers for Hill's Business Manual, however, and began to look for other ways to make money. He tried to get Henry to join him in winemaking, since "thousands of bushels of blackberries" as big "as the end of a man's thumb" hung on the bushes, though chiggers 1 Doris Archer of Annapolis, Maryland, a descendant of Roberts, has kindly let me use his diaries, the principal source of this article, and his journal, which mainly recounts the highlights of his life between birthdays from 1858 to 1913. Cited hereafter as Diary and Journal. 2 Journal, 21 August 1858; 1, 17, 21 September 1858; 12, 16, 28 October 1858; 2, 8, 17 November 1858; 22 December 1858; 18 January 1859; 16, 27 March 1859; 21 August 1859. 3 Ibid., 21 August 1867. Henry's wife, the daughter of Henry Avery, a slaveowning pioneer from Tennessee, was the first white child born in Henry (then Rives) County, Missouri. Her 1910 obituary in the Durango, Colorado, Herald appears in Kathleen White Miles, comp., Annals of Henry County, 2 vols. (Clinton, Mo.: The Printery, 1973-1974), 2: 276-277; Diary, 7, 8 July 1878. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 313 caused him "to itch most intolerably." Henry seemed willing, but his sensible wife was not. At length, Roberts sought to do what he knew best—teach—but he could not get a school. In debt and unhappy about being away from his family, he grew despondent.4 Bad news summoned him home. His wife, down with ague, begged him to come back, and then a telegram came saying his mother was sick and not expected to live. John borrowed $20 from Henry for the trip home. With a through ticket to Cincinnati costing $14.85, "some grub" fixed by Henry's wife and $7 in his pocket, he took the M.K. & T. train from Clinton the night of September 16, switched to the Missouri Pacific in Sedalia and reached St. Louis at sunrise. Next, an all-day ride took him to Indianapolis, where he spent the night, paying 12 cents for a newspaper and a cup of tea and 25 cents for his bed at the City Hotel. Spending $2 more, he swapped his Cincinnati ticket for one to Colum­ bus and reached London and home by evening on the 17th. He found his mother starting to mend, but it was "a heavy blow" when he learned that his horse had died.5 A year later, Roberts moved to Missouri again, this time with Emarine and their three children—Flora, seventeen; Alma, fifteen; and Frank, twelve. Another daughter, fifteen-month-old Jennie Pearl, had died two weeks before. All but Frank were worn out when Henry met their train in Clinton the night of August 20. They moved to Henry's farm the next day, the older brother's forty-sixth birthday. With Emarine's purchase for $27 of secondhand bedsteads, chairs, a stove, and household goods, and other items brought with them from Ohio ("very little of our glass was broken"), the family settled in quickly.6 While in Missouri the year before, John had visited the Rush and Davis families, former Ohio neighbors, who lived eighteen miles north­ west of Clinton, near the Johnson County line. His attempt to get a school in the vicinity had failed earlier but succeeded now. Riding out with Emarine in Henry's spring wagon on a hot Saturday, John arranged with Absalom Davis, one of the school directors, to start teaching a six-months school in District No. 5, Big Creek Township, on September 22, for $40 a month. Emarine and the children would stay at Henry's farm, the children attending Franklin School in Clinton, while Roberts boarded with John A. Rush, one of his former pupils, a stock

4 Diary, 9 July to 14 September 1878. 5 Ibid., 15-17 September 1878. 6 Ibid., 5, 19-22 August 1879. A coal oil barrel full of goods shipped from Ohio took a month to arrive, and Roberts thought the $4 shipping cost much too high. High freight rates, drought, and dust whipped by strong winds were among the drawbacks to the country, he found. Ibid., 30 August 1879; 20 September 1879. 314 Missouri Historical Review dealer who traded his beef cattle and hogs across the county line in Holden.7 Varied chores filled the month before John's school opened: pitch­ ing hay, cutting corn, chopping stove wood, making a cellar door, opening a well with a drill borrowed from a coal company, patching rat holes in the house with pieces of tin. But work did not take all the time. One Sunday afternoon Henry and two other men came out from Clinton, and they played croquet and ate watermelons. The children went to Sunday school in Clinton, Frank at the Presbyterian church, the girls at the Baptist. John began attending the Masonic lodge in Clinton and noted different ceremonial forms from those he had known in Ohio; the use of passwords resembled the Grangers' practice there.8 The people were different, too. Here Roberts met more Democrats than Republicans, and fewer Yanks than Rebs. One of them was the Confederate surgeon Dr. John H. Britts, on whom he made a midnight call and who had worn a wooden leg since the siege of Vicksburg. Madison County neighbors during the Civil War had branded Roberts as a Copperhead, and though he rejoiced at the Union's victory, he fell into despair during Reconstruction as Radicals repeatedly won local and national elections. He saw many more blacks in Missouri too, and his once-intense dislike of "niggers" subsided somewhat as he came into contact with those like Henry's hired man, "old Fred, a Darkey owned by Richard Fewell formerly," with whom he shared a watermelon.9 Other unaccustomed experiences and impressions arose, including a string of violent deaths: "A German saloonkeeper committed suicide in Clinton today," he noted on September 7. "He took morphine and soon died. . . . Four or five men have met with a violent death or committed suicide since I came here. One man was kicked to death by a mule. One man was crushed to death by the cars at the depot. One negro hung himself and this last man took poison."10 A drought forced people to haul water for their stock. Clouds of dust rose as wagons streamed by carrying settlers to Kansas or Texas. "The great west will surely soon be filled up with emigrants from the eastern states," Roberts wrote. "People cannot stop here in Missouri 7 Ibid., 23-24 August 1879. Although the schoolhouse was in Big Creek Township, the district lapped over into Bogard Township, where the Rushes lived. 8 Ibid., 24 August to 21 September 1879. 9 Ibid., 6 September 1879; Miles, comp., Annals of Henry County, 2: 258; Journal, 21 August 1863; 21 August 1865; 21 August 1867; 21 August 1868; 21 August 1873; 21 August 1877; Diary, 1 September 1879. Roberts's harsh views on blacks, abolitionists, and Radical Republicans appear frequently in his Journal in 1858-1860 and during the Civil War and Reconstruction years. 10 Diary, 7 September 1879. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 315 because there are no spare houses to rent." One of the emigrants' dogs, though, did stop and adopted the Roberts family, no doubt pleasing Frank. When Frank wrote his Grandmother Roberts some months later, his main interest was in finding out how Carlo, another onetime stray, was getting along. Was he "very fat and does the boys throw rocks at him[?] I have had nine dogs but they are not as good as Carlo."11 The children's school opened September 8. When John visited it a week later, he found it "not well organized as yet and considerable improvement can be made in the programme." Preparing for the opening of his own one-room rural school, he bought pens and ink, copybooks and a Quackenbos history. With examination for a teacher's certificate scheduled the following day, Roberts stopped in the office of the county school commissioner, Peyton A. Parks; Roberts did not find the commissioner, but had a long talk with his father, Judge James Parks.12 The examination took all day. Roberts scored 10, a perfect mark, on arithmetic, reading, and theory and practice of teaching, and no grade below 9 on the other subjects—penmanship, mental arithmetic, English grammar, civil government and U.S. history. His certificate, good for one year but renewable Peyton Parks assured him, cost $1.50.13 The next Sunday, taken in a buggy by his wife and Frank partway on the long trip, Roberts started boarding with the Rush family. When he opened his school in the morning he enrolled thirteen boys and ten girls, ranging in age from five to seventeen. Two more pupils came in the afternoon, and others drifted in during the following weeks. His most advanced pupil, eighteen-year-old Quimby Schoonover, son of the local "squire," came the second day as did a school director, bringing a pint of ink, a broom, a new bucket and tin cups. Roberts especially needed the broom, as revival or prayer meetings occurred in the house nearly every night, and "the tobacco chewers cover[ed] the floor with saliva." Roberts raised no objection, however, because people might

11 Ibid., 30 August 1879; 3 September 1879; Frank to [Grandmother Roberts], 18 April 1880. 12 Diary, 8, 15 September 1879. Peyton Parks, the first graduate of Clinton High School, in 1875, began teaching in Montrose, Missouri, in January 1876. He studied law while continuing to teach, was elected Henry County school commissioner in 1879, and began the practice of law in 1881. His marriage in 1882 to Mary Gathright, a Montrose teacher, was a prominent social event. Clinton Henry County Democrat, 13 January 1876; 10 April 1879; 6 January 1881; 28 September 1882; 18 May 1900. Hereafter cited as Democrat. 13 Diary, 16 September 1879. 316 Missouri Historical Review think he opposed the meetings. His "scholars" who attended the United Brethren "protracted meeting" had trouble staying awake in school. Often one or two of the girl pupils, unasked, took over the morning and noon sweeping chores.14 The schoolhouse was "situated in a wide prairie on a smart little hill," about two miles east of Big Creek. Roberts, used to hearing the whistle of steam locomotives on the railroad tracks near his school in Ohio, here heard only owls hooting in the timber along the creek and thought it about "the lonesomest place I ever was in." A three-year-old buck deer came to the schoolyard one November morning.15 Board at the Rushes cost $2.50 for a week of 21 meals, but he paid nothing for those he missed. Breakfast was early. The family awoke before sunrise, some by 3:30. "I spend my evenings reading Shakespeare and in talking," he recorded; and once, when another teacher was a guest in the house, they joined in entertaining the Rushes with

14 Ibid., 22-23, 30 September 1879; 9 October 1879; and 24 September 1879 to 6 March 1880. 15 Ibid., 24 September 1879; 7-8 October 1879; 14 November 1879.

Although this photograph was taken at the turn of the twentieth century in Cape Girardeau County, it would have been a familiar scene for John Roberts. Rural schools were much the same across the Midwest during the late nineteenth century. Teachers struggled to provide meaningful lessons to children who ranged widely in age and, like today, who often enjoyed recess more than the classroom. State Historical Society of Missouri An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 319 overcrowded second school, Roberts kept a gallon paint bucket full of water on top of the stove.21 Drinking water also presented a problem, as did even the cups on one occasion. At a Sunday night service in the Big Creek school, "Some skunks filled our drinking cups with tobacco quids," Roberts discovered in the morning. Animals sometimes fell or were thrown in the school- house well. He climbed down and took out a dead rabbit one morning, but the next day two more, rather decayed, floated there. The well had to be cleaned. A small girl accused a boy of throwing a kitten down the well, and another boy said he saw its nose above water just before it sank. They were teasing; the dry kitten played lively in the coal shed.22 Boys tormented girls in other ways. Roberts kept five boys after school and whipped them for "pulling up Maggie Harper's clothes and fighting with the Harper boys." He mistakenly thought the punishment would end that kind of mischief, but a few weeks later three boys sent for water stopped another eight-year-old girl and lifted her dress. Seven-year-old John Schoonover, "a very wild chap," was guilty again. A week later he whipped John and three other boys "for clubbing the girls' privy while the girls were in it." Girls and boys both showed their insensitivity to the feelings of children of a poor family by making "game and sport of them" for their shabby clothing.23 Parents perhaps meted out punishment too if they heard of these misdeeds, though a father who remembered his own pranks may have laughed off his sprout's pounding on a girls' privy. But one affair in Roberts's second school could not be treated lightly. A twelve-year-old girl handed him "a filthy letter" dropped where she would see it. An "invitation to congress" with her and another girl, its fair handwriting seemed to be that of a large boy. One father, suspecting his son, came to see the teacher, but Roberts, who never learned the author, did not believe the man's son guilty.24 Pupils' misbehavior—whispering, fighting, throwing paperwads, knife stealing, lying, sassing the teacher—sometimes brought whippings, sometimes lectures, forced handshakes and promises of "never again," canceling of recess, "standing on the floor," or a reshuffling of seats. In the Blaylock school Roberts particularly had trouble with whispering 21 Diary, 14, 18 November 1879; 11, 18, 22 December 1879; 2, 9, 24 February 1880; 1 March 1880; 5, 15, 18, 20, 25, 28 October 1880; 4-5, 10, 15, 17, 19, 26, 29 November 1880; 2, 6, 17, 22, 31 December 1880; 12, 19 January 1881. 22 Ibid., 26 January 1880; 15, 29 October 1880; 11, 16 December 1880. 23 Ibid., 4-5, 25-26 November 1880; 2 December 1880. 24 Ibid., 7-8 December 1880. Roberts was saddened to hear of a serious violation of society's code against incest by one of his Big Creek district's directors and his sixteen- year-old daughter. Ibid., 4 August 1880. 320 Missouri Historical Review

Ur. Z^S

J. Merton England During the two years that John Roberts taught school in Henry County, he religiously kept a daily diary. It provides an excellent glimpse into the daily life of a rural schoolteacher. This entry for September 6, 1879, tells of his midnight pony ride in a thunderstorm to seek a doctor for his neighbor. Dr. John H. Britts, an ex-Confederate surgeon and amateur geologist, peg-legged since the seige of Vicksburg, sent medicine but refused to go to the cholera morbus victim's bedside. The next day, Roberts wrote that the main local news was a "run of violent deaths," including "alarmingly prevalent" suicides. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 321 and other noise, which visiting directors sternly warned him must be stopped. It did little good to reply the room held too many pupils for its small space, that at least six had to occupy each bench. This caused disorder whenever those in one class—the third reader, say—had to go to the teacher's desk to recite. Not only that, the seats were "loose from the floor and . . . rock[ed] and creak[ed] all the time."25 The wide range in ages and levels of schooling meant the teacher had to hear many lessons every day. An accomplished reader himself (and proud of it), Roberts seemed especially concerned to advance his pupils' reading skills. He recorded in his diary when a class had finished its reader for the first, second, and third (the final) time, and he varied Friday afternoon spelldowns with reading matches. Another Henry County teacher and local-news correspondent believed "the school exerts no greater, and no better influence over a neighborhood than a well conducted debating club." Roberts agreed. He had organized "literary societies" in Ohio and participated in their weekly debates. He did so again in Missouri, proposing and arguing timeless questions, familiar from past debates. Occasionally they reflected current causes, such as the issuance of greenback currency and the abolition of national banks.26 Before he formed his first school's own literary society, Roberts and John Rush rode horseback to the Carpenter school in Johnson County to debate whether "Fashion and Style in dress are sinful," Roberts participating on the winning affirmative side, Rush on the negative. For another topic—"the press has greater influence than the pulpit"—both appeared on the winning negative team. In his own school, Roberts upheld the affirmative on the question "Resolved that intemperance has been a greater evil than war" and the negative on "Resolved that Compulsory Education should be provided for by National law." He made himself hoarse "by speaking too loud and too long" convincing the judges that the pen was mightier than the sword. On the question "Resolved that the Negro has greater cause to complain of the white man than the American Indian," Roberts believed that his negative side lost because "We had a Radical set of judges." Following the debates, he frequently amused the audience and displayed his elocutionary talent by reading pieces of folksy dialect and illiterate

25 Ibid., 4, 6, 11, 13, 26 November 1879; 10, 19, 22 December 1879; 28 January 1880; 18, 26 October 1880; 9 November 1880; 1-2, 7 December 1880; 4, 6, 12-13 January 1881. 26 Ibid., 29 October 1879; 1, 6 December 1879; 12 January 1880; 8 February 1880; 1, 3 March 1880; 22 October 1880; 12 November 1880; Democrat, 20 October 1879; Diary, 30 January 1880. 322 Missouri Historical Review spelling, such as Josh Billings's "Lecture on Courtship" and George W. Harris's "Sut Lovingood's Daddy, Acting Horse."27 The schoolhouse door opened for other kinds of entertainment and learning too—oyster suppers, spelling matches and singing and pen­ manship classes. But though no one protested the holding of religious services in the public building, dance parties were barred. At these, held in farmhomes, Roberts was more an observer than a participant. He collected the money ($17) from the twenty-three persons at a party at the Rushes, where the host served as one of the fiddlers and came out a little ahead of his expenses.28 Though Roberts liked his school and the "Possum Trotters" of the Big Creek district, he wished he could live with his family. On Christ­ mas Eve he watched the Rush children, not his own, hang their stockings, and on Christmas Day he ate chicken pie with the Rushes and helped haul corn to the cattle. He taught on New Year's Day. Twice in February, he missed his regular trip home in order to make up for lost days (one for a funeral service in the schoolhouse, the other for the United Brethren's Elder Jocelyn's sermon on baptism, in which he "murdered the English language in a desperate manner"). Roberts confided in his diary, "I am getting tired of the school room and want some rest." He avoided saying anything to the directors about teaching in the summer—there likely would be no money in the treasury anyway.29 Winter weather and sickness cut attendance sharply. In November the average daily attendance of the forty-two pupils enrolled had been twenty-nine; one bitter day in February only seven, all boys, showed up, and of the eleven to seventeen pupils who attended each day from February 11 to the close of school on March 6, nearly all were boys. For the whole term of 118 days, each pupil averaged only 52.30 Writing to his mother in April, Roberts told her how much he and the children liked Missouri; they did not wish to return to Ohio. He did not mention his wife's feelings; she begged to return. A move into Henry's house in town and taking in boarders did not help financially. Henry charged high rent, and though he offered to lower it when his brother started hunting another place, John and his family soon moved

27 Ibid., 5 November 1879; 2, 12, 16-17, 19, 27 December 1879; 9, 30 January 1880; 1, 3, 20, 27 February 1880; 5 March 1880. 28 Ibid., 9 October 1879; 3, 10-11, 20 November 1879; 11, 24 December 1879; 1, 15, 29 January 1880; 4-5, 12 February 1880. 29 Ibid., 21 October 1879; 25 December 1879; 1, 15, 31 January 1880; 7, 11, 14, 16, 21, 24 February 1880; 1, 3 March 1880. 30 Ibid., 4 December 1879; 11 February to 6 March 1880. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 317 humorous readings from Kidd's Elocution. Roberts got along well with his hosts and made no complaints about sharing a bed with a hired man, or after he left to get married, with an occasional visitor. When Roberts felt a chill coming on one night, Mrs. Rush made him some sage tea, which brought on a sweat and a cure by morning. Blackberry wine also helped him fight off ague.16 Nearly every Friday, Roberts started school early, at 8:30, or cut the noon recess to a half hour in order to dismiss his pupils at 3:30. Then, he began his trek home on a borrowed horse, several times Squire Schoonover's Sandy Lowe, a rough trotter but a fast walker. The twenty-mile trip to Henry's place southeast of Clinton took nearly five hours, but at least the weather remained mild through most of November. Indeed, Roberts had "never seen such weather." In mid- October, Dan Davis dug a second crop of potatoes, tomatoes still ripened, and watermelon vines put out new blossoms. Mosquitoes were "singing around" his bed and biting him the second week of November, and barefoot children played along the road as he returned to the Rushes on Sunday night. Unable to borrow a horse the next Friday, he decided to walk home, but luckily Quimby Schoonover, leading a horse, overtook him a mile past Norris Fork, and he got to Clinton in time to hear the Wizard Oil Company play and sing.17 The singers provided a treat, but Roberts's out-of-town duties caused him to miss other events his family could enjoy. Officials dismissed Franklin School when President Rutherford B. Hayes and his party, including General William Tecumseh Sherman, came through Clinton on their way to Hot Springs, Arkansas. Another rural teacher, Ed S. Vance, who sent weekly news to the Clinton Henry County Democrat over the pen name of Mark Twain's Colonel Mulberry Sellers, reported that when the president's train stopped across from his school, "your correspondent mounted the fence and delivered an address of welcome some three hours in length, which was enthusiastically applauded by two small boys who were gathering corn in a field near by. Rutherford replied in a speech of four hours. . . . After the speeches formal introductions were gone through with." It was a typical bit of whimsy from the Davis Township correspondent.18 16 Ibid., 25 September 1879; 2, 6, 9, 29 October 1879; 20-21, 25 November 1879; 9 January 1880; 3, 25 February 1880. i7 Ibid., 26 September 1879; 3, 8, 10, 14-16, 18, 27-28, 31 October 1879; 7, 9-10, 13-15 November 1879. Wizard Oil was a patent medicine promoted by a Chicago magician, John Austin Hamlin, who found that traveling musical troupes sold more of his product than did magic; J. Harvey Young, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America before Federal Regulation (Princeton: Prince­ ton University Press, 1961), 193-194. 18 Diary, 28 September 1879; Democrat, 2 October 1879. 318 Missouri Historical Review

Roberts also wrote local news for the Democrat, dropping his piece off at the paper's office when he visited home for the weekend; and he collaborated with John Rush in writing for the Enterprise, another Democratic paper, in Holden, where Rush's livestock dealing often took him. To the Madison County Democrat in Ohio, he sent an account of Henry County, which the London paper printed "verbatim et literatum." On his visits to the Lingle brothers' newspaper office in Clinton, he pored over other journals for political news—optimistically before elections, despondently after as a rule.19 Roberts combined his trips home with errands for his neighbors near Big Creek—getting a pint of alcohol from C.C. Williams's drug­ store for Alvah Rush, John's father, for example, or paying taxes for the Squire. Roberts had to draw his $40 monthly pay in Clinton, and that was not a simple matter. When he presented an order to the county treasurer for his first month's wages, he found no money in the treasury for his district. A banker offered $35 for the order, but Roberts declined to take a 12^ percent loss. "This is outrageous," he wrote, "and nothing short of robbery. The money sharks of Clinton are a rapacious set and have no more mercy than hungry wolves." A week later D.P. Daum, a grocer, advanced $25 on the order—out of which he took $10 on Roberts's grocery bill—and the other $15 the following Saturday, enabling him to buy a secondhand stove for $3.40 and a pair of shoes and woolen stockings for Alma. Uncertainties about getting his wages continued. Forty dollars a month was top pay for Henry County teachers. Male teachers, who outnumbered female 103 to 75 in the county in 1880, averaged $36, women only $31. Roberts heard of one preacher who got only $25 for teaching.20 A country teacher had to perform many tasks. Roberts put in new window panes for those broken by rocks and baseballs; fixed his chair and desk when they collapsed; repaired a door that came off its hinge. He built fires nearly every morning during the cold months. He often found the inkwells frozen. In his second Henry County school, Blaylock, in Bethlehem Township, the stove smoked, and he had to take down and clean a clogged stovepipe about once a week. Directors sometimes moved slowly in replenishing the coal pile, and what they brought contained too much slack, slate and sulphur. To moisten the air in his

19 Diary, 16, 20-21, 26, 29, 31 October 1879; 3, 6-7, 13, 15, 21-22, 24, 27 November 1879; 1, 6, 20, 23, 26 December 1879; 2-4, 6, 10, 14, 16-17, 22, 31 January 1880; 14, 20, 28 February 1880; 7-8 March 1880. 20 Ibid., 17-18, 22, 24-26 October 1879; 1 November 1879; 27 November 1880; Annual Report of the State Superintendent of Public Schools of the State of Missouri, 1880 (Jefferson City, Mo., 1881), 81; Diary, 13 December 1880. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 323 into Jacob Boyer's house in the north part of Clinton. Again, the few boarders stayed only briefly.31 Daily, John went deeper in debt. Waiting to hear from an un­ successful application for appointment as assistant census marshal, he again tried soliciting book buyers. He walked many miles over the roads of Henry, Benton and St. Clair counties, but only a few farmers bought Charles Bancroft's Footprints of Time or, later, The Stock Doctor and Live Stock Encyclopedia or Sloan's sewing machine casters. In town, Flora had little success either with Footprints or The Royal Path of Life. Roberts owed a $110 note in Ohio which he could not pay. At the end of August he wrote, "I must strike a job soon or go under financially." Since "No one about the house is bringing in a cent every thing is as blue as indigo."32 Efforts to obtain a school proved similarly discouraging. He would not apply for one, paying only $30 a month, and he gave up hoping for one near town. Nor did he hear of any vacancies in Ohio. Roberts took any odd jobs that turned up, earning 25 cents one day, 30 cents the next, and then a whole dollar for two days' work shoveling corncobs at an elevator. He labored long and hard digging a cistern for Henry; his skinflint brother "squealed vigorously but finally paid me $10," John recorded.33 The 1880 census taker in Clinton counted 2,868 inhabitants, 361 of them black. After the Rushes' neighborhood it must have seemed a bustling metropolis to Roberts. Events on the town's streets and square appear in his diary as shifting kaleidoscopic scenes: a fight between two leading citizens—Dr. Britts on his wooden leg and Judge J.G. Dorman, a pioneer settler, returned 49'er, and captain of the home guards during the Civil War; a midnight fire in which Roberts's pumping helped save the Driggs furniture store while Fike's next-door grocery burned down; a nighttime robbery of several stores, including jewelry from Keil's, though the burglars failed to crack his safe; the clanging of anvils at 3:30 in the morning on Monday, July 5, followed by "an awful fusilade of firecrackers," a coarse but comic procession by the Mackerel Brigade, a drowned-out-by-noise reading of the Declaration of Independence, and an oration by Judge Robert C. McBeth.34 Clinton's blacks celebrated their own independence, twice in fact— 31 Roberts to Mother, 19 April 1880; Diary, 28-29 November 1879; 14, 31 December 1879; 1 February 1880; 30 March 1880; 8 April 1880; 8, 14, 30 May 1880; 5 June 1880; 2-3, 6, 8, 12-14, 18 July 1880; 10 August 1880. 32 Ibid., 8 March to 1 September 1880. 33 Ibid., 28-30 June 1880; 1, 3, 10, 21-22 July 1880; 3, 5, 12-13, 16, 23, 26, 28 August 1880; 3 October 1880. 34 Ibid., 14, 20, 22 June 1880; 5 July 1880; 13 November 1880. 324 Missouri Historical Review once on August 4, commemorating the Haitian slave insurrection of the 1790s "with a pic nic in the woods near town," and again on September 22, Emancipation Proclamation Day, when Roberts "went to the public square to see the nigger procession march." In the Boyer house, the Roberts family lived across the street from a black who "came home in a beastly state of intoxication" every Sunday. His washwoman wife seemed "to be a quiet sort of wench"; one morning the black man "took a rail in the house to strike his wife with but she dodged out at the back door and got out of his reach." Drunken and abusive white men behaved as badly. The wife of the "white teacher in the colored school" left him after he "beat her most unmercifully."35 Roberts saw Indians going through town and talked with an educated Creek who had taught in Henry County twenty years before and now did so in Indian Territory. Roberts and his wife went out to a camp meeting just west of town where they heard "common place" preaching and "execrable" singing. He heard good singing again when the Wizard Oil Company returned for a week. And on Sundays he wrote pieces for the newspapers and read light fiction—Monsieur Lecoq, or The French Detective, That Husband of Mine, and Edward Eggleston's The Hoosier School-Master.36 Roberts's overriding interest was presidential politics. On Sunday, April 18, he penned a blast against "Grantism," which filled a column and a half in the Democrat a few days later. He hoped the Republicans would nominate Grant again, since he surely would lose. Roberts liked his party's choice of Winfield Scott Hancock; a Union general at the head of the ticket meant that the Radicals' "bloody shirt cant wave now." Roberts worried only about Hancock's religion, said to be Catholic. In September Roberts wrote to the paper answering lies that "Jefferson was a traitor, Jackson a bully & tyrant, and Madison a pusillanimous old reprobate." Roberts remained confident until election day. The Republicans had tied their nominee, James A. Garfield, to a "convicted rascal," Chester A. Arthur. Denied a chance to vote in a June primary election because he had not been in Missouri a year, Roberts stood second in line on November 2 (behind the mail carrier) and voted a straight party ticket. The Republican victory left him "sick at heart," and the local Radicals' celebration became a drunken orgy. "I have been voting for President for 24 years," he lamented, "but never cast a vote for a man who took his seat." Money and patronage had triumphed again. But at least Missouri had gone Democratic.37 35 Ibid., 4, 15 August 1880; 22 September 1880. 36 Ibid., 1, 23 May 1880; 2 August 1880; 28 November 1880; 16 January 1881. 37 Ibid., 1, 8, 24 April 1880; 19, 24 June 1880; 9 July 1880; 26 September 1880; 1, 5, 23 October 1880; 1-3, 6-7 November 1880; Journal, 21 August 1880. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 325

Roberts voted early because he had found a teaching position and had a long walk ahead of him. In September, directors of the Blaylock school, eight miles east of Clinton, had talked with him, and he signed an agreement to teach a five-months school for $40 a month. On opening day, October 4, he enrolled twenty-seven pupils (eighteen girls and nine boys); a week later fourteen new scholars appeared. By election day, forty-seven pupils crowded the long benches, and a month later, fifty-four. Roberts's December report showed sixty-three enrolled and an average daily attendance of forty-four. The youngest pupil was a four-year-old girl, the oldest a nineteen-year-old boy.38 Roberts inquired about board but decided to live at home rather than pay Mrs. George Bagwell $2 for four nights lodging and Monday- to-Friday meals. Walking fast, he could make the trip from town in just under two hours. This autumn, cold weather came early. One morning Roberts's bushy beard had become "as white as snow" when he reached his school. Covering sixteen miles a day on frozen roads wore out his boots—and feet. In January, he borrowed $2 to buy a pair of boots from Cheap John; he soaked a cracked heel "in hot water and put some ointment on it, which helped it very much." Occasionally he spent a night with one of the school's patrons. Once, when four inches of snow covered the road and the temperature dropped to six below zero, he

38 Diary, 4, 6-8, 11, 17, 25 September 1880; 2, 4, 11 October 1880; 2 November 1880; 2, 30 December 1880. John Roberts drew his salary in Clinton from the county treasurer. Upon his first visit in 1878, Roberts wrote: "Clinton is a rather straggling town, spread out over an immense territory." He also observed: (tSome fine buildings for business purposes on the public square and several very fine residences." This photograph, taken in 1871, shows the storefronts along the west side of the town square. Henry County Museum and Clinton Daily Democrat 326 Missouri Historical Review stopped at the home of Bill Webb, whom he had known in Ohio. With three other visitors, they stayed up until nearly midnight while Roberts "read for nearly two hours from Kidd's Elocution and another book of selections." After a spelling match at the school the next night, he stayed with school director C.C. Banta along with two other visitors, one of them the county clerk of Bates County.39 "I think I shall have a good time here," Roberts wrote at the end of his first week in the school. Two directors had visited most of the afternoon and "seemed to be very well pleased." He enjoyed the debates of the literary society, organized by about twenty men and boys in November. Members elected him president. The same night they de­ bated a question that required no preparation—whether horses or cattle were more beneficial to man. (The horses won.) Other judges now reversed last year's decision by Radicals that Negroes, rather than Indians, had suffered more oppression by whites. As always when debaters argued whether America owed more to Columbus or Washing­ ton, the president remained first in the hearts of his countrymen; and "of course" those supporting labor-saving machines as not detrimental to society had the easier case. Roberts's side persuaded the judges that a thief was "more injurious to society" than a liar, that nature was "more pleasing to the eye" than art, and that education was more influential than money. On the night of December 28, when the temperature dropped to sixteen below zero, the hardy band who turned out canceled the debate and instead heard Roberts read "The Hard Shelled Sermon and two or three Dutch pieces." A party at the Banta house limited the crowd another night.40 At the end of November, Roberts still felt "well enough pleased with this neighborhood and would be glad to teach here all the summer." But troubles soon mounted. Sooty stovepipes, a polluted well, noisy children and the task of holding thirty-two or thirty-three recitations a day frayed his nerves. And for reasons he did not under­ stand, the directors lost confidence in him. When he began to use Appleton's third reader instead of McGuffey's—a change he thought the patrons had sanctioned—Banta ordered him to stop. Banta and another director visited the school again several days later. "They did not say much," Roberts recorded. "I do not know what they wanted, something unpleasant to me perhaps." The very next day Banta told Roberts about complaints of poor order in the school and said there

39 Ibid., 6, 21 October 1880; 5, 11, 17-19, 22 November 1880; 2, 7, 9-10, 23-24 December 1880; 3, 8, 10 January 1881. 40 Ibid., 8 October 1880; 24 November 1880; 1, 8, 15, 22, 29 December 1880; 5, 12, 15, 19, 22, 29 January 1881. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 327 must be improvement. "He asked me if I could quit now. I told him I could not do so & do myself justice. I will knock the boys around lively hereafter for making a racket. It is a ground hog case with me and I must hold on if it takes the hide off."41 The directors' visits came just after Christmas, when Roberts was deeply depressed. His family had left for Ohio the night of December 27. "I now have no home to go to," he wrote, "but I did the best I could under the circumstances." Emarine always had wanted to return, and her husband's payment of the train fare for her brother, James Truitt, to join them in Missouri had not helped her adjust to the new country. "I would as lief stay in Missouri as go back there," Roberts wrote, and the children—at least Flora and Frank—wanted to stay.42 Cheap passenger rates, which might not last, hastened the decision. By selling their furniture for $24 (only a $3 loss), Frank's sow and pigs for $8, Emarine's hens for 40 cents apiece, and with money saved from his pay, Roberts scraped together $95 by Christmas. He and Emarine bought only a few presents—"a small toy escritoire" for Alma, a pair of vases for Flora, a handkerchief for Frank. Henry's stepdaughter, Frankie Eddins, who taught in Calhoun, Missouri, gave John a scarf she had knitted and made up a good part of the $95 by lending him $40. The family had Christmas dinner at Henry's, and Emarine and the girls went to the "festival" at the Baptist church. They spent the next day packing. Through tickets to Cincinnati for his family and Jim Truitt cost Roberts $66.85. On the train, the family checked through nine wooden boxes of their goods. They left behind "a side saddle and some carpet" and a gloomy husband and father, who moved to Henry's.43 John's spirits rebounded a little New Year's Day. "I think this year will be good to me," he wrote. The next day, Henry's religious wife no doubt disapproved of his reading—and on Sunday at that—the agnostic Robert Ingersoll's lecture entitled, "What shall I do to be Saved" [sic], Roberts thought it "an ingenious argument, but not conclusive by any means."44 He now spent more nights at homes near the school. During this time, he read selections from Kidd's Elocution to the farm families and talked with some interesting people. One elderly Kentucky native, raised in Menard County, Illinois, claimed to be "personally and intimately acquainted with Abe Lincoln." Some of Roberts's scholars 41 Ibid., 11, 18, 25 November 1880; 16, 28, 29 December 1880. 42 Ibid., 25 January 1880; 29 November 1880; 28 December 1880. 43 Ibid., 5, 9-10, 18, 25-28 December 1880. 44 Ibid., 1-2 January 1881. 328 Missouri Historical Review persuaded him to hold an arithmetic class at the school; but only one girl and a half-dozen boys came the first night, and a cold wind blew through the cracks in the building. He abandoned the class two weeks later because the room was too dark. Sleeping in the neighborhood gave him a chance not only to participate in his own literary society but to attend debates at the Pretty Bob and Bethlehem schoolhouses as well.45 On January 20, Roberts noted in his diary, "a big small pox scare in Clinton." One child had died and twenty cases were reported. He thought the number exaggerated but feared that an epidemic would force the closing of his school. Five days later Banta came to the school and suspended classes for a few days. Roberts, "very much chagrined," believed the epidemic subsiding but could do nothing. Staying at the Webbs, he passed the time reading, writing and riding into Benton County with his host to get a load of corn. One day he walked to Colesburg (Coal) to mail a letter to his wife. While there he read two Sut Lovingood stories "to postmaster Halford and a lot of chaps." Roberts described Sut's stories as "rather rough."46 "I quit teaching in the Blaylock school today," Roberts wrote in his diary on Monday, January 31. Only five pupils came that morning, and Banta decided the school should close. Roberts's end-of-term report showed an enrollment of seventy-four (forty-two girls and thirty-two boys) and an average daily attendance of thirty-six. Carrying his "books and traps in a flour bag," he walked to Clinton the next morning. He cashed his order for wages and paid Daum $33 on his grocery bill; he still owed twice that much. He got a "stock pass" to accompany a carload of hogs to St. Louis, and that afternoon left Clinton "for good." In St. Louis, a scalper sold him a ticket to Cincinnati for $8. "Awful cold weather," he noted. He saw "two horse teams going over the Missouri River on the ice" and ice floating in the Ohio at Cincinnati, where he "rambled around ... all day with Uncle Billy Jones, a blacksmith from Illinois." Roberts paid $2.85 for a ticket on the Little Miami train to Columbus and five cents for crackers, but bought nothing else as he "had no money." He reached home at 10:30 the night of February 3, 1881.47 45 Ibid., 4-5, 14, 18, 21 January 1881. 46 Ibid., 20, 22-26 January 1881. Clinton's smallpox epidemic caused great fear throughout the county in the early months of 1881. The Brownington school, for example, closed indefinitely; Windsor refused to allow the Democrat to circulate for awhile because it might cause infection; and a Windsor teacher was arrested for violating the ordinance banning travel to Clinton. (Democrat, 24 February 1881; 3, 17 March 1881.) Halford presumably was Jesse R. Halford, a Missouri pioneer and Coal's first postmaster. Miles, comp., Annals of Henry County, I, 1885-1900, 209, 284. 47 Diary, 31 January 1881; 1-4 February 1881. An Ohio Teacher in Western Missouri 329

John Roberts's diary adds little to the knowledge about country schools of the late nineteenth century contained in such fine recent books as Wayne E. Fuller's The Old Country School and William A. Link's A Hard Country and a Lonely Place or in Hamlin Garland's classic A Son of the Middle Border. It does offer, however, a sustained account, fixed in time and place and often vivid in detail, of a rural teacher's life. Ordinary matters of everyday life were important to Roberts. He wanted to remember them. His little 3" by 5" book was a friend, and he told it a reluctant farewell at year's end. ("I must bid you a last good bye, not but that I will peruse these pages here after but this book will not be my daily companion any more.") A memory bank, it also served as an anachronistic psychiatrist's couch where he voiced his hopes and vented his anxieties. It helped him endure an often miserable life.48 The chronicle he preserved of the years after his return to Ohio is full of disappointment and failure. An almost unrelenting record of debt and family troubles, it makes depressive reading. But the closing years of his life brought some moments of pride, and a measure of homage from his friends and neighbors. On his seventy-third birthday, they gathered in a park near the old Roberts family mill and organized the West-End Home Coming Association. They chose him president and returned each year to honor him and hear his reminiscences and readings. At last, too, he could savor a presidential election. Born during Andrew Jackson's presidency, he rejoiced in Woodrow Wilson's victory in 1912. (Grover Cleveland had been a disappointment.)49 Characteristically, Roberts wrote his last words in his diary about the weather. He died a week later, on July 17, 1914. His wife's notation on that day, "J M Roberts died this day at 3 oclock," somehow reminded me of John Donald Wade's words about the death of another schoolmaster: "He was dead. And all who wish to think that he lived insignificantly and that the sum of what he was is negligible, are welcome to think so. And may God have mercy on their souls."50

48 Wayne E. Fuller, The Old Country School: The Story of Rural Education in the Middle West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); William A. Link, A Hard Country and a Lonely Place: Schooling, Society, and Reform in Rural Virginia, 1870- 1920 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1986); Hamlin Garland, A Son of the Middle Border (New York: Macmillan Company, 1917); Diary, 31 December 1879. 49 Record and Roll Book of the West-End Home Coming Association. This copy­ book, in the possession of Doris Archer, contains the longhand minutes and newspaper clippings on the annual gatherings, 1906-1913. so Diary, 10, 17 July 1914; John Donald Wade, "The Life and Death of Cousin Lucius," in Twelve Southerners, I'll Take My Stand: The South and the Agrarian Tradition, Harper Torchback edition (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), 301. 330 Missouri Historical Review

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS NEWS IN BRIEF On February 7, James W. Goodrich, sephine B. Green Foundation and Maritz, executive director of the State Historical Inc., of St. Louis, provided assistance for Society of Missouri, served as guest lec­ the program. turer for a class in Historic Preservation at the University of Missouri-Columbia. The Buffalo Bill Historical Center will present the tenth annual Summer Institute On October 8, as part of the annual in Western American Studies in Cody, meeting, the Nebraska State Historical So­ Wyoming, June 12-July 7, 1989. The Sum­ ciety dedicated the James C. Olson Re­ mer Institute, an interdisciplinary selection search Library at the Society's building in of college level courses related to the Lincoln. The designation recognizes Dr. American West, will appeal to the inter­ Olson's many contributions and honors ested laypersons, students, educators, mu­ his leadership as Society director (then seum professionals and scholars. This known as superintendent) from 1946 to year's study features the topic "Bringing 1956. Dr. and Mrs. Olson cut the dedica­ the West into the 20th Century." Applica­ tory ribbon. tion deadline for admission is May 19, 1989. The deadline for applications for a limited number of tuition and housing Governor and Mrs. John Ashcroft and scholarships is April 17. For more infor­ their family hosted the annual Christmas mation and application forms, please con­ tours of the executive mansion, in Jeffer­ tact Lillian Turner, Public Program Co­ son City, December 1-2. A 17-foot Christ­ ordinator, Buffalo Bill Historical Center, mas tree, decorated with special Victorian P.O. Box 1000, Cody, Wyoming 82414. ornaments, highlighted the event. The Missouri Mansion Preservation, Inc., had sponsored workshops for children in eight The Illinois Historic Preservation Agency select communities, who reproduced the is requesting assistance in locating any Christmas ornaments. document, record, letter, contemporary printed account or after-the-fact recollec­ tion that relates to Abraham Lincoln's The Missouri Curriculum Enrichment entire law practice. All communications Program of the Missouri Mansion Preser­ should be sent to The Lincoln Legals, vation, Inc., recently produced a new video IHPA Drawer 197, Old State Capitol, about the Governor's Mansion. Targeted Springfield, Illinois 62701 (Phone 217- for fourth grade students, it can be enjoyed 785-9130). by persons of all ages. The numerous photographs in the video feature the man­ sion's architecture and furnishings, aerial Officers of the Missouri Supreme Court views of the capitol complex, murals at Historical Society are: William H. Leedy, the state capitol that depict early Missouri chairman of the board; Richard S. Brown­ history and portraits of governors and first lee III, president; Virginia Gottlieb, Paul ladies. A teacher's guide, student hand­ Barrett and William A.R. Dalton, vice book and brochures are being developed presidents; David Brydon, secretary-trea­ to support the material and will be avail­ surer; and D.A. Divilbiss, assistant secre­ able this spring. The Allen P. and Jo­ tary-treasurer. Historical Notes and Comments 331

In November 1988, the Museum of Art the Missouri Humanities Council's state­ and Archaeology, University of Missouri- wide speakers bureau continues to serve Columbia, received a $12,000 grant from Missouri organizations with free and easy- the Missouri Humanities Council in partial to-book programs on the history and heri­ support for the exhibition "Missouri Mu­ tage of America and Missouri. A list of rals: Studies for the State Capitol Decora­ speakers and topics is available for 1989. tion." Sponsored by the Museum of Art Civic and service clubs, libraries, profes­ and the Missouri State Museum, the exhi­ sional associations, historical societies, bition opened in the State Capitol in Jef­ churches, schools and other nonprofit or­ ferson City on March 1, 1989. It included ganizations are eligible to apply for up to fifty-five oil, watercolor and charcoal three speakers in one calendar year. For studies dating between 1919 and 1925. The more information contact Stephen Humes, show also is scheduled to travel to the Program Assistant, Missouri Humanities Albrecht Art Museum, St. Joseph, June 5- Council, 4144 Lindell Blvd., Suite 210, St. July 23, 1989; to the Margaret Harwell Louis, MO 63108 or call (314) 531-1254. Art Museum, Poplar Bluff, November 5- December 1, 1989; and the Museum of Art and Archaeology, Columbia, January The Joint Collection, Western Historical 20-March 4, 1990. The majority of the Manuscript-State Historical Society of works in the exhibition came from the Missouri Manuscripts reports the recent collections of the Museum of Art and acquisitions of O.K. Armstrong and Robert Archaeology and Ellis Library, University M. White II papers. The late O.K. Arm­ of Missouri-Columbia. The selected works strong was a Missouri writer, Republican by such artists as Sir Frank Brangwyn, N. legislator and congressman and member C. Wyeth, Richard Miller and Oscar Bern- of the editorial staff of Reader's Digest. inghouse show the development of themes Robert M. White II, trustee of the State and subject matter for the final composi­ Historical Society, was owner and pub­ tions in the capitol. lisher of the Mexico Ledger. Manuscript staff members Nancy Lank- ford, Lynn Wolf Gentzler, Kathleen Con­ State Historical Society staff members way, Nancy Sandleback and Karen D. have presented the slide show, "Missouri Hayes attended the fall meeting of the Women in History," for several Columbia Midwest Archives Conference, held in organizations. On January 16, Mary K. Cincinnati, Ohio, in November. Randy Dains and Leona S. Morris gave the pro­ Roberts, senior manuscript specialist, at­ gram to members of the Mary Martha tended the annual meeting of the American Circle of King's Daughters and Sons in Dialect Society held in New Orleans in the Boone Electric Community Room. December and presented a paper on "Blue- Leona S. Morris served as the guest Collar Jargon." speaker for the Columbia Evening Lions Club at the Royal Fork Buffet in Colum­ Recent activities at the Joint Collection bia Mall on January 17. The February 15 include receptions and open houses. An meeting of Altrusa Club in the Columbia open house, during Journalism Week in Country Club featured Elizabeth Bailey November, honored recent donors to its and Mary K. Dains. National Women and Media Collection. The Missouri Folklore Society held a re­ ception honoring three Missouri master The Missouri Humanities Council an­ fiddlers. They included Art Galbraith of nounced publication of the 1989 Guide to Springfield, Pete McMahan of Harrisburg the Grants Program. American Mirror, and Taylor McBaine of Columbia. 332 Missouri Historical Review

The Forest History Society has estab- for papers for sessions on November 10. It lished the John M. Collier Award for welcomes papers on all aspects of material Forest History Journalism. The award culture as reflected in the Society's pre- honors the memory of Collier, long asso- vious publications and meetings. Papers ciated with the Southern Forest Products on French architecture, log cabin archi- Association, who served on the Society's tecture and Missouri River Valley settle- board of directors. Historical articles about ment are especially relevant. Send abstract forestry-related issues carried in news- of no more than 100 words by September papers and general-circulation magazines l> to: K,eith *• ScuU%]U™" r^T? r -ui n J i J : r Preservation Agency, Old State Capitol, are eligible. Readers are asked to clip c r i, TT ^->™i r»u nilx 1C< . . 6 ... . , . j Springfield, IL 62701. Phone (217) 785- articles, noting publisher and date, and ,X.r send them to the Forest History Society, 701 Vickers Avenue, Durham, NC 27701. R. Douglas Hurt, associate director of the State Historical Society of Missouri, The Pioneer America Society will hold recently published The Department of Ag- its 1989 annual meeting, November 9-11, riculture (New York: Chelsea House Pub- in St. Charles. The Society issued a call Ushers).

Railroad Signals (Paste This in Your Hat)

Lancaster Excelsior, September 29, 1866. One whistle—"Down brakes." Two whistles—"Off brakes." Three whistles—"Back up." Continuous whistles—"Danger." A rapid succession of short whistles is the cattle alarm, at which the brakes will always be put down. A sweeping parting of hands on a level with the eye, is a signal to "go ahead." A downward motion of one hand with extended arms, "to stop." A beckoning motion on one hand, "to back." A lantern raised and lowered vertically, is a signal for "starting," swung at right angle or crosswise the track, "to stop;" swung in a circle, "back the train." A red flag waved upon the track must be regarded as a signal of danger. So of other signals given with energy. Hoisted at a station is a signal for a train to stop. Stuck up at a roadside is a signal of danger ahead. Carried upon an engine is a warning that another engine is on its way. Cut this out and paste it in your hat. Some day or other we'll have a railroad and it will be needed. If we wait till the road is built we may forget it, and all that information will be lost.

Bridge to Where?

Kansas City Weekly Journal of Commerce, January 20, 1871. The ice is said to have seriously interfered with the new bridge at St. Joseph, having removed the structure a few hundred yards down stream. The bridge is intact, but is inconvenient to cross on, as it heads up and down the river. Historical Notes and Comments 333

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES Affton Historical Society train of 1838-1839. Entering Washington Members enjoyed an armchair visit to County on October 29, 1988, the Train the Vatican and the canonization of St. crossed the Cedar Creek Bridge into Cale­ Rose Philippine Duchesne as presented by donia for the weekend. Various local or­ Walter Helfrich at the January 26 meeting, ganizations provided food and entertain­ held at the Affton Presbyterian Church. ment for the visitors. The Train left for Officers recently elected are: John Fribis, Potosi on the 31st. After enduring minor president; Lorraine Bakersmith, vice presi­ accidents and inclement weather, partici­ dent; John Fotsch, treasurer; Mildred pants arrived in Talequah, Oklahoma, one Posek, recording secretary; and Sharon day earlier than expected. Gralike, corresponding secretary. Officers for the Ladies of Oakland are: Adeline Belton Historical Society Brundick, president; Ruth Lottmann, vice Gary Toms, historic sites curator of the president; Charlotte Franzen, treasurer; Heritage Programs and Museums Division and Marion Meisenbach, secretary. of the Jackson County Parks and Recrea­ tion Department, narrated a slide presenta­ Andrew County Historical Society tion on Jackson County's historic sites The Society and Museum have moved during the January 22 meeting, held at to the following address: Andrew County Old City Hall, Belton. Historical Society, Andrew County Mu­ seum, P.O. Box 12, Duncan Park, Savan­ Blue Springs Historical Society nah, Missouri 64485. At the Society's museum in Blue Springs Audrain County Historical Society on the third Monday of each month, the Marjorie Beenders, director of the Mis­ Society and the American Association of souri Division of Tourism, spoke at the University Women have sponsored poetry November 22 meeting, held at the Knights readings by regional writers. The Society of Columbus Hall, Mexico. Members and served dinner at the museum to the Chi friends enjoyed an open house at Grace- Delta branch of the Beta Sigma Phi soror­ land on December 18. Officers for 1989 ity on October 5. On December 3, the are: Everett Van Matre, president; John Society held its "Holiday Festival" at the Waggett, Betty L. Baker, Molly B. Max­ museum, featuring a silent auction of do­ well and Elmer Martin, vice presidents; nated items. Nine homes were featured in Kathleen Coil, secretary; and Maurice the Society's December 11 Christmas Kemp, treasurer. Homes Tour.

Barton County Historical Society Bollinger County Historical Society Members met at the Methodist Church, Leona Webb and her daughters-in-law Lamar, on January 8. Alvin Cain, M.D., Kathy and Michelle, professional basket spoke on "The Civil War in Barton weavers, presented a program at the Jan­ County." uary 8 meeting, in the courthouse, Marble Hill. Bellevue Valley Historical Society The January 18 meeting in the Bellevue Bonniebrook Historical Society Valley Community Center, Caledonia, fea­ The Society has assumed ownership of tured the final report of the "Cherokee Southwest Missouri's Antique Shows. The Trail of Tears Wagon Train," given by Earl McGrath's Benefit Dance occurred David Hall and Gene Province. They com­ October 29, in the Lion's Club building in pared this reenactment with the original Branson. 334 Missouri Historical Review

Boone County Historical Society Center in Carrollton, Frances Meyer nar­ On December 5-13, the Society held the rated a slide presentation of a Scandi­ twelfth annual "Maplewood in December" navian tour. at the Lenoir-Nifong Mansion, featuring primitive toys, dolls and muleteam wagon Cedar County Historical Society rides. On December 19, the Society hosted On October 24 in the Community Hall the National Bus-Tour Association field in Jerico Springs, Wynda Hamby Smith trip at the Walters-Boone County Histori­ spoke to the Society on gathering personal cal Museum. Bill T. Crawford spoke on histories. Inez Hoffman spoke at the No­ "The Historical Resources of the Boons- vember 28 meeting, held at the El Dorado lick-Central Missouri Region." Members Springs Community Building. of the Society gave tours and presentations at a meeting and reception for the Colum­ Centralia Historical Society bia Chamber of Commerce's "Ambassa­ The premier exhibition of the Nancy dors," held on January 3. The Society Horn Cohn doll collection was held in the hosted a social for the University of Mis­ historical museum from November 16 to souri Medical Center Management Group March 1. on January 13. Chariton County Historical Society Brown County Historical Association At the January 15 meeting of the So­ The Society has moved its correspond­ ciety, held at the museum, Jim W. Hutch­ ing address to: Brown County Historical inson reported on his two-hour conversa­ Association, c/o Mrs. Ruth Hall, 710 tion with the late William (Billy) Potts. Bridge St., Sweet Springs, MO 65351. Officers elected during the November 14 board meeting are: Martha Fellows, presi­ Caldwell County Historical Society dent; Joy Phillips, vice president; Sally The Society held its annual dinner meet­ Guilford, secretary; Gertrude Loth, trea­ ing, November 17, in the Kingston School. surer; and Faye Farthing, historian. Betty Nelson, of the Missouri State Gene­ alogical Association, spoke on genealogy. Civil War Round Table of Kansas City Officers elected were: Jaunita Darrah, Chris Edwards, director of development president; John Rogers, Jr., and Mary at Woodhaven Learning Center in Colum­ McNarie, vice presidents; Marilyn Wil­ bia, related his experiences while "Explor­ liams, secretary; and Lorene Carroll, ing the Battlefield at Centralia (Mo.)" on treasurer. November 22. Philip Gottschalk, columnist Carondelet Historical Society for the Columbia Daily Tribune, presented The Society placed a marker of recogni­ "Price's 1864 Raid into Missouri" during tion on the Mellow Memorial Methodist the January 24 meeting. Meetings are held Church in St. Louis on September 24. The at the Homestead Country Club in Prairie program included Lois Waninger, mistress Village, Kansas. of ceremonies; Paul Rathgeber read a his­ tory of the church; Stephanie Mitchell Civil War Round Table of St. Louis presented a certificate to Reverend Richard William J. Sullivan, president of the T. White, pastor of the church, and Oliver Chicago Round Table, spoke on "William Clarke Quantrill: A Study in Scarlet," at H. Duggins, son of a former pastor; and the December 7 meeting. Father Vincent Mildred Buckley unveiled the plaque. A Heier presented, "Incident at Front Royal— picnic in Carondelet Park followed the Did Custer Execute Mosby's Men? A New ceremony. Examination of the Evidence" at the Jan­ Carroll County Historical Society uary 25 meeting. Meetings were held at At the January 26 meeting in the Senior Garavelli's Restaurant, St. Louis. Historical Notes and Comments 335

Civil War Round Table of the Ozarks Belle Wilson home to use as the future Members meet in the 89er Restaurant, home of the Douglas County Museum. Springfield. Roberta Goman, first vice Winter meetings were held the third Mon­ president of the Round Table, spoke on day of each month in the basement of the "Plantation Life: a Woman's Point of Douglas County Courthouse, Ava. View" at the November 9 meeting. Jim Ferguson Historical Society Cox presented "The Battle of Springfield" at the December 14 meeting. Officers for On November 10, members held the fall 1989 are: Roberta Goman, president; Wil­ general meeting in the First Presbyterian liam Piston and John Price, vice presi­ Church, Ferguson. A panel of long-time dents; Mary Margaret Haydon, secretary; Ferguson residents reflected on local his­ Robert Neumann, treasurer; and Louise tory. The January 26 meeting, also at the Carlstrom, historian. church, featured Landmarks Commission members discussing the presentation of Clay County Museum and plaques to Ferguson homes. Historical Society On September 17, the Society met at the Florissant Valley Historical Society Historic Antioch Community Church for On November 27, the Society sponsored an ice cream social. The fall membership the "Florissant by Candlelight" activity. dinner meeting occurred November 16, at Participants dined in the following houses: Cascone's Italian Restaurant, Kansas City. Casa Alverez, Bockrath-Wiese Farm Dr. Robert Hodge, retired Northland phy­ House, Auguste Archambault House, sician, spoke on his family history. Peters House and Taille de Noyer. The members enjoyed a holiday brunch at the Cole Camp Area Historical Society Taille de Noyer on December 4. A De­ Jerry Vineyard, assistant division direc­ cember 11 tour to Ste. Genevieve included: tor of the Division of Geology and Land the Vollmar home, featuring their Christ­ Survey, gave a slide/lecture presentation mas memorabilia collection and refresh­ on Missouri geology at the December 12 ments; lunch at the Old Brick House; des­ meeting in the Benton County R-l school. sert at the Anvil Restaurant and Saloon; and tours of the Felix Valle State Historic Crawford County Historical Society Site, Beauvais House and Linden House. Officers are: Dorothy Presson, president; Officers are: Dorothy Ernst, president; Cecil, Troutwein, vice president; Georgia Frank Korte, vice president; Mary Kay Burris, secretary; Allen Kerr, treasurer; Gladbach, secretary; and Jim Weaver, Matrid Halbert, chaplain; and Tex Russell, treasurer. historian. Franklin County Historical Society Dallas County Historical Society The Society met on December 11, at the Members congregated at the Buffalo First Nationwide Bank, Union, for the Head Prairie Historical Park, Buffalo, on quarterly meeting and Christmas party. November 17, for a Thanksgiving carry-in supper. The following officers were elected The program featured a slide show, de­ at the December 2 meeting, held at the veloped by East Central College, on the Dallas County Museum: Ronald Powell, past and present transportation system in president; Jerry L. Durington, vice presi­ Franklin County. Members also enjoyed dent; Esta Popejoy, recording secretary; Christmas songs and stories and holiday Leni Howe, corresponding secretary; and refreshments. Ralph Tucker, treasurer. Friends of Historic Boonville Douglas County Historical and Members held their annual meeting on Genealogical Society December 2, at the residence of Dave and The Society has acquired the Henry & Sue Miller, Boonville. Officers for 1989 336 Missouri Historical Review are: Maryellen H. McVicker, president; Greene County Historical Society Julie Thacher and J.T. McMahan, vice Multi-media versions of Greene County presidents; Barb Neckermann, secretary; history were featured at the Society's No­ and Paul Sombart, treasurer. vember 3 meeting, held in the Glenstone Heritage Cafeteria, Springfield. On Decem­ Friends of Keytesville ber 15, members enjoyed the annual Christ­ On January 20, the Friends held their mas party, held at the Northtown Heritage first quarterly meeting in the General Ster­ Cafeteria. ling Price Museum. The Friends made plans to restore the General Sterling Price Grundy County Historical Society Monument in the city park. Officers elected Officers elected for 1989 are: Rema Fur­ at the meeting were: Ann Parks, president; long, president; Sylvia Karr, vice president; Anna Hughes and Cecelia Richards, vice Daryl Browning, treasurer; and Leola presidents; Eleanor Bennett, treasurer; Harris, secretary. Louis Hayes, recording secretary; and Nellie Weger, corresponding secretary. The Phoebe Apperson Hearst General Sterling Price Museum in Keytes­ Historical Society ville is open May 1-September 30. Society members held their annual din­ ner meeting on December 4 in the museum Friends of Missouri Town-1855 at Hearst Friendship Park, St. Clair. Offi­ The Friends held a chili supper, Novem­ cers for 1989 are: Helen Ely, president; ber 12, at Woods Chapel. Gregg Higgin- Elizabeth Bruns, vice president; Mabel botham presented "Missouri Town—Its Reed, secretary-treasurer; and Irene Cow­ Past, Its Present, and Its Future" at the an, historian. November 6 meeting. Open house at the Village, December 10-11, featured caroling, Henry County Historical Society period attire and refreshments. An open house, held at the museum on December 17, was enjoyed by members Friends of Old St. Ferdinand and guests. Officers elected at the January On December 18, the Friends held their 24 meeting were: Mildred Church, presi­ annual Christmas Concert, at the shrine, dent; and Margaret Spangler, vice presi­ featuring the St. Catholic Choir and the dent. New St. Ferdinand Church Choir. A recep­ tion followed the concert in the red school Heritage League of Greater Kansas City building. Officers are: Diana Duff, president; Norm Reigle, vice president; Martha Mey­ Golden Eagle River Museum ers, secretary; and Pat Wright, treasurer. Claude Strauser, of the Army Corps of Engineers in St. Louis, spoke about the Heritage Seekers river at St. Louis for the January 29 meet­ Members met, October 17, at the Gard­ ing, held in Shrewsbury City Hall. ner House, Palmyra. Afterwards, refresh­ ments were served at the Sara Bier resi­ Grandview Historical Society dence and a video of the October 2 First The Society meets on the first Monday Preaching rededication was viewed. The of every month at the Depot Museum. annual meeting occurred November 21, at The December exhibit featured "Old Toys". the Episcopal Parish Hall. Dr. William On December 5, members enjoyed the an­ Foose narrated a slide presentation en­ nual Christmas dinner with music provided titled, "Stop, Look and Listen," featuring by the Silver Strings Orchestra. The Mu­ among other things: the four seasons, trees, seum held open house, December 9-10, buildings, railroads and circus clowns. The and provided hay rides to the Truman following officers assumed their duties at Farm home. the January 16 meeting: Mary Margaret Historical Notes and Comments 337

Zoller, president; Dee Lewis, vice president Historical Society of Polk County and program chairman; Mark Hoenes, re­ The annual meeting was held November cording secretary; Ruth Kroeger, treasurer; 22, at Taylor's Restaurant in Bolivar. Grace and Dorothy Owsley, corresponding secre­ Howard presented slides featuring the So­ tary. viet Union. Historic Hermann Historical Society of University City Members viewed a videotape of the Betty Burnett, editor at Patrice Press, George Bayer grave dedication at the Jan­ spoke on life in wartime and postwar St. uary 9 meeting in the German School Louis at the January 15 meeting, held at Building, Hermann. Officers elected are: the University City Library. William Beard, president; and Charlie Gehrke, vice president. Walter Grundling, Holt County Historical Society treasurer, and Anne Steele, secretary, re­ Meetings are held at the Squaw Creek Truck Plaza. On June 27, Bob Sipes, of main in office until 1990. the Department of Soil and Water of Mis­ Historic Kansas City Foundation souri, narrated a slide show and exhibited C. Lynne Clawson Day narrated a slide artifacts on the Pre-Settlement Prairie of show emphasizing volunteerism, at the No­ the Platte Purchase. At the August 22 vember 13 Spirit Soiree. A fund raiser meeting, Betty Nelson spoke on books and held in the Livestock Exchange Building, journals from different counties. In addi­ Kansas City, it netted over $6,000. tion, Erma Hinkle told about the first historical tour taken by the Society. Bob Historical Association of Greater Sipes discussed carving at the September Cape Girardeau 26 meeting. At the November 28 meeting, Erica Brady presented "Meeting Our­ officers elected were: Bill Milne, president; selves: Exploring Community Cultural John Hunziger, vice president; Vaneta Bul­ Identity" at the November 14 meeting, lock, secretary; and Christie Livengood, held in the Carriage House, Cape Girar­ treasurer. deau. On December 2, members enjoyed a Jackson County Historical Society "Naturally Christmas" fund raiser, with a On January 29, members held the annual tour and refreshments at the Glenn House. meeting at the First Presbyterian Church, In the Carriage House on January 9, Independence. Lisa Berry, a graduate of Michael Roark, professor of cultural ge­ the University of Missouri-Kansas City, is ography at Southeast Missouri State Uni­ now director of Wornall House. versity, presented "Migration and Settle­ ment Patterns of Different Ethnic Groups Jasper County Historical Society in Southeast Missouri." Steve Cottrell presented to the Society a framed photograph and autograph of Maj. Historical Association of Gen. Franz Sigel, U.S. Army, at the De­ Greater St. Louis cember 4 meeting, held at Eleanor Cof- At the November 20 meeting, members field's residence in Carthage. Richard Bliss met in the Carondelet Historical Society's prepared a videotape presentation on early Historic Center and toured the neighbor­ Carthage history. Officers elected at the hood in St. Louis. meeting were: Eleanor Coffield, president; Dan Crutcher, Marie Chitwood and J. Historical Society of Maries County Randall Miller, vice presidents; Reta Mor­ Refreshments were served at the Maries ris, secretary; Nadine Crockett, treasurer; County Courthouse during the "Stroll and Marvin VanGilder, archivist. Down Christmas Tree Lane in Vienna" activity, held December 11 and sponsored Jefferson Barracks Civil War by the Society. Members held the January Historical Association 22 meeting in the courthouse. Hugh Johns hosted the October 29 meet- 338 Missouri Historical Review ing at his home in Chesterfield. Members Laclede County Historical Society viewed tapes of Civil War events at Gettys­ The November 28 dinner meeting oc­ burg and St. Charles. Mike Pierce of St. curred at the REA Building, Lebanon. Louis hosted the December 11 meeting at The high school choir provided after-dinner his home. The group discussed plans for entertainment. the coming year. Lawrence County Historical Society Jennings Historical Society Mr. and Mrs. Leroy Armstrong gave a The December 13 Christmas party, at program on bells at the November 20 the Schoolhouse Museum, featured shar­ meeting, held at the Jones Memorial ing family traditions. On January 10, Jen­ Chapel, Mt. Vernon. Officers for 1989 nings Elementary Advanced Students are: Doug Seneker, president; Lem Comp­ showed their historical research entitled, ton and Maxine Armstrong, vice presi­ "Looking at Jennings Through Kids Eyes." dents; Margaret McBride, secretary; Violet Linda Schmerber is the newly elected presi­ Goold, corresponding secretary; and Fred dent of the Society. Mieswinkel, treasurer. At the January 15 meeting, Christy Ward, pharmacist, pre­ Kansas City Fire Brigade sented "Bottles and their relationship with The January 25 meeting was held at the Lawrence County." Kansas City Missouri Firefighters Union Hall. Diane Duff, of the Heritage League, Lincoln County Historical and spoke on the preservation of photographs Archaeological Society and documents. Booker H. Rucker, chief of historic sites of the Missouri Department of Natural Kansas City Westerners Resources, spoke on Missouri historic sites Terry Chapman, a Kansas City architect, at the November 17 meeting, held at the spoke on the life, home and freight line of Society's museum in Troy. Officers elected Alexander Majors at the November 8 were: Clay Marsh, president; Chet F. meeting. Donna McQuire, author of Breitwieser, vice president; Marjorie Evans, "Along the Oregon Trail," addressed the secretary; and Judy Hechler, treasurer. December 13 meeting. On January 10, Mrs. Meritt Goddard and daughter Paula Linn County Historical Society Garrard lectured on the Alexander Majors The January 19 meeting was held in family history. Meetings are held in the Marceline. May Couch gave pointers on Hereford House Restaurant, Kansas City. the publication of family histories.

Kimmswick Historical Society Macon County Historical Society Glee Heiligtag hosted the Society's De­ The Society met October 25 in Floral cember 5 meeting in her home. Members Hall, Macon. Bill Franke presented a pic­ viewed videos of former Society activities. torial history of the city. At the December Officers for 1989 are: Darline Spink, presi­ 8 annual meeting at the Gaslight, Herbert dent; Nadine Garland, vice president; Glee Hoehle played Christmas selections on his Heiligtag, recording secretary; Ann Lu- musical saw. maghi, corresponding secretary; and Lo- retta Boemler, treasurer. Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table Sue Gerard and Roger Baker spoke at Kirkwood Historical Society the November 15 meeting, held at the Dr. James Goodrich, executive director Columbia Tribune lunchroom. Gerard re­ of the State Historical Society of Missouri, called Civil War stories told to her by her spoke on "The Duels of Missouri" at the grandfather, a member of the Missouri annual meeting, held December 13, at the Brigade CSA. Baker related little-known Commerce Bank. and interesting facts about the Frank and Historical Notes and Comments 339

Jesse James family. At the January 17 Friday of every month at the Cotton Belt meeting, held at the Lohman Building, Railroad Offices, Kansas City, Kansas. The Jefferson City, Chris Edwards presented following officers were elected at the No­ "Quantrill-Good or Bad?" vember meeting: George Moore, president; Donald G. Campbell, vice president; Al­ Miller County Historical Society bert R. Bowmaster, secretary; C. Thomas The Society held its annual Christmas Carr, director; and Ralph Cooper, his­ dinner and party at the Tuscumbia school torian. cafeteria on December 4. At the January 8 meeting, Mr. and Mrs. Douglas Varner Newton County Historical Society gave a slide and lecture presentation on The annual meeting, held at the Neosho the Holy Land. United Methodist Church on November 13, featured a slide show of Thomas Hart Mine Au Breton Historical Society Benton. A Christmas Tea and Open House Members congregated at the Washington were held at the Museum on December County Courthouse, Potosi, for the No­ 11. Officers are: Sybil Jobe, president; vember 16 meeting, featuring "Missouri Fredine Haddock, vice president; Juanita French Holidays." At the January 17 meet­ Lamoreaux, secretary; and Lottie Hine- ing at the courthouse, officers reelected gardner, treasurer. were: George Showalter, president; Cath­ erine Polete, vice president; Marie Edgar, John G. Neihardt Corral secretary; and Howard Higginbotham, of the Westerners treasurer. Harry Robinson spoke on the Western­ Missouri Historical Society ers' history at the December 8 meeting, The Society has purchased the United held at the Days Inn, Columbia. Hebrew Temple, 225 South Skinker Blvd., Nodaway County Historical Society for renovation to house the Society's The Society hosted its annual open house archival, library and pictorial history col­ in the House Museum, Maryville, on De­ lections. cember 10-11. Recently elected officers are: Earl K. Dille, president; Walter F. Gray and H. Old Mines Area Historical Society Meade Summers, Jr., vice presidents; The Fete de L'Automne volunteers en­ Robert C. Jaudes, financial vice president; joyed old-time fiddle and guitar music at Einar S. Ross, treasurer; Mary Randolph their January 29 gathering, held at the St. Ballinger, assistant treasurer; Donald P. Michael House, Fertile. Gallop, secretary; and James Neal Primm, assistant secretary. Old Stagecoach Stop Foundation At the January 10 meeting, held at Farn- Moniteau County Historical Society ham Realty, Waynesville, Jessie D. Helton On November 7 in the Butterfield Inn, reported on the structural soundness of Tipton, the Society held its annual dinner the Old Stagecoach building. meeting. James Gai and Gary Moege, faculty members at Central Missouri State Old Trails Historical Society University, Warrensburg, discussed and Brenda Brett, an antiques dealer special­ demonstrated historical musical instru­ izing in primitives, spoke at the November ments. On December 11, the Society fea­ 16 meeting, held at the Metro Group tured four California homes on its Holiday Realtors, in Carafiol Plaza, St. Louis. Home Tours. Nicoletti's, in St. Louis, hosted the January National Railway Historical Society, 16 annual meeting. Doris Fischer presented Kansas City Chapter a slide program reviewing Society events Meetings are usually held the fourth since 1969. 340 Missouri Historical Review

Oregon-California Trails Association, Pulaski County Historical Society Trails Head Chapter Meetings are held the first Thursday of Officers for 1989 include: Ross Marshall, each month at 415 Business Route, Waynes­ president; John Leamon, vice president; ville. Members camped at Laughlin Park James Budde, treasurer; and Elaine Mc- in Waynesville in November as part of a Nabney, secretary. Trail of Tears caravan. Osage County Missouri Historical Society Randolph County Historical Society At the November 3 meeting, 75 members Members held their annual meeting on and guests toured historic Chamois. Offi­ January 30, at the Colonial Inn, Moberly. cers elected were: Reverend Norman Witt- The program featured the Wabash Depot haus, president; Eula Clark, vice president; and the Railway Express buildings. Anna Mae Kleithermes, secretary; and Claudia Baker, treasurer. Raytown Historical Society On December 4, the Society held an Pettis County Historical Society Old-Fashioned Christmas Tree Trimming Open house was held at the Little Red party at the museum. Members enjoyed a Schoolhouse on October 30. Officers are: steak soup and oyster stew dinner at the Rhonda Sisemore, president; C.B. Lueck, January 30 quarterly meeting, in Raytown vice president; Becky Carver, secretary; Christian Church. Officers for 1989 are: and Al Heynen, treasurer. George Crews, president; Bill Stilley and Kathy Watts, vice presidents; Earl Jones, Pike County Historical Society treasurer; Carol Pitts, recording secretary; James Millan, practicing attorney, pre­ and Annetta Herring, corresponding sec­ sented "The Legal Profession in Pike retary. County" at the January 10 meeting, held at the Masonic Temple, Louisiana. St. Charles County Historical Society Platte County Historical Society The Society held its January 26 quarter­ The Society is clearing and maintaining ly meeting in the Immanuel Lutheran a cemetery, off Highway EE near Camden Church, St. Charles. Shelby Peters of the Point, that contains graves of seven Con­ St. Charles County Highway Department federate soldiers killed in a battle at Cam­ presented "Early Roads in St. Charles den Point. County." Pleasant Hill Historical Society St. Francois County Historical Society Diana Redwine, antique doll restorer, The January 25 meeting at the Ben-Nor presented "Dolls" at the January 29 meet­ Complex I, Farmington, featured a work­ ing, held at the museum. President Patty shop on the Missouri roadsides project. Sudhoff resigned, former vice president Officers for 1989 are: Gertrude Zimmer, Mary Jo Saubers replaced her as president, president; Leora Geissing, vice president; Dorothy Mount, secretary; Ruth Womack, and Ann Cotter now serves as vice presi­ corresponding secretary; and Faye Morris, dent. treasurer. Pony Express Historical Association St. Louis Westerners The Society's annual meeting was held Stanley Kimball presented, "Disease, on December 11, in the Blue Room of the Trauma and Medicine on the Mormon Patee House Museum, St. Joseph. The Trails: 1831-68," at the November 18 meet­ program featured Christmas music by the ing. Wilson Dalzell, president of Premier Benton Singers. Officers for 1989 are: Ethel Film & Recording Company of St. Louis, Blomfield, president; Jim Pioch, vice presi­ showed the film Gateway to the West at dent; Sharon Kosek, secretary; and Waldo the January 20 meeting. Meetings are held Burger, treasurer. at the Salad Bowl, St. Louis. Historical Notes and Comments 341

Schuyler County Historical Society contact: Finance Chairman John Johnson, Members congregated at the Senior Rt. 1 Box 178M, Galena, Missouri 65656. Citizens Housing, Lancaster, for their Following the business meeting members January 29 annual meeting. displayed mementoes of early Christmases and read Christmas poems. Scotland County Historical Society On November 28, the Society held its Sullivan County Historical Society annual meeting at the Boyer House, Officers are: Freda Marlay, president; Memphis. Officers elected for 1989 were: Alfred Humphreys, vice president; Dorothy Molly Lancaster, president; Anna Mathes, Downing, secretary; and Vicki Daily, trea- vice president; Dorothy Childress, secre­ tary; Lucille Boyer, corresponding secre­ tary; June Kice, treasurer; and Callie Union Cemetery Historical Society Smith, director. The December 3 annual dinner meeting was held in the Loose Park Garden Center, Scott County Historical Society Kansas City. Officers elected at the meeting On November 6, thirteen members were: Judy Wempe, president; Susan Wick- traveled to Chalk Bluffs, Arkansas. They ern and Liz Gordon, vice presidents; Betty visited a historic house at "Four mile Hill" Kernaghan, recording secretary; Harold and the John Stewart Museum. DeGood, corresponding secretary; and Smoky Hill Railway and John Wempe, treasurer. On January 28, Historical Society members discussed "Adventures while Pur­ Meetings were held at Farmland Indus­ suing Family/Cemetery Research." tries, Kansas City. Paul Brand, treasurer Vernon County Historical Society of the Society, narrated a slide presenta­ Members held their annual meeting on tion of Frisco Lines Steam and showed a December 4, in the City/County Com­ video of Missouri Pacific and Frisco Steam munity Center, Nevada. Barth Hinkle at the November 11 meeting. The Decem­ traced the production of oil in Vernon ber 9 meeting featured Paul Brand and County. Officers elected for 1989 were: Don Spencer's videos of Missouri Pacific Glessie Ewing, president; Ethel McComas, steam engines and the Rio Grande Zephyr. vice president; Alice Hill, secretary; Miriam The January 13 meeting was highlighted Gray, historian; Eva Sparks, treasurer; and by another videotape featuring steam Patrick Brophy, corresponding secretary. engines and railroad museums. Washington Historical Society Sons & Daughters of the Blue & Gray The Society's Christmas dinner meeting, Civil War Round Table December 13, at Altemuellers in Washing­ The November 20 meeting featured ton, featured the theme "Music boxes." "Gettysburg-The Second Day-Culp's Hill," presented by Bill Mauzey. On December Wayne County Historical Society 18, Jim Lohman presented, "Gettysburg- The following officers recently were The Second Day-The Wheatfield and the elected: Roy Payton, president; Mary Peach Orchard." The Round Table meets Glenn, vice president; Opal Lee Payton, at the American Bank, Maryville. treasurer; Virgil M. Clubb, historian; and Mabel Prosise, secretary. Stone County Historical Society The Society met December 4, at the Webster County Historical Society Hillbilly Bowl, Kimberling City. Elba On January 23, the Society met in the Johnson reported on the progress of the Older American Center, Marshfield. Alson History of Stone County, to be released in Ellis Jackson spoke on early clocks. Offi­ early spring. Interested persons should cers for 1989 are: Mrs. Talton Greer, 342 Missouri Historical Review president; Mrs. Clyde Hargus, Ellis Jack­ souri Civil War Re-enactors Association, son, Gilbert Smith and W. Bernard Case, presented the "Role of the Confederate vice presidents; I.L. Young, secretary; Mrs. Chaplains in the Southern Army" at the Juanita Hyatt, treasurer; and Martha Mc­ Society's November 18 meeting, held at Grath, historian. the Woman's City Club, Kansas City. Members enjoyed holiday cheer at the an­ Webster Groves Historical Society nual open house on December 11, held at On December 6, in the commons at the Harris-Kearney House Museum. Offi­ Eden Seminary, the Society held its Christ­ cers for 1989 are: John E. Perucca, presi­ mas festivities. The "Pitch Pipers" provided dent; Joe Montanari, Robert C. Kearney entertainment. and Lydia Davin, vice presidents; Beverly Wentzville Community Historical Society Shaw, treasurer; Gloria Freeman, record­ Frank and Alberta Toedebusch narrated ing secretary; Alice B. Phister, correspond­ a slide presentation highlighting Melle, ing secretary; Peggy Smith, historian; and Germany, at the November 17 meeting, Dorothy Arneson, editor. held at the Crossroads Cafe, Wentzville. White River Valley Historical Society As a result of the Toedebusch's travels, Linda Myers-Phinney presented "Tour­ warm relations between Melle, Germany, ism and Development in the White River and New Melle, Missouri, have been es­ Country, 1905-30" at the December 11 tablished, resulting in group visits of resi­ meeting, held at the School of the Ozarks dents to each town. Friendship House Banquet Room, Point Weston Historical Museum Lookout. Officers for 1989 are: Marian Gaskill, Winston Historical Society president; Mary Pepper, vice president; Meetings are held the first and third Mary Ruth Bradley, recording secretary; Thursday of each month in Winston City Polly Benner, Jr., corresponding secretary; Hall. Members have participated in various and Margaret Wilson, treasurer. fund-raising activities to restore the old Westport Historical Society Winston Depot and erect historical and James D. Beckner, president of the Mis­ highway directional signs.

How They Read Newspapers

Hannibal Daily True American, May 19, 1856. It is proof of human development to notice persons reading newspapers. Mr. General Intelligence first glances at the telegraphic, then at the editorial, and then goes into the correspondence. Mr. Sharp opens with stocks and markets, and ends with advertisements for wants, hoping to find a victim...... Miss Marvelous is curious to see the list of accidents, murders, and the like. Madame Gossip turns to the local department for her thunder. . . . Mrs. Friendly drops the first tear of sympathy over the dead column, and the next over the marriages .... But the worst has yet to come. If each do not find a column or more to his peculiar liking, the editor has, of course, been lazy and is unworthy of patronage. Oh, who wouldn't be an editor. [Albany Knickerbocker] Historical Notes and Comments 343

GIFTS John B. Arthaud, Columbia, donor: The Descendants of Jacob Neuhauser, 1808-1891, by M. D. Neuhauser, loaned for copying. (R)* Carl Fredrick Barr, Humble, Texas, donor: "Jesse James, The Family History and Historical Chronology Calendar, 1989" and James family genealogical chart, compiled by donor. (R) Eldon George Cole, Chula, donor: Photographs of Cole family members. (M) Columbia Missourian, Reference Library, donor, through Robert R. Stevens, Columbia: Over 50 black and white photographs of Missouri persons and places. (E) Frank Dean Cone, Huntsville, donor: Material on descendants of Andrew Browitt and Emily Adelaide Milburn. (R) May (Bartee) Couch, Marceline, donor: Cemeteries of Linn County, Missouri, Vol. Ill: Bucklin Township, compiled by donor and Robert Couch; 1900 City of Marceline, Missouri Census, compiled by donor; and 1880 Federal Census for Chariton County, Missouri, Part I: Chariton Township, Salisbury Township, Wayland Township. (R) Robert E. Crist, Shelbina, donor: Color postcard of Benjamin House, Shelbina, and information on John Forbes Benjamin and the house. (E) Daniel Boone Regional Library, donor, through LaDonna Justice, Fulton: Telephone directories for several Missouri communities and Northeast Missouri region. (R) John E. Davis, Salem, Oregon, donor: "Index, Descendants William Lyon," compiled by Thomas Preston Evans, Jr., and donor. (R) Mary Lee Dayton, Minneapolis, Minnesota, donor: The Brown I Douglass/Shipp I Van Meter Families, and Related Lines, text and charts by Ann H. Peterson. (R) Joanne Delgman for City of Ashland, Ashland, donor: Eleven negatives of historic scenes of Ashland (E); typescript history, "The Town of Ashland." (R) Virginia Easley DeMarce, Arlington, Virginia, donor: "1891 Boone County, Missouri, Farm Diary," transcribed by donor. (R) Bob Drake, Warsaw, donor: Photostatic copy of Warsaw Weekly Times, March 22, 1866. (N)

These letters indicate the location of the materials at the Society. (R) refers to Reference Library; (E), Editorial Office; (M), Manuscripts; (RFC), Reference Fitzgerald Collection; (N), Newspaper Library; (B), Bay Room; and (A), Art Room. 344 Missouri Historical Review

Vern Finney, U.S.D.A. Soil Conservation Service, Columbia, donor: Missouri Conservation Commission, Federal Aid-Wildlife Program, February 1, 1942 to June 30, 1943, Final Report. . . Wildlife Habitat and Population Surveys on 38 Major Soil Types in Missouri, Vols. HI-VII; material concerning Missouri River and hydrologic studies at Bethany; aerial photographs for 14 counties relating to northern Missouri River tributaries and St. Louis County. (R)

First Christian Church, Brookfield, donor, through Betty Elliott: "100 Years of Faith and Service, 1887-1987; The Centennial History of First Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), Brookfield, Missouri." (R) Alice Irene Fitzgerald, Columbia, donor: Over 30 books for the Fitzgerald Collection. (RFC) Ernest M. Funk, Columbia, donor: History of the Department of Poultry Science, 1967-1985, by donor. (R) Skip Gatermann, St. Louis, donor: Thirteen black and white photographs by donor of details of buildings and sculpture, railroad related scenes in St. Louis. (E)

Dorothy Gladwell, Columbia, donor: Black and white snapshot of Dorn-Cloney Laundry & Drycleaning Co., Colum­ bia. (E) James W. Goodrich, Columbia, donor: Miscellaneous books and periodicals on historical topics, telephone directory for Sedalia, 1980. (R) Greene County Archives and Records Center, donor, through Richard T. Struckhoff, Springfield: Five Greene County Archives Bulletins on probate court, courthouses, county courts, naturalization records and divorce records. (R)

J. Hurley and Roberta R. Hagood, Hannibal, donors: "George Shannon (Peg-Leg) A Story of Courage Personified," "History of the Hannibal National Bank, 1888-1988" and "Hannibal National Bank, A Centennial History (1888-1988)," all by donors; Hannibal Arts Council, The Arts, November- December, 1988. (R) Jean Tyree Hamilton, Marshall, donor: The Journals of the Lewis & Clark Expedition, Volume 5, July 28-November 1, 1805, edited by Gary E. Moulton, (B); Farmers Savings Bank, Marshall, "Fifty Years, 1870-1920." (R) Hannibal Free Public Library, Hannibal, donor: "The Old Baptist Cemetery of Hannibal, Missouri," by J. Hurley and Roberta Hagood. (R) Glen Hill, Jr., Wakenda, donor: Material on seven Carroll County cemeteries and "Hill Family, Wakenda, Carroll, Co Mo Ancestors and Branches," compiled by donor. (R) Historical Notes and Comments 345

Home Economists in Homemaking, donor, through Jewel Hoglen, St. Louis: Histories of Home Economists in Homemaking, professional sections of the Mis­ souri and American Home Economics Associations. (R) Joe S. Hoover, Kansas City, donor: Real photo postcards by Freeman Coleman of Garden City-Urich area, 1911-1913. (E) Margaret Kathryn DeOrnellas Hughes, Monroe City, donor: "The De Ornellas Family History" and "The Kidd & Manning Family History," both compiled by Mary Miller Cline; obituary of Robert E. Hughes. (R) Jane Jeffries, Columbia, donor: The Archives: A Guide to the National Archives Field Branches, by Loretto Dennis Szucs. (R) Representative Chris Kelly, Jefferson City, donor: 19 political bumper stickers. (R) Russel Key, Moberly, donor: Fishing River Association of Primitive Baptists, Minutes, 1988. (R) George Kishmar, Chamois, donor: My Experiences and Years on the Missouri River, by donor. (R) Mrs. Jeanne P. Lacy, Prairie Home, donor: Panther Scream, student newsaper, Prairie Home R-V School, numerous issues, 1948-1979. (R) Mary Klinge Lenz, Marshall, donor: "One Hundred Years of Trinity, Marshall (1872-1972)," by Robert H. Mize. (R) Linnea D. Lilja, Columbia, donor: The Ozarks, by Richard Rhodes. (RFC) Earl Littrell, Dallas, Texas, donor: "The Joseph Littrell Family," compiled by donor and Mina Chittum, loaned for copying. (R) Joe McKie, Columbia, donor: Bank of Kimberling City, calendars, 1987-1989. (R) Robert Massengale, Jefferson City, donor: Missouri Woods, by donor. (R) Forrest Meadows, Bethany, donor: "History of Bethel Church, Daviess County, Missouri," by James O. Dickerson. (R) Elizabeth V. Meredith, Houston, Texas, donor: Michael Weidler: His Antecedents and Descendants, compiled by donor. (R) Dorothea Simpson Meriwether, Kansas City, donor: Look Back With Pride, compiled by donor. (R) Missouri Senate, donor, through Senate Legislative Information Office, Jefferson City: "Missouri Senate Calendar, 1989: Thomas Hart Benton Commemorative Is­ sue." (R) 346 Missouri Historical Review

New Melle Community Club, donor, through J.W. Schiermeier, New Melle: The Reporter, June 1985-November 1988. (R) Charles ODell, Columbia, donor: Indexes, compiled by donor, of Volume III of A History of Northwest Missouri, by Walter Williams and A Sketch of the History of Benton County, Missouri, by James H. Lay. (R)

James C. Olson, Kansas City, donor: Photographs of Frank Luther Mott and painting of R.S. Thomas. (E)

Walter L. Pfeffer, II, Columbia, donor: Miscellaneous newsletters, invitations, political campaign material, leaflets and reports from local and state agencies, businesses and institutions. (R)

Robert H. Phillips, Dunnegan, donor: "History of Herriman Chapel Church and Camp, 1927-1987." (R) Peggy Platner, Columbia, donor: Mid-Missouri Camera Club, Montage, September 1987-May 1988. (R) R. L. Polk & Co., Kansas City, donor: City directories for Liberty, 1986, Columbia, Marshall, Neosho, Rolla, St. Joseph and Washington, 1987. (R) St. Louis Browns Fan Club, Hazelwood, donor: Abies to. . . Zoldak, Vol. I, edited by Bill Borst. (R) Rebecca Schroeder, Columbia, donor: Copy of article on Hermann from New Yorker and National Geographic Traveler, Autumn 1986, "Rhineland on the Missouri," by Paul Martin. (R) Elizabeth Schwartz, Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, donor: Black and white photograph of donor and Charles Schwartz at dedication of murals in Missouri Department of Conservation, Jefferson City. (E)

Charles W. Schwartz, Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, donor: 55 original layout pages, by donor, for Conservation Sketchbook and other publications. (A) Shelby County Historical Society, donor, through Gladys G. Powers, Shelbina: Area telephone directories and supplements to Shelby County cemeteries. (R) Thomas G. Sinclair, Bakersfield, California, donor: Journal Kept by James M. Staples of Brunswick, Missouri, During His Stay in California, 1850-1851, transcribed and published by donor. (R) William H. Taft, Columbia, donor: Dissertations, "Frank Luther Mott: Journalism Educator," by Max Lawrence Marshall, and "Charles G. Ross: His Life and Times," by Ronald Truman Farrar. (R) Hal Richard Taylor, Grand Junction, Colorado, donor: Remembering . . . Some Taylor-Farwell Connections, compiled by donor. (R) Historical Notes and Comments 347

U.S. Department of the Army, Corps of Engineers, Kansas City District, donor, through Robert R. Ruf, Kansas City: Archaeological and cultural surveys at Truman Reservoir and Pomme de Terre Lake. (R) University of Missouri Press, donor, through Susan McGregor Denny, Columbia: Black and white photographs and negatives relating to the University of Missouri. (E) Edmund Valtman, Bloomfield, Connecticut, donor: Four original editorial cartoons, by donor. (A) Doris Welsh, Leander, Texas, donor: "Clanton Clan," compiled by donor. (R) Robert M. White, Mexico, donor: Collection of framed original editorial cartoons, comic strips and awards and honors. (A) W.C. Whitlow, Fulton, for Jesse P. Cochran, donor: Lon Stephens letters to Maggie Nelson. (M) Marilyn Williams, Kingston, donor: "History of the Mirabile Cemetery . . . /'"Kingston Cemetery . . . ," "Prairie Ridge Church and Cemetery . . . ," all in Caldwell County and prepared by donor. (R)

Oversight

St. Louis Missouri Republican, March 1, 1877. It is only four days to the end of GRANT'S term of office—and there is still one unpardoned whiskey-ring convict in the Missouri penitentiary.

How to Economize Kingston Caldwell County Sentinel, April 2, 1886. The cut rates to California still Continue and it is cheaper now to cross over the continent than it is to stay at home, tickets having dropped to $5.00 emigrant, and $11.00 first class.

How Many Can't Think Straight? Columbia The Missouri Student, April 12, 1939. There will always be a multitude who are congenitally unable to think straight. Chief Justice Hughes. 348 Missouri Historical Review

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS Adrian Journal January 19, 1989—"100th Anniversary Issue," featured several historical articles. Albany Ledger January 4, 1989—"Site of village of Albany in Ray County is visited," provided by Bob Douglas. Ash Grove Commonwealth December 29, 1988—"Jez' Plain Folks," by Carole Bills, featured the role of the passenger train in Ash Grove. January 5, 1989—Old area photograph. Bloomfield Vindicator November 9, 1988—"The Hand That Rocked The Cradle Also Helped Build Stoddard County," by Frances Moore. Blue Springs Examiner January 28, 1989—"School days in the 1920s," by Terry Young. Boonville Cooper County Record November 15, 29, December 13, 1988, January 24, 31, 1989—"Historical Footnotes from The Friends of Historic Boonville," a series, featured old area photographs. January 17—Postcard used in 1939 to promote the 100th anniversary celebration of Boonville. Boonville Daily News November 11, 1988—"Lest we forget" group photograph of Cooper County Dough­ boys in 1918. November 28—Aerial photograph of Boonville around 1915. January 13, 1989—Holt's Cafe, "Building had long history." Bowling Green Times November 2, 9, 16, 23, December 7, 14, 28, 1988, January 4, 11, 18, 25, 1989—"Pike County Memories," a series, featured old area photographs. January 18—"Millan recalls Pike County's younger law days," by John Gillis. Brunswick Brunswicker January 12, 1989—"Brunswick Had Its Own Steamboat," by T. H. Kenny. January 19—"Civil War Prevents Brunswick Being A Ship Building Center," by T. H. Kenny. California Democrat December 7, 1988—"Holiday Accents, Historic homes featured" on Moniteau County Historical Society homes tour in California. Canton News-Press Journal November 17, 24, December 1, 8, 15, 29, 1988, January 5, 19, 26, 1989—"Yester­ year's Pictures," a series. Carrollton Daily Democrat October 28, November 4, 11, 18, December 2, 16, 23, 30, 1988, January 6, 13, 20, 1989—Old area photographs. Historical Notes and Comments 349

Carthage Press September 2, 1988—Articles on the History of U.S. Highway 71. These and the articles below by Marvin L. VanGilder. September 28—"Kellogg Lake, Park result of community cooperation." November 23—"Holiday History," featuring a Thanksgiving fire at the Commercial Hotel in 1880. Centralia Fireside-Guard November 23, 1988—Old area photograph. Chaffee Signal January 19, 1989—"Improperly used tombstones wanted by Historical Society." Charleston Enterprise-Courier December 1, 1988—Old area photographs. January 26, 1989—"Charleston's Past: In the library." Chillicothe Constitution-Tribune November 17, 1988—Edward "Lee: Opened animal hospital." Clinton Daily Democrat October 28, November 7, 8, 11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 23, December 1, 6, 7, 15, 19, 20, 22, 27, 28, 29, 30, 1988, January 5, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20, 23, 24, 26, 31, 1989— "Remember When" featured old area photographs. Columbia Daily Tribune December 4, 1988, January 15, 29, 1989—"Whatever Happened To . . . ," a series by Francis Pike and Midge Crawford, featured respectively: the E. C. Clinkscales House; Rockhurst, the Gordon place; and Bonne Femme Academy. December 4—The Howell Family, "The Lore of Logging," by Donna Bryson. December 25—Ashland Christian Church in Howard County, "A Christmas tradi­ tion: Church keeps Christmas Eve ritual alive," by Benjamin Israel. Concordia Concordian November 16, 1988—"Old lumberyard destroyed by 1949 fire," one of a series on early Concordia businesses, by Nora Hartwig. November 30—"Campbell home features antiques, restoration," by Gary Beissen- herz. January 18, 1989—"Schlickelmann's Barber Shop was a center of activity," by Nora Hartwig. Dexter Daily Statesman November 11, 1988—Pictorial article, "A nostalgic look at the past Doniphan Prospect-News December 28, 1988—"Readers Contribute 'Scrapbook' of Historical Photos." East Prairie Eagle November 10, 1988—"East Prairie makes a hit with 'Missouri Roadsides' guide­ book," letter by Kathie Simpkins, reprinted. Eldon Advertiser December 15, 1988—"Barton [school] had sometimes stormy history," by Greg Huddleston. 350 Missouri Historical Review

Ellington Reynolds County Courier December 29, 1988, January 26, 1989—"Historical Reynolds County" featured old area photographs. Fulton Sun November 11, 1988—"Post office to get change of address," by Jeff Barrow. Gallatin North Missourian January 18, 1989—"Architects outline steps to put rotary jail into top condition." January 18—"Update: Rotary Jail renovation study completed by architects; nomina­ tion to National Register of Historic Places nears." January 18—"An Update on a Continuing Community Project: Nomination shows why rotary jail's of national interest." Hamilton Advocate November 16, 1988—Photograph of former country store in Nettleton. January 11, 1989—"Country Portfolio," a series, featured old area photograph. Hannibal Courier-Post October 29, November 5, December 3, 10, 17, 24, 31, 1988, January 4, 7, 11, 21, 28, 1989—Old area photographs. January 2—"Museum acquires Twain's letter to Hannibal photographer," Anna Schnizlein, by Gene Hoenes. January 20—"Projectionist Phil Conn looks back on reel career," by Gene Hoenes. Hermitage Index December 8, 1988, January 12, 19, 26, 1989—"Hickory County History," a series, featured old area photographs. Higginsville Advance January 25, 1989—"Church has growing past." January 25—"Corder church has centennial," by Mark Cheffey. Hopkins Journal December 28, 1988—Old area photograph. Independence Examiner January 18, 1989—"Recalling Harry's [Truman's] inauguration: Independence dele­ gation followed favorite son east," by Sue Gentry. January 25—"School days in the 1920s," by Terry Young. Jefferson City Catholic Missourian January 6, 1989—"St. Martin School, St. Martins celebrates 100 years." Jefferson City Daily Capital News November 3, 1988—"Our Heritage" featured Missouri governor Warren E. Hearnes. Jefferson City News-Tribune January 22, 1989—"From the Past . . . History of Jefferson City Telephone Service." Joplin Globe October 30, 1988—"When Joplin cranked out Model T's," by Andy Ostmeyer. November 11—"Nov. 11, 1978, Echoes of a crash" when Connor Hotel collapsed, by Andy Ostmeyer. Historical Notes and Comments 351

November 19—"Branson man pondered moving 2 historic homes," built by Charles Schifferdecker and Edward Zelleken in 1890s, by Marti Attoun. December 18—"Bidding Lincoln [School] Farewell," by Kit Brothers. Kansas City Star November 16, 1988—"Karnes School offered much to immigrants," by Dory DeAngelo. November 20, December 25—"Album," a series by John J. Doohan, featured respectively: Harry Truman and John F. Kennedy meeting in 1960; Gates School, 1917. December 4—"Rescuing remains of history, Salvage crew digs steamboat from Missouri" River, by Matt Campbell. January 19, 1989—"Recalling Truman's big day: Inauguration Day triggers mem­ ories for Missourians," by Brian Burnes. Kansas City Times November 18, 1988, January 20, 1989—"Postcard from old Kansas City," by Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively: holiday promotional card by National Live Stock Commission Co. and Ambassador Hotel, 1925. November 30—"Memory of city's 1959 firefighting tragedy still remains," by John A. Dvorak. Kennett Daily Dunklin Democrat November 9, 1988—"For Suspense, 1940 Governor's Race May Never Be Matched," by James Wolfe. Keytesville Chariton Courier January 19, 1989—"City's Christian Church organized 100 years ago," by Joe Hickey.

Lee s Summit Journal January 18, 1989—"Yesteryear images" featured New High School building. Liberal News January 26, 1989—"Looking Back . . ."featured a 1940 photograph of Liberal High School. Linn Unterrified Democrat November 30, 1988—Zurmegede-Boessen "House a Westphalia area landmark," by Joe Welschmeyer. December 12—Myra O. Reed, "County school superintendent witnessed lifetime of changes," by Joe Welschmeyer. December 21—Articles on Christmas customs in Osage County, by Joe Welsch­ meyer. December 28—"Local Epiphany Traditions." January 11, 1989—Heinen-Muenks, "House is a landmark in Loose Creek," by Joe Welschmeyer. Macon Chronicle-Herald January 10, 1989—"Last Indian Fight In Macon County Resulted In Six Deaths," by Jon Shepherd. January 26—"Indian Massacre On Chariton River Was Fueled By Greed," by Jon Shepherd. 352 Missouri Historical Review

Marshall Democrat-News October 27, 28, November 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 25, 28, 29, December 1, 2, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 1988, January 2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 1989—Old area photographs. Marthasville Record November 24, 1988—"A 95th Birthday Celebration In 1925" of Adelaide Glose- meyer. January 5, 12, 1989—Old area photographs. Maryville Daily Forum October 31, November 28, December 12, 31, 1988, January 2, 16, 17, 1989—Old area photographs. December 6—Warren L. Johnson, "There is no Johnson Street," by Martha Cooper. December 6—"A child's view .... A busy day in 1900." January 30, 1989—"Progress '89: Changes abound with businesses in Maryville in

Mexico Ledger December 30, 1988, January 30, 1989—Old area photographs. Milan Standard December 1, 1988—1912 postcard of Milan High School. Moberly Monitor-Index January 12, 1989—"Randolph County Historical Society focuses on depot," by Orville Sittler. Montgomery City Standard December 14, 1988, January 4, 1989—Old area photographs. Mound City News-Independent December 1, 1988—Photograph of Benton School students circa 1935. Mt. Vernon Lawrence County Record December 8, 1988—Old photograph of Lawrence County Courthouse. Neosho Daily News November 13, 1988—Thomas Hart Benton "Letters from Tom to Fay [Clark] to remain at home - in Neosho," by Kay Hively. December 18—Old area photographs. January 18, 1989—"Local stories from battle of Wilson's Creek told." New Madrid Weekly Record January 20, 1989—Old area photograph. Nixa News-Advertiser December 15, 1988—Old area photograph. Owensville Gasconade County Republican December 21, 1988—"Red Bird: Before the roar of the Rock Island," by Bonnie J. Butler. Historical Notes and Comments 353

Perryville Community Press January 17, 1989—"1860 Log Cabin Restored at Silver Lake," by T. Hackett. Perryville Monitor November 24, 1988, January 26, 1989—"Perry County Album," a series, featured old area photographs. Perryville Perry County Republic November 29, December 6, 1988, January 3, 1989—"Perry County Album," a series, featured old area photographs. Piedmont Wayne County Journal-Banner November 3, 10, 17, 24, December 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, 1988, January 5, 12, 19, 26, 1989—"Historical Wayne County," a series, featured old area photographs. Pleasant Hill Times November 3, 10, 24, December 1, 8, 15, 29, 1988, January 5, 19, 26, 1989— "Snapshots of yesterday," a series. Poplar Bluff Daily American Republic January 29, 1989—"The Great Gads Hill Train Robbery: Caper Called 'Most Daring Robbery on Record'," by Ron Beights. Portageville Missourian January 26, 1989—"History of the Portageville Methodist Church," reprinted. Richland Mirror November 24, 1988—"On the Right Track, 1904 Courthouse - Past & Future" in Pulaski County. Richmond Daily News January 20, 1989—Old area photograph. Ste. Genevieve Herald November 16, 1988—Nicholas de Finiels, "Visitor To Ste. Genevieve Found Town Friendly, Hospitable—200 Years Ago." St. Joseph News-Press/Gazette October 28, November 25, December 30, 1988, January 27, 1989—"Young at Heart," a special monthly section featuring accounts by area senior citizens. October 30, November 6, December 11, 1988, January 22, 1989—Old area photo­ graphs. November 14—"Elaborate liturgy attracts hundreds," to St. James Catholic Church, by Joe Bollig. December 15—Zerelda James, "Jesse's Mamaw not a lady," by Frederick W. Slater. December 31—"Patee House gets rail line mementos." January 12—"It was St. Joseph where Lou was on first," Costello first walked the boards at old Lyceum Theater, by Preston Filbert. St. Louis Neighborhood Journal September 7, 14, 21, 28, October 5, 12, 19, 26, November 9, 16, 30 1988—"Now and Then," a series by Skip Gatermann, featured respectively: Humboldt School; in pursuit of trivia; Baden, northern gateway to the Gateway City; St. Louis is for the birds; Benton Park; Enright Avenue; Soulard Market; Charles Lange's mansion; History flows 354 Missouri Historical Review in Marine area; Sts. Peter and Paul Catholic Church; and Alben W. Barkley and Jane Rucker Hadley wedding in 1949. St. Louis Post-Dispatch November 6, 13, 20, 27, December 4, 11, 25, 1988, January 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, 1989— "Look Here," a series, featured old area photographs. November 6—"Banking On A Dream, The '63 protests at Jefferson Bank changed a city," by John M. McGuire. November 29—"Mark Twain: Man Of Many Talents." January 29, 1989—Mac Arthur Bridge, "A Bridge Across Time," by Wayne Leeman. Salem News January 5, 26, 1989—Old area photographs. Sarcoxie Record January 5, 1989—Old area photograph. Sedalia Democrat January 19, 1989—A special section featured historic events as recorded on front pages of the newspaper. Senath Dunklin County Press December 22, 1988—Hornerville School, 1911-1912, photograph. Sullivan Independent News November 30, 1988—Old photograph of ice house at Spring Bluff. Sweet Springs Herald December 22, 1988—"Seeks Recognition for Franklin," by H. Denny Davis. Troy Free Press January 18, 1989—Old area photograph. Versailles Leader-Statesman December 1, 1988—Built by Alfred Heinemann, "Dream home contains plenty of memories," by Lynn Anderson.

A Hint to Mr. Bell

Knob Noster Gem, May 31, 1878. The telephone on McPherson street can whistle sing howl and jaw, but it can't throw a stone at a yowling cat on the back fence or kick a chromo agent off the front stoop. There is still lots of room for improvement.

In Praise of Folly Jefferson City People's Tribune, December 29, 1880. Every man has his follies, and oftentimes they are the most interesting things he has got. Historical Notes and Comments 355

MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES America s Civil War January, 1989: "Inexperienced but brave to a fault, the 2nd Kansas Militia helped blunt the Rebel invasion of Missouri," by Roy Bird. Area Footprints, Genealogical Society of Butler County, Inc. August/November, 1988: "History of The Harviell United Methodist Church," by Lois Bollheimer; "The Morelan(d) Family," by Don Magruder; "Little Green School," by Mary Alice Casper. Bluebird, Audubon Society of Missouri December, 1988: "A Spring That Has Never Run Dry," by Estelle Snow. Carondelet Historical Society Newsletter September, 1988: "Mellow Memorial [Methodist] Church Plaque Presentation." Chariton Collector Winter, 1988: "Traditional Ways in Modern Days," by Tonja Green and Bryan Thompson; "The Building [Grim] With Style," by Kimberly Baker and Susan Cooper; Kirksville Baseball Association, "KBA, Thirty-five Years of Memories," by John Hill and Mike Whitney; Andrew T. Still College Country Club, Kirksville, "Scenes from the Past"; "Kirksville's Own Toyland," by Tonya Eichor and Clint Myers; "Raisin' Cane," by Angela Briggs; "Riding Circuits to Writing Editorials: Glenn Frank," by Tonya Krueger. Cherry Diamond December, 1988: Denny Bond, "Balance Is Bond's Key To Success." Christian County Historian Winter, 1988-89: "A History of First Christian Church of Sparta," by Clell F. Morse, reprinted; "The Haints of Ozark's Covered Bridge" over Finley Creek, by George McDaniel; "Tribute to Lennie Aleshire," collected by Don and Ina Goddard; "John and Mary Collins, Early Settlers and Pioneer Fruit Growers," by Jennie Collins Faught; "Christian County Militia, 15th Regiment, Enrolled 1866." Columbia Magazine November, 1988: "Lee Koury, U.S. Marshal: Handpicked and one of only 94 in the United States," by Leslie T. Bishop and Julie Walter. December, 1988: "U. S. Marshal Joseph Shelby: Controversial Civil War General and U. S. Marshal," by Marshal Lee Koury; "Longview's History: The most beautiful farm in the world!" by K. R. Wells; "Mrs. Fuqua Recalls Early Columbia," by Eileen Flanagan. January/February, 1989: "Held up by Guerillas: An early case of highway robbery," by Ed Parker; "A View of Mizzou: Taking a peek at some MU trivia," by Terry Jordan; "The Chancellor's Residence: The Oldest Building on MU's Campus." Courier, Missouri Conference of the United Church of Christ November, 1988: "Church of the Month, St. John's UCC, Mehlville," by Linda Sehrt. December, 1988: "Church of the Month, Advent UCC, Jamestown." January, 1989: "Church of the Month, Fulton UCC, Fulton," by Linda Sehrt. 356 Missouri Historical Review

February, 1989: "Churches of the Month, Trinity, UCC, St. Louis, Zion UCC, St. Joseph," by Linda Sehrt. DeKalb County Heritage January, 1989: "Ellis Family Heritage," contributed by Barbara Sprague Drew; "Waldo Theater Union Star," reprinted; Union Star "Christian Church fold celebrated Centennial," by Bob Cobb, reprinted; "Perry Kermit Ensign," by Dr. Ronald Ensign. Diggin'History, Andrew County Historical Society January, 1989: "History of Amazonia"; "The St. Joseph-Savannah Interurban." Drury Quarterly Winter, 1989: "Fence Straddling: Wayne Holmes Style," by Price Flanagan. Essayons November, 1988: "Indians retrace Trail of Tears." Fence Painter Fall, 1988: "Tom Sawyer Film 50 Years Old." Florissant Valley Quarterly January, 1989: "Preservation in Florissant - 30 Years," conclusion. Gasconade County Historical Society Newsletter Fall, 1988: Christmas 1919, "Tradition," by Dorothy H. Shrader. Gateway Heritage Summer, 1988: "The Apotheosis of St. Louis: Politics, Ego and High Ideals in the Making of a Civic Symbol," by Theodore Finkelston; "William Clark: A Commemora­ tion," by Ann Rogers; "Thriving in Hard Times: The St. Louis Cardinals Make the Best of the Depression," by William Scott Rabinowitz; "Rose Philippine Duchesne: An American Saint," by Kenneth J. Chandler; "Dirty Water and Clean Toilets: Medical Aspects of the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition," by Karen M. Keefer, M.D. Gateway Postcard Club News November/December, 1988: "St. Louis' Own Original Drive-in Restaurant," by Jane R. Pepper; "St. Louis Artist - Mary Engelbreit," by Kathy Danielsen. Gilmore Genealogical Newsletter Issue 4, 1988: "Thornton Gilmore, This is Your Life." Graceland Gazette, Audrain County Historical Society October, 1988: "The Taming of the Square," by Leta Hodge. Grundy Gleanings Winter, 1988: "John William & Mary Alice (Craig) Hays and Family"; "Owen C. Smith and Family," submitted by Donna F. Kube. Historic Kansas City Foundation Gazette November/December, 1988: "12th Street Heritage," by Marilyn Ebersole; "K. C.'s Film History Traced," by Ann McFerrin. Interim, Episcopal Diocese of Missouri November, 1988: '"We Have Served . . . Stayed' in Constant Mission to City" by Christ Church Cathedral in St. Louis. Historical Notes and Comments 357

James Farm Journal November, 1988: "Clell Miller," by Ruth Coder Fitzgerald; "John W. Whicher," by Ruth Coder Fitzgerald. December, 1988: "The Great Train Robbery," reprinted. Journal of the Historical & Genealogical Society of Douglas County Missouri December, 1988: "Kellie Keith," by Beulah Keith Donnelly; "Julia Ann Donalson"; "The Interesting Life of Mary Shipley [Part II]," by Virginia R. Jones; Kansas City Ozark Southern Railway, "Shortest Railroad," by Vearl Rowe; "U.S. Work Projects Administration Historical Records Survey Missouri, 1935-1942, Chapter 5, History of Douglas County," by M. H. Garton; "U.S. Works Projects Administration Historical Records Survey Missouri, 1935-1942, education," by M. H. Garton; "Our Adorable Dr. Marvin and His Gentry Family," by Members of the Society. Kansas City Genealogist Fall, 1988: "Biography of Benjamin Potter: With an Eye-Opening Account of the Massacre Near Lone Jack, 6 September 1863," by Lillian L. Cave; "Henrietta Mercer, Writes to Daughter Henrietta Mercer Chiles in Oregon"; "Sketches of John Willis Smith," continued. K. C. Jewish Life Winter, 1988: "Dr./Artists: Carving a New Niche," by Louise Pollack. Kansas City Magazine December, 1988: "H. Roe Bartle's Last Christmas," by Jean Branit. Keys to Springfield December, 1988: Shelby Russell Smith, "Daddy's Hands," by Carroll S. Thompson. Kirksville Magazine Fall, 1988: "C. M. T. Hulett serves as College's [American School of Osteopathy— Kirksville, Mo.] first dean," by Georgia A. Walter; "Gutensohn [Max T.] honored at special reception." Laclede County Historical Society Newsletter November, 1988: "Old Family Correspondence," letter written by Hiram Welch, submitted by Dorothy Calton; "Laclede Hotel Once Known For Parties, Home-Style Food," by Ruth Davis; "The Old Davis School," by Kirk Pearce. Landmarks Letter January/February, 1989: An article on the study of rapid transit in St. Louis. Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin January, 1989: "Ancient Earthworks Near Hoberg: Legends of the Old Spanish Fort"; "Reminiscences of James M. White"; "Some Sims Notes." Lincoln Herald Fall, 1988: "The Dred Scott Fragment: A Mystery," by Don E. Fehrenbacher. Local, National Railway Historical Society, Inc. January, 1989: "Last Days of the Southern Belle," by Phillip Moseley. Lutheran Witness January, 1989: "Franz Julius Biltz," by Dennis A. Kastens. 358 Missouri Historical Review

Mark Twain Journal Fall, 1986 [published December, 1988]: "A Proposed Calendar of Samuel Clemens's Steamboats, 15 April 1857 to 8 May 1861, with Commentary," by Edgar M. Branch.

Mercantile Associations, St. Louis Mercantile Library Association Fall, 1988: Countess of Lansfeld, "Mercantile Moments - Lola Montez," by Charles Brown; "The Mercantile's First Three Librarians: Josiah Dent, William Allen, and William P. Curtis," by Robert Behra. Midwest Motorist November/December, 1988: "Mine Games in Bonne Terre," by William F. Jud. January/February, 1989: "Special Places," historic homes that have become bed and breakfast places, by Emma Irons. Mineral Museum News Summer, 1988: "The White Oak Cave-in."

Missouri Archaeological Society Quarterly July-September, 1988: "The Magnificent Summer Of '38 (Part II)," by James L. Lowe. October-December, 1988: "J. Allen Eichenberger—1905-1988," by Michael J. O'Brien; "Carl Chapman As Mentor: A Personal Reflection," by James F. Hopgood. Missouri Botanical Garden Bulletin November/December, 1988: "The Garden and Tower Grove Park, A Common Heritage," by John Karel. January/February, 1989: In Memoriam, "Julian Alfred Steyermark, 1909-1988," by George Yatskievych and Luther J. Raechal.

Missouri Municipal Review December, 1988: "Concordia Community Profile," by Gary Beissenherz. January, 1989: "Cameron: Growth at the Crossroads," by Elizabeth A. Twombly and Robert L. Irvin.

Missouri Partisan September, 1988: "A Callawegian Remembers Pickett's Charge," by Capt. T. C. Holland.

Missouri Press News November, 1988: "1989 MPA PRESIDENT" Kenneth W. Cope. January, 1989: MPA's President, Kenneth Cope, "Always on the Run," by Doug Crews.

Missouri Ruralist January 14, 1989: Father George Hildner, "Soil Savior," by Robert Burns.

Missouri State Genealogical Association Journal Fall, 1988: "Henry Eves Sisson Descendants, Clark County, Missouri," compiled by Mary Jo Sisson March; "William Wiley Gardner, A Confederate Soldier of Miller County," by Peggy Smith Hake; David Creek, "Cass County's First Pioneer," by Marjorie Pearce Buckner; "U.S. Post Office named in honor of Moses Owsley," by William Gann. Historical Notes and Comments 359

Missouri Supreme Court Historical Journal Winter, 1988: "Judge Henry Lamm: Justice of the Missouri Supreme Court, 1905- 1915," by Ivan Light; "Francis Marion Black: Judge, Missouri Supreme Court, 1885- 1894." Newton County Saga November, 1988: "Memories of Early Seneca History Related by the late 'Jim' Sherer," reprinted. Northwest Missouri Genealogical Society Journal October, 1988: "The Nuckols Family," by Martha Ann (Nuckols) Stanton; "Dr. Ray Elkins Snodgrass: Lifelong Disciples of Christ Minister and Evangelist (1887- 1966)," submitted by Mrs. Richard Snodgrass. Osage County Missouri Historical Society Newsletter December, 1988: "Hope School Bell Rings Again," by Elizabeth Kondusky. Overland Journal Volume 6, Number 2, 1988: "Still They Come: Wagon Wheels on Paddle Wheels to the Heads of the Oregon-California Trail," by James Sterling Pope; "Truman and the Trails," by Niel M. Johnson. Ozark Sierran January/February, 1989: "Tower Grove Park Open Space Treasure," by Connie Chartier. OzarTcin Winter, 1988: "The Family of John and Rachel (McNeely) Scott," compiled by Genave Waring; "Lawrence County Research Sources," by Melba Rector, Dora Miller and Betty Ammerman. Ozarks Mountaineer November-December, 1988: "'Hicker' Nut Memories," by Jewell Kirby Fitzhugh; "To Ruth From Santa," in 1932, by Ruth Ingenthron Jeffries; "Barry and Pat Dautrick—Raising Kids in a Candy Store," by Ralph Sellmeyer; "Settlers from Pennsyl­ vania built a . . . 'Back Home' Barn," by Fay Wiegenstein; "Remembering the Depression—Heartfelt Thanks," by Aleene Sanders; "Over These Hills—Christmas Is Remembering," by Jewell Kirby Fitzhugh; "The Ozarks: Then & Now," by Russell Hively. February, 1989: "Horse Trading In The Ozarks," by Linda May; "Dr. George's First (and Last) Automobile," by Dorothy Cummings; "Commemorating The Trail of Tears," by Steve Wiegenstein; "Neosho's Hitchrack Wars," by Russell Hively; "Butcher­ ing Hogs," by Bill Reed; "The Gaddis School Reunion," by Leon Fredrick; "Fishing on Old White River," by Douglas Mahnkey; "Buggy Business," by Kay Hively; "Prisoner of War Camp In the Ozarks," by Pauline Laws McKamey; "The Ozarks: Then & Now," by Russell Hively. Patrol News January, 1989: "Patrol History Trivia," by Sgt. E. M. Raub. Pioneer Times October, 1988: "The Family of John McCamey England," submitted by R. E. England; "Pardon Records," William Joyce. 360 Missouri Historical Review

Platte County Missouri Historical & Genealogical Society Bulletin Fall, 1988: "The Family of Lewis Miller," by Richard Hopkins; Jesse P. Settle, "A Nine Weeks' Trip," contributed by Lynn Cassity. Pleasant Hill Historical Society Newsletter January 20, 1989: "Pleasant Hill and Its Founder." Prairie Gleaner December, 1988: "Jackson County, The Rider Families of the Early Jackson County, Missouri Area," continued, by Mildred Campbell; "Lafayette County, German Methodist in Missouri and Concordia," continued, contributed by Buddy Samuels. Preservation News November, 1988: "Courting Coral, Streamline style in St. Louis," Coral Court motel in Marlborough, by Thomas W. Sweeney. Ray County Mirror December, 1988: "George F. Davis appointed consul to Honduras"; "Pioneers slept on rope, straw and feathers," by Mary Hogan; "Old Chip describes an old-time camp meeting," reprinted; "Autobiography of Thomas Kerr Kirkpatrick—1923"; "Fulton Won Vote on Westminster—Richmond College Opened Here," by Clara Chenault. Reporter, New Melle Community Club June, 1988: "New Melle - Yesterday and Today." July, 1988: "Early Country Roads" in St. Charles County. September, 1988: Francis Lewis Audrain, "Cappeln School Teacher." Rural Missouri November, 1988: "The Amazing Iron Mountain Baby," William Moses Gould Helm, by J. Hassler Moresi. December, 1988: Anna Dockery Burgess "Historian, Of A Place No Longer," by Jeff Joiner. St. Charles Heritage January, 1989: "Rub-A-Dub-Dub," changes in laundry chores, by Marge Biermann; "Going To The Movies, Part One: The Single Screen Theatres," by Louis J. Launer. St. Louis November, 1988: "Interview: Dick Gephardt," by Joe Bargmann. January, 1989: "Focus: St. Charles," by Sue Schneider; "Creative Home Magazine," supplement featured Garth Mansion in Hannibal, by Janet Keller. The St. Louis Bar Journal Winter, 1989: "A Hero's Death for a Lawyer, Hamilton Rowan Gamble," by MarshalLD. Hier. tr St. Louis Commerce November, 1988: Robert C. West, "Recognizing Civic Leadership"; "A Silver Celebration," Linclay Corporation; "Back Stage in St. Louis," Contemporary Interna­ tional Productions Corp.; "A Goldmine For Industry And The Environment," Cerro Copper Products Company; "Glory Days," older shopping malls renovated; "Have Retail Shoe Chains Saturated the Market?" December, 1988: Raymond and Thomas Simone, "Like Father, Like Son"; Michael Spatz, "Patch Work"; Dana Brown, "Still Brewing the World's Richest Coffee"; Historical Notes and Comments 361

"Building Homes, St. Louis Style," Hayden Company; "Corrigan Company: Three Generations of Entrepreneurship." January, 1989: "Lambert [airport]: Staying Competitive"; "The Sansone Group," a leading developer of community shopping centers; Tenholder Travel, "Travel is the Family Way." School & Community, Missouri State Teachers Association Summer, 1988: Everett Keith, "An Afternoon with Everett," by Sandy Barks. Seeking N Searching Ancestors December, 1988: Article on the site of Iberia's Church of the Nazarene, by Peggy Smith Hake, reprinted. February, 1989: "Joseph M. Clarke - a brief biography," reprinted; "Biographical Sketch of James Calvin Reed," submitted by Kenneth Reed. S. E. Mo. Record, Dunklin County Genealogical Society January, 1989: "Post Offices and Postmasters, Dunklin County," continued. Springfield! Magazine November, 1988: "The Airport Question (Part II)," by Judson Howell; "Bill Knight: The Man Who Turned Pennies into Dollars (Part I)," by Sherlu Walpole; "Portrait of an Artist: Newcomer is Attracting National Attention through Photographic Art," Bruce West, by Edgar A. Albin; "Tim Rosenbury: In Search of True Ozark-itecture," by Reta Spears-Stewart; "Keet & Rountree: Pioneer Drygoods Purveyors," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "Looking Back at 900 Block of North Robberson: What Ever Did Become Of Old Neighborhood?" by Mabel Carver Taylor; "Kickapoo Schools Saga (Part II)," by Sandra Holmes Tinsley; "Local Color In the Queen City of the Ozarks, Part XXX- Methodists Plan 100-Bed Addition to Burge Hospital in 1926," by William J. Moore. December, 1988: "Christmas Memories," by Sherlu Walpole; "Won't You Come Home, Bill Bailey?" by Reta Spears-Stewart; "Bill Knight: The Man Who Turned Pennies into Dollars (Part II)," by Sherlu Walpole; "Kickapoo Schools Saga (Part III)," by Sandra Holmes Tinsley; "Kenneth Clark Accepts Hospital Challenge," by Joyce O'Neal; "Local Color: In the Queen City of the Ozarks (Part XXXI-Shockley's Junior Midgets Head for Mexican Border)," by William J. Moore; Michael Baumgarten, "Father Christmas," by Theresa Bade; "Portrait of an Artist: Hugh Yorty Works with Light and Shadow," by Edgar A. Albin. January, 1989: "Barbara Fischer: Teaching Springfield to Dance for Nearly 60 Years," by Mark V. Smith; "Steven Tharp: Tenor Finds Fruitful Opera Career in the Big Apple," by Theresa A. Bade; "Dolores Brooks: Changes Her Course," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "Ruell Chappell: Family Man with Musical Mission," by Mary I. West; "Springfieldian Mary Weaver's 7-Year Career In Vaudeville, Weaver Brothers & Elviry, Part One," by Reta Spears-Stewart; "Day by Day: Some January Dates in Springfield History," by Eunice P. Allison; "J. D. Melton, Father of a Thriving Family Business," by Mark V. Smith; Jeff Johnston, "Sculptor Creates Multiple Levels of Meaning," by Edgar A. Albin; "Your Neighbor's Faith, National Heights Baptist Church Starts Year- Long Centennial Events," by Nina L. Beatie; "Watch Out Florida: Here comes Bill Dowell!" by Bob Burke; "Local Color: In the Queen City of the Ozarks, Part XXXII- The Magnate Leonard Shockley Renames the Junior Midgets," by William J. Moore. Timeline, Ohio Historical Society December, 1988/January, 1989: "Fighting Peacemaker: William T. Sherman," by John F. Marszalek. 362 Missouri Historical Review

Toward the Setting Sun, Historical Journal of The United Methodist Church, the Missouri Area Fall, 1988: "Bishop Ivan Lee Holt, World Traveler and Devotee of Church Co­ operation," by Albea Godbold; "Ivan Lee Holt, Evangelist," by J. C. Montgomery, Jr.; "As We Remember Him," by Marvin Fortel, Bishop A. Monk Bryan, Elbridge W. Bartley, Jr., Liston Johnston, Herman A. Lehwald and Clarence Folkins. Twainian January-February-March, 1988: "My Recollections of Chester Davis," by Ralph Gregory. April-May-June, 1988: "My Recollections of Chester Davis (Conclusion)," by Ralph Gregory. Union Electric News November, 1988: "Adieu, Ashley: A landmark since the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair, Ashley Plant is no more." December, 1988: "The Way It Was: Line Work Long Ago." Wagon Tracks, Santa Fe Trail Assoc. Newsletter November, 1988: "Cave Spring: Historic Landmark on the Santa Fe Trail," by Sylvia D. Mooney; "Rice-Tremonti Home Preservation Efforts," by Sylvia D. Mooney. Waterways Journal November 14, 1988: St. Charles, "Capt. Flavan Has the Spirit," by Susan H. Eastman. December 5, 1988: "Capt. Joe Holland Recalls Capt. Clark," by James V. Swift. December 12, 1988: "Lore of Mississippi River Extends to Russia," by James V. Swift. Whistle Stop Volume 16, Number 4, 1988: "Monday Morning Replay of the 1948 Campaign," speech by George M. Elsey, reprinted. White River Valley Historical Quarterly Fall, 1988: "Springfield and its Hinterland: Greene County and the White River Country (Part I)," by Robert Flanders and Lynn Morrow; "County Seat Controversies (Part I)," by Herbert Garton; "Missouri Weather Windies," by Fred R. Pfister; "My First Ozark Mountain Home," by George E. Hall. Word& Way December 1, 1988: "'Old Bethel1 exhibit opens December 4." January 26, 1989: "Old Bethel: Missouri Baptists' 'roots'," by Denise Lincoln. Worth County Reporter November, 1988: "Irena . . . Might Have Been Kelso," by William G. Gladstone; "Peddler School . . . Continued," by Ruth Walker Seat; "Victory School, District # 5," by Juanita Setzer Humphreys; "Round Grove, District # 54"; "The Kelso Story: Rainbow Park, KGIZ, Trading Post." December, 1988: "Railroad fever in Worth County," by William G. Gladstone; "Schools, Pleasant Ridge, District # 14." January, 1989: "The Town of Friend," by William G. Gladstone; "Sheridan School District # 46"; "Schools, Eureka, District # 21," by Pansy Rinehart; "Grace Walker Beauchamp, 100." Historical Notes and Comments 363

IN MEMORIAM

ALACE ERNESTINE ERNST SEITER GRAHAM, EDWARD W., Washington: Alace Ernestine Ernst Seiter, life mem­ May 10, 1912-April4, 1988. ber and contributor to the mission of the HARDY, HURSCHEL H., Ironton: State Historical Society of Missouri, died December 5, 1898-November 28, 1988. January 18, 1989, at her home in Lexing­ Founder and former owner of Ironton ton. She was born February 29, 1904, in Mountain Echo. Albany to Charles Ed and Mary Alice HARRISON, MRS. LEO, St. Louis: Sparks Ernst. A teacher in the Lexington April 24, 1922-August 3, 1988. Public Schools for 21 years, she taught English, speech and drama at the junior HECHT, LOUIS, Cape Girardeau: and senior high school level from 1950 April 12, 1889-October22, 1988. until her retirement in 1970. In 1975 she MERCILLE, EARL J., St. Louis: received an award for distinguished and January 21, 1921-January 18, 1989. unselfish service for the betterment of Lex­ ington. Survivors include a niece, Angela PHISTER, LAURANCE C, Leawood, Kan­ Schwartz, Los Angeles, California; and a sas: July 11, 1915-June 28, 1987. nephew, William Seiter, Overland Park, PLEGGE, NORVELL, Webster Groves: Kansas. September8, 1902-July9, 1988.

ASHLEY, MRS. WILLIAM H., Hampton, REAM, MADGE, Belleville, Illinois: Virginia: July 9, 1890-February 10, 1988. November 10, 1902-December 5, 1988. BOND, DONALD C, Urbana, Illinois: REES, W.H., Weston: August 19, 1909-June 7, 1988. August 17, 1904-January 10, 1988.

EATON, MARVIN A., Maplewood: ROPER, F.D., Marshfield: August 17, 1918-August 14, 1988. July 24, 1908-January 11, 1988.

EICHENBERGER, J. ALLEN, Saverton: SWACKHAMER, THOMAS CECIL, Springfield: June 25, 1905-August 24, 1988. June 5, 1908-October 19, 1988.

GAEBLER, EUGENE, Berkeley, California: WILKERSON, LOIS A., Columbia: November 30, 1892-March4, 1988. December 12, 1922-January 14, 1989. 364 Missouri Historical Review

GRADUATE THESES RELATING TO MISSOURI HISTORY, 1988

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-COLUMBIA MASTER'S THESES

Call, Steven Rene, "French Slaves, Indian Slaves: Slavery and the Cultural Frontier in the Illinois Country, 1675-1756."

Horn, Lisa Whittle, "Textile Production in the Communalistic Colony at Bethel, Missouri: 1844-1879."

Miner, Pamela Ann, "The Creation of a 'True' University in Missouri, 1866-1896."

Stilwell, Kristine Evelyn, "Kansas City and the Railroad Strike of 1877: Labor and Community in a Local Strike."

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-ST. LOUIS MASTER'S THESIS

Long, S. M., "'It Made it Tho the Queen Waz Always Fair': the St. Louis Black Clubwoman Movement, 1931-1946."

WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY MASTER'S THESIS

Hurwitz, Seth Isaac, "Discovering Convention: Mark Twain from Huck to Satan." Historical Notes and Comments 365

BOOK REVIEWS Bald Knobbers: Vigilantes on the Ozarks Frontier. By Mary Hart man and Elmo Ingenthron (Gretna, Louisiana: Pelican Publishing Co., 1988). 306 pp. Illustrations. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. $14.95 hardcover. $8.95 paperback. The story of Missouri's Ozark Bald Knobbers remains high drama. Masked night riders tossed bundles of switches at the doorsteps of alleged wrongdoers as a warning for them to mend their ways. In more extreme cases, these self-appointed protectors of law, order and public morality resorted to whippings and even executions to accomplish their objectives, beyond the pale of a legal system whose officers they mistrusted. Violence begat violence as antivigilance groups organized to oppose their efforts. For a time in the 1880s, portions of Southwest Missouri's scenic hill country became a battleground that pitted neigh­ bor against neighbor in a contest in which neither side could claim much glory. The late Elmo Ingenthron, a popular chronicler of Ozarks history and a lifelong resident of the region, joined forces with journalist Mary Hartman to give us a new and more detailed version of the dramatic Ozarks saga that builds upon Lucile Morris Upton's pioneering study, Bald Knobbers. The results of their collaborative efforts appear mixed. On one level, the book is a great success. It tells a good story that will delight history buffs and casual readers. But as a serious historical study, the book has some major shortcomings. Ingenthron's native son status made him privy to information about the Bald Knobbers and their activities that an outsider could never have gathered. At the same time, his closeness to the subject prevented him from exercising the critical judgments needed to fashion a definitive account of this complex tale. The authors' decision to "leave it to our readers to decide which side was right and which was wrong," produced a book flawed by ambivalence and inconsistency. Who was the real Nat Kinney? Was the saloonkeeper turned preacher, who helped organize the Bald Knobbers, a well-intentioned citizen hoping to bring law and order to the turbulent Ozarks frontier, or was he a power-hungry, self-serving avenger, guilty of fomenting senseless kill­ ings? To what extent was historian David Thelen correct in suggesting that the Bald Knobber conflict was essentially a contest between newcomers committed to modernizing the Ozarks and traditional hill people? These and numerous other questions go begging for answers. The absence of documentation will disappoint persons desiring to 366 Missouri Historical Review identify the exact sources of information, and the occasional use of fabricated dialogue will bother serious scholars. The final word on the Bald Knobbers remains to be written, but in the meantime, we can all savor this entertaining account of one of the more intriguing chapters in Missouri history. Central Missouri State University William E. Foley

Hold Dear, As Always: Jette, A German Immigrant Life in Letters. Edited by Adolf E. Schroeder and Carla Schulz-Geisberg. Translated from German by Adolf E. Schroeder (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1988). 309 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Index. $34.00. In 1974, Adolf E. Schroeder, then professor of Germanic Studies at the University of Missouri-Columbia, discovered that Henriette Geisberg Bruns (known to her family as Jette), wife of an early German immigrant to the central Missouri hamlet of Westphalia, had written letters back to Germany for more than sixty years, until her death in 1899. Moreover, Professor Schroeder discovered those letters had been preserved by three generations of Geisbergs, along with an auto­ biography written by Jette Bruns and a myriad of other documents and photographs. Now, fourteen years later, Schroeder and Carla Schulz-Geisberg, the owner of the Geisberg collection and the granddaughter of the recipient of most of the letters, have joined to give us an edited collection of Bruns's writings. The result is a detailed account of everyday life in pioneer, small-town Missouri, as seen through the eyes of a remarkable and resilient woman. Jette Bruns's husband Bernhard became smitten with emigration fever. "For me," Jette wrote in her Autobiography, "it was a hard struggle between inclination and duty. . .but I had given my husband my promise to follow him to the New World." (p. 46.) Bernhard, a physician, practiced primarily among people whose income mitigated against large medical fees and whose business habits left many of the smaller fees uncollected. Bernhard sought greater opportunity in the New World. His wife found, instead, loneliness and pain. In 1841, for example, within a three-week period, Jette Bruns watched three of her children die of dysentery: "It really hit me too hard that I also had to lose little Rudolph [the youngest]. ... I myself sewed him his shroud." (p. 112.) Eventually life in Westphalia became too difficult for Jette, and she persuaded her husband to move to Jefferson City, only to regret the decision when it seemed to send him into a deep depression. Politics Historical Notes and Comments 367 soon captured Bernhard's interest, however, and eventually he was elected mayor of Jefferson City. He died in office in 1864. Widow Bruns, unfamiliar with the family's finances, quickly dis­ covered that her husband had run up debts on both sides of the Atlantic. She opened a boarding house in the couple's home to have some income, although her political leaning allowed her to rent to Radical Republicans only. Hold Dear, As Always should be of great interest to students of Missouri history, German-American history, ethnic history, and wom­ en's studies. Schroeder and Schulz-Geisberg provide excellent com­ mentary and context. Indeed, one finds it hard to quibble with anything in such a well-crafted volume. The only thing missing is the voice of Bernhard Bruns, the man responsible for Jette's presence in America. His letters are tantalizingly mentioned on a couple of occasions (e.g., pp. 54, 96), but not reproduced. This shortcoming, if it is one, aside, I know of no other book which takes a reader so intimately inside the immigrant hearth and home. Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City Gary R. Kremer

The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom in the Old Southwest: Missis­ sippi, 1770-1860. By John Hebron Moore (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988). 223 pp. Maps. Tables. Appendixes. Bibliography. Index. $40.00 cloth. During the antebellum period, the Cotton Kingdom of the Old Southwest included Alabama, Tennessee, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mis­ souri and Mississippi. The latter state, however, was not a lethargic agricultural area based on slavery and a one-crop economy. Rather, Mississippi's agriculturalists, merchants and craftsmen brought rapid economic and social change to the Old Southwest. As planters and farmers expanded onto virgin lands, they experimented with new varieties of cotton to improve production, and they adopted a variety of horse-drawn implements to increase efficiency in the fields. In time, these agriculturalists became so productive and economically powerful that they developed a false sense of security—a planter mentality. Particularly, they perpetuated the belief that the South stood economic­ ally independent from the rest of the nation—dangerous economic and political myths. Even so, the planter world seemed to prove this assumption to be true. Mississippians substantially developed rail and water transportation, town life based on agricultural services thrived, and manufacturing and light industry expanded to meet local building and agricultural needs. Commission merchants plied a necessary and 368 Missouri Historical Review

active commodity trade, and banking, religious and medical services expanded. As a result of this development, Mississippi became the epitome of a prosperous state with a thriving economic base which depended upon agriculture and slavery. John Hebron Moore, professor of history at Florida State Uni­ versity, has written an important history of the Cotton Kingdom in Mississippi. He traces the economic development of the region from the establishment of subsistence farms to the creation of large-scale, com­ mercial plantations. Moore discusses the social and economic changes within the white and black communities which resulted from town building, the development of manufacturing and transportation systems and the improvement of agricultural techniques. He contends that Mississippi became the most important agricultural state in the Old Southwest—a state that contributed qualitative and quantitative leader­ ship to agricultural development. Certainly, Mississippi's planters ranked among the most prosperous people in the world and, between Vicksburg and Natchez, they set the social standards for the South. Moore has ranged widely in the manuscript and newspaper collec­ tions, and he provides solid evidence to trace the development of the Cotton Kingdom in Mississippi. Prodigious research, however, has not led to ponderous writing. Indeed, this book is exceptionally readable. Although Moore concentrates on the area between the Mississippi and the Yazoo rivers, his research will have far reaching value for anyone studying southern rural or agricultural history. Moore's study is far more than an excellent history of agriculture and slavery in Mississippi. It provides a model rural history that scholars and teachers can use as a basic reference. Moore's book merits inclusion in every library with collections on American southern and agricultural history. State Historical Society of Missouri R. Douglas Hurt

Heads or Tails? Hannibal Daily True American, May 19, 1856. Better be the head of the yeomanry than tail of the gentry.

Political Astronomy Weston Border Times, March 3, 1865. The Portland Press announces that there will be six eclipses this year, two of the sun, two of the moon, one of Jeff Davis, and one of the Rebellion. Historical Notes and Comments 369

BOOK NOTES The Ozarks Outdoors: A Guide for Fishermen, Hunters, and Tourists. By Milton D. Rafferty (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985). 390 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Notes. References. Index. $14.95 paper­ back; $24.95 cloth. A tourists' guide, this book describes the Ozark region's climate, history, fishing, camping, caves, tourist attractions and festivals. It is filled with photographs, maps, charts, bibliographies and lists of agencies. If not available in local bookstores, it may be ordered from the University of Oklahoma Press, 1005 Asp Avenue, Norman, Okla­ homa 73019.

71 Wonderful Years of the Rockhill Tennis Club Since 1915. By Charles C. Allis (Kansas City, 1986). 13 pp. Illustrations. No index. $3.00. Located in Kansas City, Missouri, the Rockhill Tennis Club, perhaps the oldest in the Kansas City/St. Louis area, has been the site of many regional and national tournaments. National and international stars played in Rockhill tourneys. The paperback book may be ordered from the author, Charles C. Allis, 613 East Rankin Road, Independence, Missouri 64055.

The History of St. Philip's Church, Joplin Missouri. By Philip L. Jones (Joplin, Missouri, 1987). 115 pp. Illustrations. Chronology. Bibliography. Index. $7.50. The Reverend Carter Wall, Rector of the Carthage Episcopal Church, founded St. Philip's Church in Joplin as a mission, February 22, 1874. No complete history of the church existed prior to this publication. The paperback volume may be ordered from Stt Philip's; Church, 706 Byers Avenue, Joplin, Missouri 64801.

History of Blackwater, Missouri, 1887-1987. By Mary C. Umm{ water, 1987). 83 pp. Illustrations. Maps. No index. $5.Qj(|, ffftra $U8ffi postage. A history of the town of Blackwater was written to cc 100 years of its existence and should rekindle fond memorJra,.llic1towiwii began in 1887 when the Missouri Pacific Railroad surveyed tine Ikaottnawm* and it derived its name from the Blackwater River. A cflsjDy

THE FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER HISTORY AWARD The State Historical Society of Missouri takes pleasure in announcing the sixteenth annual competition for the Floyd C. Shoemaker History Award. Floyd C. Shoemaker, secretary and director of the State Historical Society of Missouri (1915 to 1960), created this $300 award to support the advancement of Missouri's history in the universities, colleges and high schools throughout the state. The award alternates yearly between the junior class students in Missouri's colleges and universities and senior high school students. The 1989 award will be presented for the best article written by a senior high school student. The award will be presented in October at the annual meeting of the Society in Columbia. Articles nominated for the award must relate to the history of Missouri, either to events or personalities. The articles should not exceed 5,000 words, and each must include notes and bibliography. A panel of judges at each college, university or high school must nominate that school's best article. Only one article may be submitted from each school. Articles may be submitted from every branch of the University of Missouri. Members of the Department of History at the University of Missouri-Columbia will judge the nominations and select the winning article. All papers submitted for consideration will become the property of the State Historical Society of Missouri. The editors of the Missouri Historical Review will consider the prize-winning article for publication. The final date for submission of articles is July 1, 1989. Entries should be sent to: Dr. James W. Goodrich, The State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Historical Notes and Comments 371

STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY MEMBERSHIPS AND GIFTS

Memberships in The State Historical Society of Missouri are available in the following categories:

Annual Membership $5.00 Contributing Annual Membership $25.00 Supporting Annual Membership $50.00 Sustaining Annual Membership $100.00 to $499.00 Patron Annual Membership $500.00 or more Life Membership $250.00

Each category of membership is tax deductible. Memberships help The State Historical Society preserve and disseminate the history of Missouri. The Missouri Historical Review is included as a membership benefit of the Society.

Gifts of cash and property to the Society are deductible for federal income, estate and gift tax purposes. Inquiries concern­ ing memberships, gifts or bequests to the Society should be addressed to:

James W. Goodrich, Executive Director The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, Missouri 65201 Phone (314) 882-7083 372 Missouri Historical Review

SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS The State Historical Society of Missouri offers five impor­ tant publications for general readers, researchers and genealo­ gists interested in the history of Missouri. Historic Missouri: A Pictorial Narrative. This second edition of the popular picture history of Missouri contains more than 300 illustrations, with eight pictures in full color. Historic Missouri traces the story of Missouri's colorful past from the prehistoric period to the late twentieth century. $9.95 plus $1.50 for postage and handling. Missouri Newspapers on Microfilm at the State Historical Society of Missouri. This research guide contains a complete listing, arranged by county, of all Missouri newspapers on microfilm at the State Historical Society. Each microfilmed newspaper is available on interlibrary loan to public, college and university libraries. $10.00 postage paid. Selected Union Burials—Missouri Units by Edward Parker. This alphabetical index, created from the Roll of Honor of the U.S. Quartermaster's Department, lists by surname the Union soldiers who served with Missouri units and who died during the Civil War. This compilation of interments includes only the states of Arkansas, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Tennes­ see and the area of Vicksburg, Mississippi. $3.50 postage paid. Directory of Local Historical, Museum and Genealogical Agencies in Missouri, 1988-1989. This 91-page, spiral-bound booklet lists over 190 local historical societies, some 30 historic sites, 30 museums, over 30 genealogical groups and approxi­ mately 25 other historical agencies in the state. $5.00 postage paid. Missouri Plat Books in the State Historical Society of Missouri by Laurel Boeckman and Pat B. Weiner. This bibliog­ raphy lists Missouri plat books held by the Society in book form or on microfilm. Microfilmed atlases are available on interlibrary loan through public, college and university libraries. $3.50 postage paid. Send order and check to: The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Columbia, Missouri 65201 Charles Trefts Collection /« 1938, these women, who worked as retail clerks at the Newberry Company 5-10-25 Cent Store in St. Louis, went on strike for higher wages. When manage­ ment hired other clerks to replace them, they picketed the store and urged shoppers to go elsewhere. Women always have played an important role in the economic, political and social history of Missouri. For an overview see: "Missouri Women in Historical Writing" by Mary K. Dains in the forthcoming July issue.