Memorandum January 14, 1964 To: SNCC Executive Committe, COFO Summer Program Committee From: Charles Cobb Re: Summer Freedom Schools in Mississippi It is—I think--just about universally recognized that Mississippi education, forfelack and white» is grossly inadequate in comparison with education around the country Negro education in Mississippi is the most inadequate and inferior in the state- Mississippi's impoverished educational system is also burdened with virtually a complete absence of academic freedom, and students forced to live in ar environment that is geared to squash intellectual curiosity - PROSPECTUS FOR SUMMER FREEDOM SCHOOL PROGRAM IN MISSISSIPPI The Proposal It is, I think, just about universally recognized that Mississippi education, for black or white, is grossly inadequate In comparison with education around the country. Negro education 'in Mississippi is the most Inadequate and inferior in the state. Mississippi's impover ished educational system is also burdened with virtually a complete absence of academic freedom, and students forced to live in an en vironment that is geared to squash intellectual curiosity, and differed thinking. University of Mississippi Professor James Silver, in a re cent speech, talked of; "social paralysis., ...where nonconformity is forbidden, where the white man is not free, where he does not dare ex press a deviating opinion without looking over his shoulder." This *social paralysis" is not limited to the white community, however. There are Negro students who have been thrown out of classes for asking a- bout voting, or the freedom rides. Negro teachers have been fired for saying the wrong thing. The State of Mississippi destroys "smart nig gers" and its classrooms remain intellectual wastelands. In our work, we have several concerns oriented around Mississippi Ne gro students: 1. The need to get into the schools around the state and organize the students, with the possibility of a statewide coordinated student movement developing. 2. A student force to work with us in our efforts around the state and 3. the responsibility to fill an intellectual and creative vacum in the lives of young Negro Misslssippians, and to get them to articulate their own desires, demands and questions. More students need to stand up in classrooms around the state, and ask their teachers a real ques tion. As the summer program for Mississippi now shapes up, it seems as if hundreds of students as well as professional educators from some of the best universities and colleges in the North will be coming to Mississippi to lend themselves to the movement. These are some of the best minds in the country, and their academic value ought to be recog nized, and taken advantage of. I would like to propose summer Freedom Schools during the months of July and August, for tenth and eleventh-grade high school students, in order to: 1. supplement what they aren't learning In high schools around the state, 2. give them a broad intellectual and academic experience during the summer to bring back to fellow students in classrooms In the state, and, 3. form the basis for statewide student action such as school boycotts, based on their increased awareness. I emphasize tenth and eleventh-grade students, because of the need to be assured of having a working force that remains in the state high schools putting to use what it has learned. Freedom School Prospectus, page 2 The curriculum of t&is school would fall into several groupings: 1. supplementary education, such as basic grammar, reading, math, typing, history, etc. The use of some of the already-developed pro grammed educational materials might be used experimentally. 2. cultural programs such as art and music appreciation, dance (both folk and modern), music (both folk and classical), drama, possibly creative writing workshops, for it is important that the art of effec tive communication through the written word be developed in Mississippi' students, 3. political and social science, relating their studies to their so ciety. This should be a prominent part of the curriculum. h. literature 5. film programs. Special projects, such as a student newspaper, voicing student opinion, or the laying of plans for a statewide student conference, could play a vital role In the program. Special attention should be given to the development of a close student-teacher relationship. Four or five stu dents to one teacher might be good, as it offers the chance of dia logue. The overall theme of the school would be the student as a force for social change In Mississippi. The Freedom Schools should have a special for many of the students planning to come to Mississippi this summer, as this would be a project they could follow through from the beginning to the end - watch develoj. and would have some definition. Some of the newer ideas, now circula ting in educational circles, whatever they are, might be incorporated into this program. If we are concerned about breaking the power structure, then we have to be concerned about building our own institutions to replace the old, unjust, decadent ones which mak' up the existing power structure. Edu cation in Mississippi is an institution which can be validly replaced, s most of the educational institutions in the state are not recognized around the country anyway. The program The Freedom School concenpt will be carried out on two levels: 1. a boarding school concenpt involving 150 to 250 students selected from a statewide student population. The students will come together In a campus-dormitory type of situation where they will live with the staff. Preferably the boarding schools will be held in the state , tho gh it may be necessary to take the students to a site in some nearby state. The boarding school will start July 12 and continue straight through until August 22. The fallowing sites are being considered as possibilities: a. Mary Holmes College Presbyterian Church School West Point-, Mississippi Freedom School Prospectus, page 3 c# Gulfside Methodist Church Conference Site Waveland, Mississippi d. All Saints College Holmes County, Mississippi 2. A number of smaller, less intensive day schools will be held in the communities listed below. The day Freedom Schools will operate on a 10:00 AM to 4:00 PM schedule. These schools will run in two sessions, the first session from July 8-30 and the second session from August 8-31. In the areas where the facilities are available on a long-term basis and local citizens are interested in the project, the day school should be thought of as a first step toward a community center. Day School Sites (by Congressional District) 1. Columbus 2. Rulevilie Greenville Greenwood Holmes County Mound Bayou Clarksdale 3.Jackson Natchez Vicksburg 4. Carthage Canton Meridian 5.Biloxi Pascagoula Gulfport Hattiesburg Laurel The Freedom School Curriculum It is considered that the curriculum should cover the material listed in the following outline as thoroughly as possible, 1. Leadership Development a. to give students the perspective of being in a long line of protest and pressure for social and economic justice (i.e. to teach Nogro history and the history of the movement). b. to educate students in the general goals of the movement, give them wider perspectives (enlarged social objectives, nonvio lence, etc.). c. to train students in specific -organizational skills that they need to develop Southern Negro communities. 1. public speaking 2. handling of press and publicity 3. getting other people to work 4. organizing mass meetings and workshops, getting spea kers, etc. Freedom School Prospectus, page 4 5. keeping financial records, affidavits, reports, etc. 6. developing skill in dealing with people in the community 7. canvassing 8. duplicating techniques, typing, etc. d. to plan with each other future action of the student movement. 11, Remedial Academic Work a. to Improve comprehension in reading, fluency and expressive ness In writing. b. to improve mathematical skill (general arithmetic and basic algebra and geometry). c. to fill the gaps in knowledge of basic history and sociology, especially American. d. to give a general picture of the American economic and politica system, e. to introduce students to art, music and literature of various classical periods, emphasizing distinctive features of each style, and f. to add to knoivledge of and ability to use the scientific method 111.contemporary Issues a. to give students more sophisticated views of some current is sues b. to introduce students to thinking of local difficulties in a context of national problems, and c. to acquaint students will procedures of investigating a pro blem - rudimentary research. IV. Non-academic Curriculum a. to allow students to meet each other as completely as possible- to form a network of student leaders who know each other, (i.e. Recreation - sports, dances, etc., besides academic side) b. to give students experience in organization and leadership 1. field - voter registration 2. student publications 3. student government c. to improve their ability to express themselves informally (through creative writing, drama, talent shows, semi-spontane ous discussions, etc.) Conference on the Curriculum On the third week-end in March (March 21-22) a working conference wil be held in New York City under the sponsorship of the Natioanl Council of Churches for the purpose, of defining specific curriculum for the Freedom Schools and the educational program of the Community Centers for these target populations: 1. The usual high school student, who reads and writes poorly, has trouble even with basic arithmetic, and whose general know ledge of science, social studies and humanities is sketchy, 2. The poor student who may be intelligent , but whose verbal and mathematical skills are rudimentary, and who has very little know ledge of "cultural" subjects taught In school, Freedom School Prospectus, page 5 3, The student with adequate verbal and mathematical skills who . :•; .*usually does well In Mississippi schools, but who has gaps In his general cultural! knowledge, and who has had no opportunity to tak his education farther'.-than basic skills and subjfctd, of to cll's- cuss controvfvi-aia 1 ajjrcifec-i*s in an InveStigsf.^Vr! and honest spirit, 4, The functionally ;-iIIIv^rate adult 5.- The school-age chili" presently attending clfa-jentary pebooij, btr not learning the basic reading, writing and mathematlcal Dklj.i3, These children come, often, from homes where their parents a :•;•..: un educated and cannot teach them what they miss in school. From the curricula developed at this conference, specific, dptaljed lists of necessary equipment will be made for purposes of solicitation Staff of the Freedom SchooIs F"HigB student-teacher raTTip* is sought in fthe summer fduaetltnal pro gram, on the assumption that this will faei-litate the ovarail program. Both professionals and no.u-aprofessiona.la will r#.rtlcipa.t:<3 r^ st.aff in! the program. Professional ataff will corse from ohe pr.©'£ eg signal tea chers associations, the Rational Council of Churches, the Presbyterian Church and various other Institutions with educational. resourcesc The non-professional staff will be selected from among the applications for the summer project. The boarding school staff-and staff for the first session of the day schools will go through a general orientation program with the coa- ra-ua.aty centers staff. This orient at-on program 'will run Julyb- J.I, 0: July I'3, the boarding school and first session of the day schools vr'x.1. receive students/Orientations for the teaching staff of the second session of the day schools will be held August 5-9. On August 10, the second session of the day schools will start receiving classes. Students Students for these projects will be recruited through established con tacts with ministers, educators, and other organizational ccontacts in the state. Several applications have already been returned. A statewide student organization, the Mississippi Student Union, is now being de veloped and will be important in the recruitment of students. Budget* Day Schools - expenses per school for one session (20 schools are pro jected - ef 50 students with staff of 15). Rent for facility ., $ 75.00 Food (one meal per day) , 75.00 Field trips (one big one)., 500.00 Room and Board for staff (10.00$ per week apiece) _3o$0.00 Personal expense money for staff , ...1000.00 Administrative overhead...... ,.,...... 250,00 Total per school...... V...... V...... «.$ 2900.00 Total for summer... $116,000.00 ( 20 schools in two sessions). •*-Budget for rent of boarding schools still pending receipt of figures from possible sites. /MQfU /•» So, A S^ r> 7 .7"v —, i. f&'.it&Mja- i —(- .1. ra 'fe^a^ 12. -li-h'-^Tfi-!--1!—t—-rk/\- I -K:1—/\— f=* "Hfttfik -r-tar I - •-. [ii/!f! A |(j L_ J _ ._!..._ I ..-1> • ^ vYfV ' 4 5 6 k sw^ck. ^>fo»P-c. l \bkkCK 'ztobck. ; ^A)Actc SAJACK ' WEEKLY REPORT Jult 25, 1964 As a Freedom School teacher most of my time is, of course, devoted to the development of a school program. In this, the first full week of Freedom School, the extent of development has "been such that one can think of our "institution" as a solid, dynamic structure. Whatever serious difficulties.can be obviated by our getting five additional teachers. Our registers are now so large that we do not think we would be fair to those students already attending school should we permit even another single student to join them. From Baertown, Whitestown and even still from Burgland there are many kids who wish to enroll. In my Negro History class we spent the first part of the week re evaluating Africa, both geographically and historically. I cannot say that there has been any significant change in the attitude of those students who initially expressed a disinclination to in any way associate themselves with that continent (about $0% of my students, or 8 in number), but at the very least all the kids have been equipped with a basic set of facts with which, when they are so inclined to do so, (fihey can seriously challenge the depredating myths and historical falsifications that have been taught to them. . Already some students have expressed delightful surprise at the fact that their ancestors were not so close to savagery as they (the students) had imagined. I have not argued that there were not in some parts of Africa primitive cultures, but I have distinguished between primitive and savage. Is a spear or a blow gun more savage than a Hydrogen Bomb? In the middle part of the week we discussed the slave revolts. What I tried to hammer home was Aptheker's point that these revolts occurred with some frequency. Interesting to me was thaA no one stated, in a composition I asked them to write,vany .opposition to the Nat Turner method of revolt; at least no one felt that Hal Turner did the wrong thing. Less than half the class sanctioned violence as a method of operation in today's movemterffc. On the final day of class we talked about the Negroes ' role in the American wars, especially the Civil War. I read to the class from Higginson*s Army Life in A Black Regiment. Just about the entire week of Citizenship-English was spent on the ifollowing question: Should we leave Mississippi? We talked about the North and eventually got to the northern slum. It was pointed out by the students themselves that their eduoation was so bad here that they stood little chance of succeeding in the North should they decide to go there. We ntead a Langston Hughes story in which Simple decides that even if he were rich enough to buy a yacht, he would soon come sailing home to Harlem. We made a tape of two girls role playing, one saying yes and one saying no to the question raised above. On the last day of class we made another tape. Three roles were played (everyone in the class taking one of the three parts): violence, non violence, back^ to Africa (preceded by a brief talk on my part about Marcus Garvey.) Surprisingly, back to Africa got the best of the debate, but I would attribute that result to the fact that the two most articulate students volunteered to defend that position. I might only add that on each day of the week one student gave a brief biography of a-famous American Negro. From the Freedom School program emerged a newspaper. After school each day, I worked with about 15 kids on the production of this paper. I think the kids composed an excellent first newspaperl There were some exceptional poems, a good biography of Harriet Tubman and of Curtis Hayes, -and many well-written news stories covering civil rights activities in M°Gombo. I must makey^HaB Outstanding cover design by Thelma Eubanks. n -2- On Saturday, July 18, I went canvassing for Freedom Democratic Party registrants. The result of my effort was disappointing and depressing. I was able to obtain only three forms. Clearly, one of the reasons for my failure is that there is here in McComb a considerable amount of fear in ithe Negro community. By way of contrast, I can recall some voter registration jwork I did in Hattiesburg. About 60% of the people I visited there willingly jfilled out FR forms. I spent some small amount of time in the Baertown and Whitestown communities. In the latter community I helped Dennis Sweeney explain/^ to a •group of about 15 kids the works of the FDP and helped him evaluate the kids • method of canvassing. In Baertown I helped Mendy, Jesse and Glint with a FR picnic. When thinking about the kids that I am working with, I feel selfishly excited. In my three years of teaching this work here has provided the most interesting, pleasurable, stimulating situation. I find most of the kids to be academically knowledgeable in the field of English, both in their written work and in their verbal abilities. They are a select group, it is true (they have chosen to come to Freedom School), but I nevertheless get the Reeling that the education they get in Burgland High School is better than the one they would get were they to be educated in Harlem, N.Y. Most revealing is the willingness with which these kids will try almost ~~ anything--role playing, compositions on subjects about which they have never before written, new word games, talking into the tape recorder. They never miss an assignment; many of them ask to be assigned things. Although they do not feel completely free to ask me anything, they do question me in depth and show a polite reluctance to let me off the hook. Whereas it would be possibl for me to make specific statements about individual studen ts, I would prefer to hold off on that one more week. Submitted by Ira Lajidess 1. FREEDOM SCHOOL REPORT Rather than retrospectively evaluate the summer program, I think it best to write about the future program, especially in that my thoughts have evolved out of my participation in the summer Freedom Schoolo Brian Peterson has already submitted a report, which I have read and which I feel to be thorough and important, and in this report I will attempt not to duplicate his efforts* Of particular value this summer was the extensive academic program we established: French, Spanish, remedial reading, chemistry, biology, math, typing, art. Not that in any given area a great amount was taught. What seemed to matter to the students was that they were offer ed, in a friendly and encouraging environment, some practical, solid, traditional subject areas, some of which had previously not been open to them at alio To barrage the students with a battery of Negro history classes is to establish a rather artificial curriculum, one which has as its unstated theme, as its undercurrent, the fact that the Negro has suffered a history of deprivation and ostracism. More correctly, this fact itself is most openly stated, but what we as teachers might have sometimes forgotten is that to people who have been so deprived and ostracized such a harsh fact grates upon their ears as would the sound of a piece of chalk used by a novice upon a blackboard*, "Look how bad off we areJ"-how many times a day can someone contemplate such a thought? Of course, we attempted to destroy the myths; we talked about slave re volts, the Underground Railroad, the Negroes' vital role in all our wars, but can all these facts help our students £/6 forget that they still eaift eat in Woolworth's, or do they in some way remind •ftiem that tf/£/2^/still down? ™ey &re I am not suggesting that the Negro history program was a failure, UP that it was not essentials What I do sense is a need to not make it a freak study, something special to be taught to underprivileged peoples. The Negro history classes ought to be integrated, made a single part of a broad curriculum,. It is understood that there will be much less time for classes in the winter, and therefore almost no time for a large academic pro gram. But a genuine tutorial program could be arranged for those stu dents who do make it to the Freedom House during the week. Typing and art could most certainly be continued through the winter. Various "educational" games could be made available to the students. There could be a library display each week of interesting books in all sub ject areas* I recall an editorial in Freedom's Journal in which the Freedom School was evaluatedo Of primary interest to this board of editors was that our school allowed (that's the wrong word, because we never at any time had to give permission or make a rule) the students to take any clas they wished to attend, regardless of what grade they were in in schoolo "But what about Freedom?" I thought, when I read the article,, "What about Freedom?" any of those editors might reply,, I understand them now after being away from Aptheker and Bennett and Hughes for a month or so© One way to make more palatable and yet more incisive the teaching of Negro history would be to study it through a subject area; namely, throughthe study of literature,. After what I thought was a glorious four days spent on Reconstruction, I realized that upon the kids, I was making no impression. I then assigned to my kids Freedom Roadft After reading this book, the class came to life, and for them eame to life the Reconstruction period. That single chapter that we read of Black Boy, I venture to say, will not be forgotten by any of the kids. And perhaps the most valuable sessions of all were devoted to a study of "Two Men and a Bargain," a parable about the deal made be tween Mr. Rich White and Mr, Poor White from Lillian Smith's book, Killers of the Dream,, I most strongly suggest that permission be gotten from Lillian Smith to print this section of her book. It should be distributed as widely as possible throughout the state© For many reasons those students who had leadership positions this summer should be made great use of. It made a great difference when, near the end of the summer, Thelma Eubanks led the FS students into the formation of a live Freedom Train while the song was being sung, I much prefer to see students rather than staff lead the commun ity in song. Because of a shortage of FS teachers this winter, these leaders can also be most helpful in leading discussion groups. They might simply moderate a discussion, or else they might report back to a group on an article they were assigned to read, I think that their value for voter registration work is no longer questioned. At times it was difficult being a teacher in Mississippi, Often, as in all teaching situations, some nasty things had to be done. If anything, the FS teacher has a deeper than usual responsibility to carry out these tasks. Newspaper articles should not be plaigirized, other students* papers should not be looked at during a composition assignment, the FS students should keep their school clean. Teachers should not clean up the church or schoolroom after the students have gone. This last-mentioned problem was a serious one in M Comb. Krobably in every Freedom House a"bad guy" was needed. Every teacher should at some time or bther be a bad guy. The above paragraph reminds me of a general thought which I feel I ought to at least briefly mention. There are in Miss,, as everywhere else, exponents of the gravy-train philosophy of life. As FS teashers we categorically denounced processes of exploitation, but how many of us acquiesced to and even perpetuated exploitative relationships for fear of not being a good guy? How many times did we give a cigarette to that person whom we saw around only when he needed a cigarette, or a dime, or anything he could get? Let's not drive him away; instead, let's sit down and talk to him about what it means to him to take a cigarettte from a white Northerner, If this is too direct, tacitly make a long-range goal for this fellow. See if we can get him to give something—to someone, to the movement. Something that one might call'"Ehe Summer Camp Syndrome" was also present in McComb. It's worth mentioning because feedback from the local people indicated to us the nature of the problem. This matter is fully covered in a report by Clinis Lee Felder, already submitted, I'll just ask if it's wise for workers to overtly flirt wit£ local girls. Should we pour ice down their backs, spank their fannies, hold their hands? How will a FS class be affected when it is known by the students that the teacher has a favorite? Going a little further, should we exploit the movement to meet girls? Or we might look at it the way many boys in McComb did—if we're going to have integrated sex, let's integrate it four ways (there were very few boys in the McComb movement; they said they'd come to the Freedom House when we brought our sisters down with us and when the girls going to the Freedom House would start talking to them again). Wasn't it Reverend Harding who told us to keep our private life private? There were reports by FS teachers coming into McComb from other areas of the state that here, unlike the places from which they came, they were treated as equals, that their work was appreciated by the rest of the staff. Certainly, such an atmosphere is neeessary if everyone is to work his best. On the newspaper—it was an important thing to a lot of people. One boy who worked on the paper all summer until his folks prohibited him/ from coming to the Freedom House, sadly brought back o«r fourth edition to his mother and asked hetto read it. She said it was very good© "But don't you see something wrong with it?" he saido "Ain't it different from the others? You don't see my name in it this time, do you?" His mother told us that her boy left the room with tears in his eyes, his head down. My feeling is that the newspaper made such a strong impact on those it reached that 1000 copie* of each edition should be distributed throughout the community© One more things when voter registration classes are taught, each teacher should impress upon his pupils that the most important thing is going down to the courthouse. The teacher should not try to teach some 15 sections of the constitution. That's overwhelming. Perhaps teach three or four, and have included in them one easy section, I'm thinking still one more thing. One of the hardest things about working in McComb was that the staff was so shifting—people coming in and out nearly every day. Perhaps it was absolutely necessary. When such shifts are not necessary, I think they ought not to be made, I think that the local people as well as the wwrkers would like to get used to seeing the same faces. Most of the workers I spoke to would like to return in 1065 to the place where they worked this summer. I think that in most instances it would be profitable to follow such a policy. It would pay off to //rf/^jtf/ forego the intrigue of a completely new experience so as to bring an added continuity to the program. Respectfully submitted, Ira Landess Freedom School Coordinator DaCL/PJSTION OF INDEPENDENCE by the y Freedom School Students of St. John's Methodist Church, Palmer's Crossing, Hattiesburg, Miss. In this course of human events, it has become necessary for the Negro people to break away from the customs which have made it very difficult for Ihe Negro to get his Gibd-given rights. We, as citizens of Mississippi, do hereby state that all people should have the right to petition, to assemble, and to use public places. We also have the right to life, liberty, and to seek happiness. The government has no right to make or to change laws without the consent of the people. No government has the right to take the law into its own hands, iill people as citizens have the right to impeach the government when their rights are being taken away. All voters elect persons to the government. Everyone must vote to elect the person of his choice; so we hereby state that all persons of twenty-one years of age, whether black, white, or yellow, have the right to elect the persons of their choice; and if these persons do not carry out the will of the people, they have the right to alter or abolish the government. The Negro does not have the right to petition the government for a redress of these grievances: For equal opportunity. For better schools and equipment. For better recreation facilities. For more public libraries. For schools for the mentally ill. For more and better senior colleges. For better roads in Negro communities. For training schools in the State of Mississippi. For more Negro policemen. For more guarantee of a fair circuit clerk. For integration in colleges and schools. The government has made it possible for the white man to have a mock trial in ~i, the case of a Negro's death. The government has refused to make laws for the public good. The government has used police brutality. The government has imposed taxes upon us without representation. The government has refused to give Negroes the right to go into public places. The government has marked our registration forms unfairly. We, therefore, the Negroes of Mississippi assembled, appeal to the government of the state, that no man is free until all men are free. We do hereby declare independence from the unjust laws of Mississippi which conflict with the United States Constitution. n,d. Why I Deserve Freedom I am a Negro, I am a black man. And, because of my color, I am deprived of the human rights which are given to me by God and promised to me by the United States. I live in a country of free people, yet I am not free. Our great nation was conceived in liberty and dedi cated to the proposition that all men are created equal. The Bill of Rights guarantees to everyone the freedoms of religion, and the right of peaceful assembly, but in Mississippi these rights are denied to Negroes. The 15th Amendment abolished slavery. I deserve freedom because the law of the land states this. The Negroes of the past have fought for freedom inside and outside the United States. Crispus Attucks, a man of Negro blood, was the first to be killed in the struggle to free our great nation from its mother country. He was des cribed by Poet John Boyle O'Reilly as "the first to defy and the first to die." Thus, history has recorded that I have a stake in freedom. If necessary, I will die in order to have freedom for my people. Today I am the world's footstool but tomorrow I hope to be one of its leaders. By attending freedom school this summer I am preparing for that tomorrow. —Albert J. Evans, age 15 A Look at Negro Hospitals and Doctors Have you ever thought about why the Negro doctors do not perform any operations and take X-Rays of their own patients in the hospital? I have always wanted to become a doctor. I would like to study in a medical school that is not segregated. —Spencer W., age 14 An Interview with Bessie Jean H. 1. Have you tried to eat in a restaurant since the Civil Rights Bill has been passed? "Yes!" 2. Where? "Woolworth's and Kress's." 3. Did they serve you? "Yes." 4. Did some of the people leave? "Yes." 5. Are you going again? "Oh, yes." —Susie A., age 14 This I Have Learned in Freedom School I have learned most of all that the Negro is really just as superior as another race. If the Negro has a good education, he can make as big a duccess as any man from another racej I also learned that a Negro was the first to give up his life for American freedom, and from then on the Negro has been giving up his life for the American cause. The Negro isn't really free until he knows and acts like he's free. Just because the Civil Rights Bill has been passed doesn't mean he's free*;i Freedom for the Negroes isn't just the right to eat where another race eats or go where another race goes but to be able to learn the same things that another race learns and be able to express themselves the way they want without being afraid of what might happen to them. —Sandra Jo-Ann 0., age 16 A Story of Mexico Once there was a family who lived in Mexico. They stayed in the valley. There was a volcano over the hill which the family did not know was there. The volcano exploded. All the people saw the great fires of the volcano. Then the people started to run. The volcano cooled down. The family was found dead in their house. A girl and a boy and the mother and father were found. —Sandra K., age 11 What I Think About Hattiesburg Hattiesburg is an unfit place to live because of the people that make up this town. The whites have their way. If they kill one of us they get away with it, but if we kill one of them they kill us. What are we going to do about this? Nothing but take our stand for our equal rights. —Shirley White, age 14 An Interview July 15 I interviewed a student. This student has been to both Woolworth's and Kress's. She says, "I wasn't really hungry, but I went because I wanted to prove to the whites that I could eat in public places just as they could." While she was eating a small group of whites walked out, A crowd of people was watching her. —Janice Walton, age 14 COFO Freedom Centers — September, 1961+ Aberdeen, %ss — t> ox k®k — tel: 369-9076 Joe Maurer Warren O^ioway Batesvilla, Miss. - Box 654 — tel: 563-9731 Miss. — 268 Wallace -- tel: li+1+5 Karen Pate be M Es o» — 100 Rust Ave., Holly Springs - tel 1257 Marjorle errlll Miss. - 732 Main St. — tel: ij.35-2ij.93 Barry Clemson Bo Co, -6ll+ Chrlsman, Cleveland, Miss. John McAul:*^ P.O. Box 547? Shaw, Miss, tel 754-361+1 Mary Sue 0, .latel: C& Miss.- 838 Lutz ^ve. - 859-991+1+ Martha Wri; it lew, Miss.--Canton address—tel: 859-1+631 Karen Dune sle, Miss.—1+29 ^zoo St.—621+-9167 Kate Qulnn Marks, Miss - 734 3rd St.—326-711+3 Goiumbus--1212 l?th Ave. NW — 328-9719 Tupelo, Miss. - °olumbus address — 81+2-9963 Linda Quinby West Point, Miss - Columbus address--I4.9I+-5673 Sylvia Woog Greenville, Miss. —901f kelson St.—335-2173 Brian Leekley Greenwood, Miss.—708 Ave. N—1+53-1282 Rick Miller Gulfport, lttiss.--2905 ^arrison ^t .—863-9550 Hattiesburg, Miss.--P.O. Box 961--582-9993 Holly Springs, Miss.—100 Rust Ave.—tel: 1257 Kathleen Dahl Holmes °ounty--Rt. 3, Box 57-A, Tchula, Miss. Lawrence Stevens Itta Bena, Miss.--P.0.Box 281—254-7811 Indianola, Miss.-Jefferson St., tei: 1112 George Winter Jackson, Miss. 852-ir Short St.—tel: 9I+8-4O9I Margaret Burnham Jackson Office—1017 Lynch at.—tel 352-9605 Laurel, Miss.—Box 771, $18 E. *'irst~i+28-7057 Gwen ^obinson Leake Co.—c/o S.o. Williams, Rt. 3? Carthage, Miss. Carole uross McComb, Miss.—702 Wall St.—tel: 681+~9l+ll+ Dennis Sweeney Meridian, Miss.-2505i Fifth St ,—1+85-9286 Elaine Weinberger Moss Point, Miss.—609 Bowen St. - 1+75-9069 Mary Larsen Natchez, Miss.— 611 Wall St.S — Jane t «* amo tt Philadelphia—Meridian address—tel: 656-21+51 Ralph Featherstone Ruleville, ^Isa.—820 Quiver ^t.-tel: 756-9980 Linda Davis Vicksburg, Miss.--10l6 Hossley Ave.—636-5967 Brian Dunlop THE HOUSE OF IIBERTY I came not for fortune, nor for fame, I seek not to add glory to an unknown name> v. I did not come under the shadow of night, I came by day to fight for what's right. I shan't let fear, my monstrous foe, Conquer my soul with threat and woe. Here I have come and Here I shall stay, t And no amount of fear, my determination can sway. I asked for your churches, and you turned me down, But I'll do my work if I have to do it on the ground; You will not speak for fear of being heard, •So you crawl in your shell and say, "Do not disturb," Ycu'think because. ycm**6 turned wielawsvj- * You've protected yourself for another day, t But tomorrow surely must come, And your enemy will still be there with the rising sunj He'll be there tomorrow as all tomorrows in the past, And he'll follow you into, the future if you let him pass. You've turned me down to humor him, AhI Your fate is sad and grim, For even tho' your help I ask, Even without it, I'll finish my task. In a bombed house I have to teach my school, Because I believe all men should live by the Golden Rule. To a bombed house your children must come, Because of your fear of a bomb, And because you've let your fear c*onquer your soul, In this bombed house thses minds I must try to mold; I must try to teach them to stand tall and be a man When you their parents have cowered down and refused to take a stand. Joyce Brown McComb Freedom School Freedom School 702 Wall Street McComb, Mississippi December 2, 1964 Trailway Charter Service 1314 Tulane Avenue New Orleans, Louisiana Dear sirs: , The Freedom School Students delighted to know that they were able to go to New York. We will leave McComb sday, Dadember 22, at 3:00 P. M. for New York. We wl! remain L-k New York until January 1. Leaving New Yorl January/1 at 7:30 A. M. for Washington D. C«, we wi; 'Washington for a. McComb on the fourth at 7:30 I ,' If you need fUTthei \nt please call 6&4-9414. If I ffl not avai: >k to speak to John Wilkins. We are in raising the money for the bus, and the #2,100 no later then Sincerely yours, Dennis Sweeney Freedom School Co-ordinator DS/jw HSRIDIAiT TO HOST FREEDOM SCHOOL COITVEFTIOIT July 23 rd, Thursday On the weekend of the 7-9 of August, Meridian Freedom School is to bo the FREEDOM SMi host f Q« I want to ask you some 0.o How do you feel about thing about your life In teaching Negroes here England.- Can you describe In Iieridian? what kind of homes you live Ac I feel that I ar:i dc •wn here in and how different was to hasten the day whc sn no your life in England from one will talk any mo:> e i( what it is in the U.S.? about ' teacnang negroes or "teaching whites.,:i but A» In many English towns there jus t t e a c hlng people. I am are long rows of houses here to an; It ate among that all look the same; They Negroes, but to teach people. are all made of rod bricks Q. How do you like your students? and the fog has made them gray. A, Lovo them, especially the It nearly always rains pretty ones., And the clever In England, so that ones. They are just about people don't sit out on prochas all prett; j and cl ever- -Mi like they do here. In thor :efore 1 love them all. England most people don't Q., In. what ways Is Her:Ldia n have cars, many people ride diff 'erent from your home public transportation. When town § I left England two years ago A,. 1. Hotiber . there were only two channels 2. Wetter. on TV, one of them was com 3. Hastier. mercial, like the ones hare, 1+, Huch the same. but the other is publicly Don*t have a home owned and has no commercials town anyway at alii Q. Who the h are you anyway? Ben C. A, Ronnie de S., and who the h are you. Q,. Shirley I AH A NEGRO I arii a Negro and proud of its color too, If you were a Negro wouldn't you? I am glad of just what I am now To be and to do things I know how. I'm glad to be a Negro so happy and gay To grow stronger day by day. I am a Negro and I want to bo free as any other child, To wander about the House and the woods .and be wild. I want to be Free, Free, Free. Rosalyn W. HOW I SEE MYSELF AT "21" OR OVER My aim In life is to be a lawyer. There are not enough Negro lawyers in Mississippi defending their fellow brothers and sisters. Some people living In Mississippi leave after or before they finish school. I do not see myself in some fancy mansion nor do I see myself living in the scums of places. I just want to live in a decent home living in the neighborhood with people. When I say people I mean both black and white, I do not believe in segregation. I want to help people. To stop this police brutality. I see myself as a decent, respectible JSEKXEOT citizen, I want to be a nice perso%» And I would like for people to treat me the same way. If I do be a lawyer or whatever my profession will be, I will not marry until I finish school, grade and law school, and have a job. I mean a good job. Not babysitting and housekeeping. No I do not plan to leave Mississippi. To help others. I xirant to look as well as be respectful. Although looks don't mean everything It's what you know. It's the work that you do and your aim In life. If you lead a good clean life, people vail respect you no matter how you look, With this closing I will say that 'I will strive to do the best that I can," Anonymous BECAUSE I'M BLACK Sometimes I ask myself why did I have to be born black? And there are times i.hen I feel as if I want to turn back! But then I ask myself again didn't God put me here for a purpose? Then I knoT that's why I'm not going to be satisfied within the Negro circle. Just because God saw fit to paint me black; I'm the one that always sits in the back. I'm a man and I want to be treated as a man and not as a left hand. One day God's gonna lift his hand over this great land, I want to be a left or a right but a man, I hope we all be around when God brings the high and mighty to the ground. Ruth P. INTERVIEW WITH BETTY L, Q. In what ways is Meri dian different from your home town? A, The main difference is that my home town—New York City~is in the North and Meridian is in the Souths In New Y ork, being a N orth- ern city, problems of racial injustice do exist but are more subtle and more diffi cult to grab onto and deal with. In Meridian, being a Southern city, these prob lems are more blatant and Q, B w do you like teaching out in the open. But I also in the Freedom School? feel thajfc here there is a A, I've found teaching in the great deal of spirit, hope, Freedom School very exciting and strength with which to and rewarding. The students struggle against these in— are alert and interested— justices. Once changes the future leaders of the can occur here perhaps my Mississippi Freedom Movement, own home town and the rest Their understanding of the of the nation can change problems that they and all of also* us face is amaBing, Togeth er we have all grown in our understanding of each other and of the tasks that still need to be fulfilled, I hope that we can try to apply our understanding and active ly work toward realizing our goals. FREEDOM Freedom means to be free, And buzz around like the bumble bee. To be Free, Free, Free, To fly up in the a4r„ And go to places everywhere. To be Free, Free, Free, To have your rights, To roam the streets at night. To be Free, Free, Free, To be free like a bird in the air* To walk through the forest so mild, and fair. To be Free, Free, Frees, Rosalyn W, m A NEGRO I WANT TO HE As a Negro I want to be equal as ©very man Able to walk hand and hand» Able to live a happy life As every other aan8ss children and wife, I want to be equal and superior To those man that call Negroes inferior I want to prove I3ffi just as good •A-s any race and white ajan should* As a Negro I wanb to b4 As any other man on this earth, free; For I am like a white man, given a birth, ^oth black men and white men are parts of this earth, gadle Yvonne g FREEDOM STORY Once upon a time there were two little girls, talking one daye These girls were Negro children who had recently moved from big cities, .like California, -New York, chisago, and other places, '"hey were talking about how different Mississippi was from any place else they knew of. So one little girl said to the other one, ^hy is Mississippi so different from other places? ..In other places you can go anywhere you want to, o different, movie theaters, drive in theaters, and different stores, -he other girl said., 'i'hat?s what I wanted to know, In lileslssippi I don't B?O any places that are lategrabedo Nothing but white people go to pianos down here,, The two girls talked a longs long,, ti.mo0 Tnon they finally went home, When cne of the girl;-- got there her mother told hh:? that they would be moving back to New ^"ork. Because r.he didn8t like It down '.here at all, "be Negroes didn't have hardly any places to go toe The next day this family moved and went back to their own house and didn't over come bacV, Rosalyn W. u ~-* 7Bbm&srmi^ re "WTSTOITGG^ NBtiS BULIEflH: TIE CIVIL HIGH 'S B U, HMR2 REAVES How tho civil rights biH h us pussed at last« Xou had better exercise your rights and exercise than fast., or the Heg.oo will be in the same condition as he was in the pasto * * * * HOW WE LIVE M MISSISSIPPI by HATS FRANCIS HARRIS At the beginning of Ifereh our fa'her begins to break land0 He has to break the land sometimes with tractors and »lies* The men work hard all day long from seven os clock until twelve O'clock when ihey stop for dinnerj then back to the field at one ©"clock until s:bt O'clock^ and COKB home and eat and go to bedffl That's how it is until thoy get ready to plant cotton0 Then when the cotton is up and ready to chop* we chop it most of the time until summer school beginso The school opens in Ju2y# and we go to schoolo But now it is different from the past few years,, It las been hard for ell of us$ but this year the people from all over the United States have come to help «ss All we can say is we want freedom! everybody wants freedoms So* people* lift up your head s and let your light shinee Let s begin to act like human beings. To the workers who are hew to help us9 I can say that we all love you^, but God loves you best0 •it -* % * HOW HBfi ;OES EARN THEIR LBZHMG IK MISSISSIPPI by Shirley Jc Richard Most Negroes earn their IMing by fanning e Some have as many as 60 acres j, others have five3 ten, 30s ete„ You don't find any Negroes with- as many seres of cotton as tho whitest, The average person gets paid by the hour0 We work eight to nine hours each day and are paid daily after work is over* We get only* §3oOO per day. In Michigan Oitys I&ssissippi, Negroes are paid only <)2o5>0* and they chop cotton eight and one»half and nine hours each day» Tho work that^sredo is roughs The man whom we work £cc is responsible for having fresh GO Id wate^nandy in the field for the workers to drink*, The White owners fail to bring enoiigh viater for each person to drink0 The Whites also fail to take us to the store in time to eat dinner<> We are treated very badly by the Unites„ ife are called names; when they are handing things to us they throw it to us or drop it for fun0 When a Negro is walking down the street or roadside, whites pass hollering "nigger'1 or "black", When we are working in the fields, the whites- say9 "Go to work* nigger," For the wotsen or girls* white women hire then to house clean or babysit for a low price of C?2o00 and -^3«S0 a day» Vie get very little for such a lot of work* such ass ironing* washing clothess i/ashing windows* cooking three meals each day* cutting grassy scrubbing floors^ and other things. Many walk to and from work, They also t-jork eight to nine hours a day* When it's hardest J Negroes pick cotton by hand at $2«00 for a hundred pounds and some places ^3o00 per hundred. The white ma pays the Negro what he thinics he needs without showing bin the record of hew much each is supposed to get,, Many Negroes live on a white span's place where they share^crop* half and half, and rent. What we owe for cotton seeds are taken out of our half of the limey* When we are finished paying our debtss we have only SSOCOO and sometimes less0 Vimm.(Xmal7BSEDmTRfJs ,, , jaiyis, X96k .' ...... •PM*^. This is the average way of a Negro's life in Mississippi*, Of course all Reg- roes don't live on a «hite s§an's place. Some Negroes have their own place to II® live onfi Some Negroes work for other Negroes as for the Whites, Some Whites help Negroes by lending them small amounts of money, as $20 and $30 for a while. So this is the average Negro's way of 3J.vIag„ « * * # * SOCIAL LIFE by Chyleen Matthews To be social9 you sit down and relax and enjoy yourself with other people arid serve-istliss refreshtaents8 watch T,v., or listen to the radio, Sometimes yow, sit down and talk or go swimming and have pictures made* I think that most of the , girls would rather have a party or a picnic and go on a ride for the best social activities. But the boys like to hunt and go on hikes. When you go on a picnic or a party you should not eat too much because it will make you sick| but some people don't know when they get enough, * * * $ # THE NEGROES AND WHITES BY Archie B3 Richard We as Negroes should b© thankful for these nice people who have come over from Washington, New York, Chicago, and these different cities to help us, for m know as Negroes that u& have had our share of hard times* While we are work** 8 lag for Whites «* iroaings housecleaning, etc,, •> we can t even go into cafes, or go swimming. And no matter how hard we work for them, we sometimes are told to go to backdoors of Whites, Think of how poor the times oar forefathers had in slavery days® After so many years of hard work for the Negroes, the president, Abraham Lincoln, thought that the Negroes should have freedom like Whites in the year X863, No more slavery, but still just because our skins are dark, I ysrtdfer fe%r they got the idea we are. lower than they, 51 All men. are created equal,*1 That statement means a lot. The Bible says, "Let us love one another and live together, for we arc; all children of God,,'1 life should think'of what those statements mean. We have been treated badly so long by the Whites, it's time someone mad© a change about this situation. But as we know, no job can be done without the help of the Lord* We need hira at work or play —• everything w© do. And I really : ',.-. believe in my heart it8s the love- and will of God that what these civil rights paople are trying to do was his fixing. So many times wo have to go to windows of cafes while Whites go inside. We go to stores and are there first, but than Whites com® in and are waited on first Or we may be walking alone minding oar own business and whites come along and mad- 6M9 or maybe throw something or yell at you. And nothing can be done, for as soon as Negroes would do that to Whites, the law is ready to pat you in jail or something of that kind. We are getting tired,. But God seos what we have to go through, and that's why he has sent people around to change tt&a law so we, too, can have a fair chance. Bow that the civil rights bill lias been siipedg we children going' to school have a better chance of learning the differ ait subjects we wish to, if we put our minds to it. We can finish school, go to college* and make a new start in life: find good jobs, make maybe more than $3,00 a day. We hope and pray that every thing works out okay, that we all can work and pl-^y together—.Whites and. Hegroes» 3n the name of the Lord, W® pray to God to watch over the civil rights people in Mississippi, that nothing happens to them while they're trying to halp us„ BENTON COUNTS FREEDOM TRAIH . , *faly #«,,3a&- , .,,.., _..BSES^! THE NEGROES OF HB83SSXPJK * Berot^r are osOO P^M, Usually* these 1» get $3*00 go to the field at ? o'clock* stop at 11$J? for lunch and go back to the field at 1 o"clock and stop at 5 o*clock in the even* lug, We much prefer to stop at $ o'clock. on in the fall they may sake as much as $3*75 a hundred. 1 am -very glad that someone has cos® to help us, I hope it mxiH be any more f rmM@e It's a terrible thing to have your frienis missing. The only tiring I can think of is death* 2 an. sorry about that. * # # « # % * # THE MOUNT ZIOH CI® CHURCH '^ Willie Thomas SSatthews The Mount Zion CMS Church in Ashland* H-ssissippi had a Fathers9 Bay program i-tileh was a great success. The entile t&k&mom was dedicated to the fathers under the leadership of Bev, Luther JSLnor. The program included* amongst othes8 things^, a welcome address given by Millie Thomas l4.tth.ewss, * # * & # * * » THE THREE WHO ARE HSSHSl by Walter Shams Rooks How do the W hites feel about the three «ho are salssingf They do nob feel atfthisg* You Ifegroes feel sorry* bet the White is- not thinking about it* about the three ikho are missing, Xou know about It • You have all heard about it and you aH know about It, I think the laws are not working aa wall as tfesy should* Do you think so? I think so and so the Whites are not doing the bast they ea% but they are^doSjgg what they please, WeHa that's how X feel about the three who are ralsslsgo' * # # » & » # Wfff 1 LIKE TO GO TO SCHOOL by Gloria Jbsa Winston 2 like to go to school because I m. V&TJ interested in learning different tMrgs9 Education is very important. For example you liavd to have an education is, order to get a decent jsb§ 2 " cause xt teaches ae about the ouUcf~doors » about the earth that surroteids us* of the raiverse* and about the plants and anlmls« For ems$m9 Science teaches us the assay uses of plants and anSaals* We get some of our food from plants as well as clothing, x-solg and rubber. Soma plants are good for anSanla and they use these plaits for food t-hile other plants are harrafttl* 2 also learned that w© are da« pendent on aisisls just as we are dependent on plants. Srom aaisials wo get clothing food and other products, Animals are also useful for £arr«inga tssansportafci oa, and other work. Animals have even more uses. Soma animals are pots and friend*,, School as TOry enjoyable for xae mostly because of Science* * * # « * « BEMTON COflNTI FREEDOM TRAIH July l5» I?61* .-™ESfigJl FEELINGS ABOUT THS FBEiSDOM WORKERS by Alice Ann Ju. Questions were asked about how we Negroes feel about the freeiom workers com ing into i-assisslppi* SOJBS of the negroes are not pleased^ Most of the l-totes are not pleased* They do not want the Negroes to vote for their freedcm0 They do not want'the Hegroes to have goo THE TH2HQS I DO hj Anna lee Stinson I live in Holly Springs H.ssissippi6 I go to W.T« Sims High Schoolo The first thing I do when I got home from school is my homework. Sometimes I dcn*t feel like it* but sometimes It is fund Mien I get ray heraework done I begin to do the dishese SOBS times my sister helps* but I Hte to do it myself because she can get in the way8 %* father works at the Old Brick Kite in Holly SpringSo % mother stays at home and takes care of the baby* When school is out ue pick cotton, ife get $3„00 a hundred pounds for picking cotton0 And those are -the things we MOREQIQ TOGETHER ^ ismB aoote I mink that the freedom workers are doing a great job of teachingo 1 think that the Whites and Negroes ougit to pull together and work together with am another. Both Negroes and whites should trork together snd farm together,, It certainly would Hake a real nice worldo * ****** m IOT ™ R°^™E W W/ PllC8 Tb rsfc th X to ths movn s * -, t S ?f * ^G i got V? and Say w prayers, 'ft^n 1 go to the bathroom^ take a bath* brush my teeth* east* ay hair5 and dress* The next thing I do is eat riy breakfast, 2 then feed the chickens and mice by bed* After that I x^ait for me school bus to arrive. HULL Ove^co^E / \Ve £veedom news VOL. I NO. 2 July, 10, 1961+ Published by the members of the Holly Springs Freedom School Nov. 22, 1963 By Arelya J. Mitchell The day Has still and sad. And in my little town it was windy, dark, and wet. The day went on and on so slow. Oh, how I wished it would end! Then it came on th% radio, that the President had been shot. "Shot!," said I. "Shot!," said I, "Oh no, that can't be true!" But In the emergency room they tried their might to save him, but the hope was slowly dying away as the afternoon began to fade promptly away. Everyone just stopped and prayed. Their hearts skipped thump after thump as their throats began to lump (with tears). Then the radio began to speak, "He's dead. The President of the United States is dead." All was still. All was sad. A thunderbolt had hit our path. Eyes fell down. Tears fell down. No one made a joyful sound. A knot curled in my throat -- a knot that seems to have not been broken. That phrase had hit us as if in answer to our prayers. Why an answer so deep and sad? Why an answer that ha s not a care? All these questions and not any answers to me or no one else but Thee. The next day was different-- as different can be for the flag was lowered at half staff, yous see. All that had happened the other day seemed to have been but a dream. Some believing. Some unbelieving. Some just staring and. looking. This was the date the world cried. This was the date the world stood still. This is the date we'll never forget! page two FREEDOM TRAINING SCHOOL Freedom Training School Is designed for the young as well as old. Here we learn. Here we study history, we sing and do many more interesting things. Here we are trained to become better citizens of our town, state and country. Me talk about the condition of Holly Springs: the jobs for the Negroes and the living conditions. Freedom Training School is a great he lp to the Negro Society of Mississippi. If we join together we can make this School a success. So let's learn to be better citizens of our town. And help all better Americans. By Gussie Brettle HOPES AND FEARS The Negroes of Mississippi think their prayers are finally being answered. We have waited and prayed so long for the day when we con! d gel; a job in any factory that Is in need of employees, go to any restaurant we would like to eat at, or sit on any seat on the bus that vie ehose. Some of us are afraid to speak and do the things we think would help Mississippi, We are afraid because of our jobs, our children's lives, etc. We have heard, over radios and T.V. about some of the Negroes that tried to help Mississippi. For example , Medger Evers who was the Field Secretary of the NAACP and also a great leader. And the three freedom wo rke rs that are missing. The Negroes of Mississippi are praying that God has spared their lives and wxik that they will soon be found alive. By Ira Moore IMPORTANT: The Freedom News will be published as often as possible throughout the summer. Everyone is welcome to write fcr the paper on any subject whatsoever. If you want to write an article or if you have written something that you would like to have printed, speak to one of the COFO workers about it. r* fQQdpmA new-,8 70L.I nOJk July 17, 196k Published'by the members of the Holly Springs Freedom School NO TIiiE TO STUDY I was out canvassing one day trying to get my freedom registration forms filled. I had been working hard all day trying to 'get them filledj but I hadn't had any luck. I finally decided to go to the housing project and I came to the man's house named John ... .. At first I started talking to his wife, but I wasn't getting anywhere with her. She just came right out and said she wouldn't sign for me or anyone else, because she didn't have time. Then her husband walked into the room and 1 started talking to him but he said, right away he didn't have time to think about what I was saying because ho had more important things on his mind, I- asked him what was more important than what we were trying to do. I saidj "That's why Negroes aren't getting anywhere in the world to-- day, because they don't have time for something that will help them, but they can always find time for what Mr. Joe or Mrs. due say. sfny can't we seem to find time for something that will help our race?" After I said that, he just stared at me for a x-ohile, and then he said, "I just haven't the time." I just stood there wondering why he kept saying, "I don't have the time, •• because all he was doing was just sitting there doing nothing and yet he couldn't find time for something; he needed. I wrote his name and address down and as I walked away my mind kept wondering, "Why?.. .why?" J by oorothy Louise Lucas JJON'T CARE /Jhile out canvassing one day, I stopped in on ncs, Jones, I asked her to fill in a registration form so that she would be able to vote. "Woi:., honey," she said, "I don't think I would care to vote." I asked, "'Why wouldn't you care to vote?" She said, ggjhy'should I? My vote wouldu!t make any difference what soever. Just my one vote! How could it help?'1 I said, "Why of course it would help. It can -.make a lot of difference, 'lour one vote could make the person you vote for win by one vote, maybe even break a tie. If you did vote you could even pay you have some voice in the government." Then she -s^.id, ''Well, I will think about it and you come back tomorrow and I'll give you ray answer*-'1 by Bonnie Tidwddil • page^ I SaTISFI'E. d 1 too'1':: my registration form applications lor registration to vote and went out. I Met this lady coming down the street;. I said, '.Mood evening.•' N i She said, "Hollo." id -' - . 1 said, "How are you?" She said,. "Fine, and you?" - I said, "I'll do. I'm just tired.g Then I said, "I'm from the Holly .Springs Freedom School} and I would like to ask you- a few questions." Then she just looked at mo and said, "They have already been to me and I will toll you like I told them. I have a home, a family, and every thing I' could possibly want." And she just walked off. I wouldn't let things go at that so 1 caught up with her, and ex plained everything to her and asked her some more questions; But all she said was, ''Things stand as before-. I'm sorry, try some--, one. else." '-•'., < It realiy made me mad.. But then I thought a while rule tried to un derstand her. rrobably she was accustomed to letting other people think or talk for her. And if she did register to vote; she could, lose what she had.- That is-possible down South, you know. d , by- Edna Mary Echols - - THE" LOCAL NEWS This is a brief preview of the Freedom School, lie re in Holiy Springs., Mississippi. The classes that they are teaching here are in French, art, English, Eoligion, History, Biology, Lancing, end the names of some of the teachers are Fete, Sandra, Bettina, etc. My teacher that touches me danc ing practices with us the different things you can do with your waist, logs, fingers, arms, and body. In my art class we learn how to sketch the eye, mouth, head, and faco. Yesterday.we learned hoW to sketch Moses holding the Bible. The outside people arc wondering what it is like to be going to Freedom School. -Jell, this is my opinion: we are one big happy family and (I think that is the way we will be forever. This is to you pwcplc that are talking about being afraid to attend the Freedom School and afraid to register and vote; you are missing one of the most important parts of your life. This is to you parents, especially you that are talking about the.fact that you have child ren: you should talk this over and come to, a decision and stand up and bo- counted as citizens of today's world. Tuesday night, there 'was a mass meeting held at Chulahoma Church. The - mooting .started at 7:30 Fli. They had .about 130 Bfrmbcrs at this meeting. by Mavis J. Farrow /lid. ' Council of Federated Organizations \^-^JUY^ ^Ar^Ju, : 1§17 Lynch Street Jackson,- Mississippi Press Phone: 385-3276 FREEDOM SCHOOL DATA: , '. • a) Background on Freedom Schools: The Freedom Schools were proposed late in 1963 by Charles Cobb, a Howard University student until he joined the SNCC staff and ma gifted creative writer," .according to Freedom School Director Professor Staughton Lyndr That "help from outside Mississippi is needed if the Negro youngster were to have any chance of access to a larger world," was an obvious .fact, accor ding to Lynd, after preliminary studies of the Mississippi educational system. In Mississippi: The. Closed Society, James Silver noted that the per capita expenditure of' the Mississippi local school boards for the white child is almost four times the figure for the Negro child. More than the- statistics, the limited subject matter" available for study to Mississippi Negro students, the fear of dis- . missal that restrains ^their teachers from exploring controversial topics demonstrated that if Mississippi's Negroes were to take part' in an academic process it would have* to be in a context supplemental to the schooling available through the state. . *>) Freedom Schools in Operation: As of July 26, there were 41 func tioning Freedom Schools in twenty communities across the state with an enrollment of 2,135 students—twice the figure projected in plan ning for the summer. There are approximately 175 teaching full-time in the Freedom Schools, with recruitment of 59 to 100 more in process. The,-typical Freedom School has an enrollment of 25 to 100 and . a staff of five to six teachers, and is held in a church basement or sometimes the church itself, often using the outdoor area as well Typically, the morning will be taken up with a "core curriculum" built around Negro History and citizenship. The late morning or afternoon is taken up with special classes (such as French or typing— both very popular) or projects (such as drama or the school newspaper.) In the evening classes are held for adults or teenagers who work during the day. The idea of the school is centered on discussion of the group. One suggested guide distributed by C0F0 to Freedom School teachers noted, "In the matter of classroom procedure, questioning is the .vital tool. It is meaningless to flood the student with information he cannot understand; questioning is the path to enlightenment. It requires a great deal of skill and tact to pose the question that will stimulate but not offend, lead to unself-consciousness and the desire to express ghought....The value of the Freedom Schools will derive mainly from what the teachers are able to elicit from the students in terms of comprehension and expression of their experiences." At a time when the nation's educators have become concerned— and stymied—by bringing to children of the non-verbal "culturally deprived" community the ability to formulate questions and articulate perceptions, the daily pedagogical revolutions that are the basis of any success in a Freedom School classroom become overwhelming upon considering that the students are Mississippi Negroes—possibly the single most deprived group in the nation—and the teachers are the culturally alien products of the much-maligned liberal arts undergrad uate education. An indication of what is happening among the students and their young teachers in the Freedom Schools is given by a single • 2-2-2-2 Freedom Schools line of COFO advice given to the teachers: "The formal classroom approach is to be avoided; the teacher is encouraged to use all 'the resourdes of his imagination." According to Director Lynd, the Freedom Schools may be dealt with in the context of three general situations: a) rural areas; b) urban areas where the civil rights movement has been strong; c) urban areas where the mofement has been weak. "In the first and third situations," analyzes Lynd, "the Freedom Schools have been most successful, not just in numbers, butsin what is going on there." In the rural areas where there is little recreation or diver sion available to the Negro community, the Freedom School becomes the center of teen-age social activities, according to LyTnd. Lynd draws upon the Holmes County and Carthage Freedom Schools as exam ples of this rural success. When the Freedom School staff arrived in Carthage, the entire Negro community was assembled at the church to greet them; when,,two days later, the staff was evicted from its school, the community again appeared with pick-up trucks to help move the library to a new school site. As this is being written, the Carthage community, with the help of summer volunteers and a National Council of Churches minister, is building its own community center which will be stqffed by civil rights workers and local volun teers. An example of the second situation, the urban success, is the Hattiesburg Freedom School system, which Lynd refers to as the "Mecca of the Freedom School world." In Hattiesburg there are more than 600 students in five schools. Each teacher has been told to find a person from the community to be trained to take over his teaching job at the end of the summer. Much of the second session in Hattiesburg will be devoted to the training of local Freedom School teachers. "Here, as in Canton," states Lynd, "there can be no doubt that the success of the schools stemmed from the intensive civil rights campaign in the community during the months of 3ate winter and spring." In Gulfport and Greenville, urban environments with alternative attractions, the movement has not been strong enough in the past to counteract traditional time-passing activities. Lynd notes, however, that the generalization has exceptions. Holly Springs, an urban area in which the movement has not been strong in the past, has a highly successful Freedom School. It should also be noted that in Holly Springs, Carthage, and Shaw, the Freedom Schools are competing against the regular public schools which are currently in session as public schools close in early spring to allow students to chop cotton. In Mississippi's stronghold of organized terror, the Southwest, the McComb Freedom School has proven the political value of the schools as an instrument for building confidence in the Negro commu nity when canvassing is impractical. Lynd cites the instance of Miss Joyce Brown's poem concerning the Freedom School held at a bombed home which moved the community to provide a meeting place for the school. "Thus," notes Lynd, "the presence of a Freedom School helped to loosen the hard knot of fear and to organize the Negro community." There are 108 students at the McComb Freedom School. 3-3-3-3-3 Freedom Schools c) The Future of the Freedom Schools: The Freedom Schools will continue beyond the end of the Summer Project in,_ August. Freedom Schools in several areas-are already running jointly with the regular public schoolssession. The Freedom Schools offer subjects —such as foreign languages—not offered in the regular schools, and students are attracted to the informal questioning spirit of the Freedom Schools and academics based around their experiences as Mississippi Negroes. In situations like McComb, the Freedom School has proven its value to the overall COFO political program as an organizing instrument. Also, among the various COFO programs, the Freedom School project is the one which holds -out a particular hope of communication with the white community. In at least two situations, Vicksburg and Holly Springs, white children-have atten ded for short periods. Another factor in the decision to continue the Freedom Schools is the possibility turned probability that the' Mississippi legislature will offer private school legislation designed to sidestep''public school integration (already ordered for the fall of 1964 in Jackson, Biloxi, and Leake County). One is faced by situations such as that in Issaquena County where there are no Negro public schools, and children must be transported into other counties. The backwardness of Mississippi's educational system in the context of racial discrimination is demonstrated by the fact that in many areas the impact of the 1954 Supreme Court decision that separate cannot be equal was to have separate schools erected for the first time; the step previous to school segregation is conclu ding that Negro children should be educated. The rural hardcore area of Issaquena County is an example of a prolonged holdout. A Final but not secondary factor is the "widespread apprehension among Mississippi Negroes as to what will happen to them when the Summer Project volunteers leave." Staughton Lynd adds, "We want to be able - to tell them that tlae program will 'not end, that momentum cumulated during the summer months will not be permitted to slack off." The long-range Freedom School program will probably be carried on through evening classes in local community centers. "Already in many communities Freedom School and Community Center programs are combined and often in the same building," according to Lynd. One source of teachers for the continuing Freedom School program will be volunteers who decide to stay beyond the summer; if only one in five stayed, fifty teachers would remain in the state. Another source would be Southern Negro students coming in under the work-study program which provides them with a one-year scholarship to Tougaloo College after one year's full-time work for SNCC. Other teachers would come through the local communities, under programs of training such as that which has already begun in Hattiesburg. Teachers could also be provided from the fenks of full-time SNCC staff members; in areas such as McComb where the movement can't register American citizens as voters, civil rights workers can teach in Freedom Schools. There.is, no doubt but that, in Professor Lynd's words, "It is a political decision for any parent to let his child come to a Freedom School." h-h-h-h Freedo m Schools The Freedom School program can develop as an aid in enabling Mississippi Negro students to make the transition from a Mississippi Negro high school to higher education. Standardized tests will be administered ibo the most promising Freedom School students under the direction of the "College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB) in mid-August. Evaluation of these scores and other data by the National Scholarship Service Fund for Negro Students will lead some of the Freedom School students to a program involving a) a transitional educational e:~:erience during the summer after high school, b) a reduced, load during the freshman year at college, and c) financial aid. Others cdtn be helped by the alrc-.ar;y-existing work-stuoy program. d) Frfte Southern Theater: As the second Freedom School session (August 3-21) beginS-J a tour"oi~tHe~Freedom Schools throughout the state is scheduled for tfte Free Southern theater production of In White America. The Free Southern Theater was organized early this year by SNCC with the assistance of COFO and Tougaloo College as an attempt to "stimulate thought and a new awareness among Negroes in the deep South," and "willc work toward the establishment of permanent stock and repertory companies, with mobile touring units, in major population centers throughout the South, staging plays that reflect the struggles of the American Negro...before Negro and, in time, integrated audiences," according to a Free Southern Theater prospectus. An apprenticeship program is planned which will send a number of promising participants to New York for more intensive study. The company will include both professional and amateur participants. The development of the Free Southern Theater was sparked by the "cultural desert" resulting from the closed society's restriction of the patterns of reflective and creative thought. Each performance of In White America will be accompanied by theater workshops in the Freedom Schools designed to introduce students to the experience of theater through participation. As the classroom methods of the Freedom School are revolu tionary In the context of traditional American patterns of education, so the Free Southern theater brings a new concept of drama to these Mississippi students. Dr. Lynd comments that the aim of the Theater "is the creation of a fresh theatri cal style which will combine the highest standards of craftsmanship with a more . intimate audience rapport than modern theater usually achieves." Segregated schools, controlled text books, lack of discussion of controversial topics, the nature of the mass media in Mississippi demand the development of a cultural program, to be viewed, in the context of education, among an entire' people. Among the objectives listed for the Free Southern Theater by its originators are "to acquaint Southern peoples with a breadth of experience with the theater and related art forms ; to liberate and explore the creative talent and potential that is here as well as to promote the production of art; to bring in artists from outside the state as well as to provide the opportunity for local people with creative ability to have experience with the theater; to emphasize the universality of the problems of the Negro people; to strengthen communication between Southern Negroes; to assert that self knowledge and creativity are the foundations of human dignity." Among the sponsors of the Free Southern Theater are singer Harry Belafonte, authors James Baldwin and Langston Hughes, performers Ossie Davis, Euby Lee, and Iheodore Bikel, and Lincoln Kirstein, general director of the New York City Ballet. The proposal for the Free Southern Theater originated with SNCC workers Doris Derby, Gilbert Moses, and John O'Neal, and Tougaloo drama instructor William Hutchinson. 5-5-5-5 Freedom Schools e) Mississippi Summer Caravan of Music: Approximately 25 perfor ming artists, including Pete Seeger, the Chad Mitchell Trio, Theodore Bikel, and SNCC's Freedom Singerp, will have toured the Mississippi Summer Project Freedom Schools and Community Centers before the close of the summer. During the day they will teach in Freedom School workshops, and perform in community concerts in the evening. Communities throughout the state have already been visited by the Caravan. The Caravan is sponsored by the New York Council of Performing Artists (Gil Turner, Chairman), and is directed by Bob Cohen at the Mississippi Summer Project Headquarters. f) Excerpts from Freedom School Newspapers: The first ones to insist upon connecting the Freedom Schools to the opening of the closed society of segregated Mississippi are the young students of the Freedom Schools. The average author of a Freedom School newspaper article is.between 13 and 15 years of age. The cover of the first issue of the McComb Freedom School's "Freedom Journal" depicts a Negro in chains with a scroll below him reading, "Am I not a man and a brother?" One girl, in the same paper remarks, "...too long others have done our speaking for us...." Her mother is a domestic who fears for what will happen to the family due to her child's attendance at the Freedom School. One 15 year old student there remarked that the Freedom School "enables me to know that I can get along with the whites and they can get along with me without feeling inferior to each other." Two young students in the Holly Springs Freedom School describe their home town: "The working conditions are bad. The wages are very low. The amount paid for plowing a tractor all day is three dollars. . . .The white man buys most of the supplies used for the annual crops, but the Negro contributes all the labor. In the fall of the year when the crop is harvested and the cotton is sold to market, the white man gives the Negro what he thinks he needs, without showing the Negro a record of the income the white man has collected for the year. This process of farming has become a custom. This way of livelihood is not much different from slavery." A student describes her life in the "Benton County Freedom Train:" "We work eight to nine hours each day and are paid daily after work is over. We get only 3d.00 per day. . .and. . .chop cotton 872 hours to 9 hours each d ay. . . . The man whom we work for is responsible for having fresh c old water handy in the! field for the wor•ker s to drink. The whites also fai 1 to take us to the store in time to eat dinner. . . .When It's harv est Negroes plic k cotton by hand at ^2.00 for a hundred poana s and. socio places £;3.0 0 per hundred II In. the Mt. Zion Freedom School's "Fro edcm Press," a girl states she coi-1 es to th e .freedom School b ecause "1 want to become a part 01 ili-S u ory also Joyc e Brow 21, the 3-5 year old author c f "The House of Liberty" (attach ed) will be a senior next "oar at M ., f*i . .-, g f ^.. ;\T , , ... .- g,. org land High Sc hool. W lion she was 12 yea rs of age sn 0 wao cio : .vg vo-or registr a Dion canvassin g when Bob '.L'« i osss, uirecto r of the- i?£i soissippi Summer Project, first began voter activiti es in Mississ ippi for SNCC in 1961. Prospectus for the Summer "It can bo argued that in the history of the United States democracy has produced great leaders in great crises, pad as it may be, the opposite has been true in Mississippi.' As yet there is little evidence that the society of the « closed mind will ever possess the moral resources to reform Itself, or the capacity for self-examination, orfeven. th e tolerance of self-examination." from Mississippi; the Closed Society by James W. Silver It has become evident to the civil rights groups involved in the strug gle for freedom in Mississippi that political and social justice cannot be won without the massive aid of the country as a whole, backed by the power and authority of the federal government. Almost no hope exists that the political leaders of Mississippi will steer even a moderate course in the near future; in fact, the contrary seems true: as the winds of change grow stronger, the threatened political elite of Missis sippi become more intransigent and fanatical in their support of the status quo. The closed society of Mississippi is, as Professor Silver asserts, without the moral resources to reform itself. And Negro effort- to win the right to vote cannot succeed against the extensive legal weapons and police powers of local and state officials without a nation wide mobilization of support. Therefore, a program is being planned for this summer which will involve the massive participation of Americans dedicated to the elimination of racial oppression. Scores of students, teachers, professors, ministers, technicians, artists, and legal advisors are now being recruited from all over the country to work In Mississippi this summer. Within the state Intensive preparations have been underway since mid-January to develop structured programs which will put to creative use the talents and energies of the hundreds of expected summer volunteers. These programs can be divided generally into four main areas: freedom schools community centers, voter registration and special projects. Freedom Schools. plans are being made to set up as many Freedom Schools as can "be realistically made to work. The number will ultimately vary according to the amount of housing that can be found in an area, the presence of facilities, and the recruitment of qualified staff personnel Recent projections call for roughly ten day Freedom Schools and two or three a way-from-home schools. The clay Freedom Schools will for the most part draw 10th, 11th and 12th grade students from the locale. Each school will have a high student-teacher ratio, perhaps one teacher for every four students, so that Instruction can be as Individual as possible. It can be estimated that day Freedom Schools will have approximately fifty students and fifteen teachers each. Curriculum for these schools will cover a wide area: remedial work in reading, math, and basic grammar; seminars in political science and the humanities, journalism and creative writing; recreational programs such as dramatics, music appreciation, arts and crafts, organized athletics, movies; and voter registration field work. In addition, students will be encouraged to develop a school newspaper and organize a student government. When ever possible, studies will be related to the society in which the students live. Away-from-home Freedom Schools will draw particular stu dents from around the State. At present, two such schools are planned: one for high school drop-outs with a curriculum especially designed to prepare them for the State's high school equivalency test, a second for advanced high school students, possibly college students also, where political science and economics would be emphasized. The Freedom Schools stand as an integral part of COFO's voter registra tion activities. They will provide politically emerging communities with new young leadership, and constitute a real attack on the present ly stifling system of education existing in the state. By the end of the summer, the basis wljl have been laid for a cadre of student leadership around the state of Mississippi committed to critical thinking and social action. Community Centers: The Community Centers program projects a network of cosmunity centers across the state. Conceived as a long-range Institution, these centers will provide a structure for a sweeping range of recreational and educational programs. In so doing, they will not only serve the basic needs of Negro communities now Ignored .,- by the state's racist political structure, but will "form a dynamic focus for the development of community organization. The educational features of the centers will include job training programs for the unskilled and unemployed, literacy and remedial programs for adults as well as young people, public health programs such as prenatal and infant cate, basic nutrition, etc. to alleviate some of the serious health problems of Negro Mississippians. (For instance, Negro infant mortality rates in some counties are so high as to invite comparison with "underdeveloped nations.) Centers will also provide programs such as workshops in adult education which would deal with family relations, federal service programs, home improvement and other information vital to the needs of Negro communities, and also extracurricular programs for grade school and high school students which would not only supplement educational deficiencies but would provide opportunity for critical though and creative expression. . o Each center would have a well-rounded library---to which Negroes in many communities now have no access. Though the community center program is primarily educational, some of each center's resources would be used to provide much-needed recrea* o tional facilities for the Negro community. In most communities in Mississippi the only recreation outside of taverns Isthe movies,,and for Negroes this means segregated movies. If there is a movie theatre in the Negro community, it is old, run down, and shows mostly out-of- date, third-rate Hollywood films. The film program of the centers will not only provide a more agreeable atmosphere for movies, it will bring films of serious content which are almost never shown InM^ssissippi, where Ideas are rigidly controlled. Other recreational offerings will be music appreciation classes, arts and crafts workshops, drama groups, discussion clubs on current events, literature and Negro achievement, etc., pen pal clubs, organized sports,(where equipment allows-), and occasional special performances by outside entertainers, such as folk festivals, jazz concerts, etc. Organized story-telling for young children will be entertaining, and will introduce them to the resources of the center's library andto reading for pleasure in general. Voter Registration: Voter registration workers will be involved in a summ'er"" 1 ong drive" to mobilize the Negro communities of Mississippi and to assist in developing local leadership and organization. They will - 3 - be involved in an effort to encourage as many Negroes as possible to attempt to register on the county books and will assist in a cam paign, launched In February, to register over 400,000 Negroes on Freedom registration books. The Freedom registration campaign will involve establishing local registrars in every precinct in Mississip pi with registration books resembling as much as possible the official books of the state. The Freedom registration books will serve as the basis for challenging the official books of the state and the validity of "oflflicial" elections this fall. Finally, voter registration workers will assist in the summer campaigns of Freedom candidates who will be funning for congress. The voter registration workers will be deployed around the state in a number of ways: 1) every rural county will have a four man team. Wherever possible, attempts will be mode to find housing in the coun ty, but if housing cannot be found, the four man team could work the county while based in a nearby urban area; 2) there will be large numbers of students working in each fair-sized city; 3) saturation areas: there will be two, or possibly three, cities where a massive number of students, roughly 100 will be concentrated. Three possible areas would be Jackson, Meridian, and Greenville; h) mobile units of four men and a car would fill gaps in the state political program and would move into crisis areas if the need develops. Special Projects; a. Research" Project: A number of summer workers will devote them selves entirely to research on the economic and political life of Mississippi. Some of this work will be done from out of the state, but much will need resources which can only be found in Mississippi. In addition, a number of people will be asked to live in white communi ties to survey attitudes and record reactions to summer happenings. b. Legal Project: A team of lawyers and at least 100 law students are expectad to come to Mississippi to launch a massive legal offen sive against the official tyranny of the state of Mississippi, law "' students will be dispersed to projects around the state to serve as legal advisors to voter registration workers and to local people', Others will be concentrated in' key areas where they will engage in legal research and begin to prepare suits against the state and local Officials and to challenge every lav-/ that deprives Negroes of their freedom. c. White Communities; Until now there has been no systematic attempt by people intones ted in the elimination of hate and bigotry to work within the white communities of the deep South, It is the intention of the Mississippi Suomer Project to do jus b that, in the past year, a significant number of Southern white students have been drqwn to the Movement* Using students from upper Southern states like Tennessee, and occasionally native Mississippians, SNCC hopes to de velop programs within Mississippi's white community, These programs will deal directly with the problems of the white people. While al most all Negroni In Mississippi are denied the right to vote, sta tistics clearly indicate that a majority of whites are excluded as well. On addition, poverty and illiteracy can be found in abundance among Mississippi whites., There Is in fact a clear area for-Southern white students to work in, for in many ways Mississippi has imprisoned her white people along with her blacks. This project will be pilot and experimental and the results are unpredictable. But the effort to organize and educate whites In the direction of democracy and decency can no longer be delayed. d. The Theater Project: Sponsored by the Tougaloo Drama Depart ment, This s\immer will also mark the beginning of a repertory theater In Jackson, Mississippi. The actors will be Negro Mississippians;, the plays will dramatize the experience of the Negro in Mississippi and in America; the stage will be the churches, community centers and fields of rural Mississippi, •*• -.,.-— • -w-.-•»»-*—««• Using the theater as an instrument of education as well as a source of entertainment, a new area of protest will be opened. ' rt. c\< profiles of Typical COFO Freedom Schools 1017 Lynch St. Jackson. Miss. I..Hattiesburg Hattiesburg, Mississippi is a town of around 30,000--which makes it one of the five or six largest cities in Mississippi. It is near the gulf coast cities which atfe the "moderate" part of the state, but Hattiesburg itself is a deep-dyed conservative town. It is Gov ernor Paul B. (Stand Tall with Paul) Johnson's home town. It is the site of Mississippi Southern University, whose law school faculty Mas engineerrd the so-far successful defiance of Ross Barnett in the «. James Meredith case (also acts as consultants for the State of Miss. in other civil rights cases). Mississippi Southern also is the school Where Clyde Kennard, a Negro, applied in the late 1950's. He was subsequently sent to Parchman penitentiary on a flimsy burglary con spiracy charge, contracted cancer in prison and died. Mississippi Southern has since rejected the application of another Negro, John Frazier, five times. Hattiesburg is the seat of Forrest County. Despite its large (by Mississippi standards) university and a fairy I'firm economic base in commerce XM and manufacturing, Hattiesburg "fools" J ike a small, agrarian-oriented community. Hattiesburg has had a long, tough history of civil rights activity, primarily centered around the denial of the right to vote. The Cir cuit Clerk of the County (registrar of voters), one Theron Lynd, has made himself the test case for all recalcitrant Mississippi registrars. As early as 1961, the Department of Justice instituted proceedings against him, charging discrimination against Negroes. After much litigation, the federal government won its case and Lynd was ordered to register kj persons whose applications a U.S. District Judge had processed and found acceptable. Lynd consistently refused to obey these court orders, was convicted of civil contempt and STILL would not register the persons in question. The Department of Justice then instituted criminal contempt proceedings against him which are still pending. At this point, however, the civil rights groups moved in dependently. On January 22, designated Freedom Day in Hattiesburg, COFO people from all over the state, national civil rights leaders, but mostly the people of Hattiesburg, started a picket line around the Forrest County courthouse which, with some interruptions, is still going on. This picket line represented a breakthrough for civil rights demonstrations in Mississippi, because it was the first to last more than 10 minutes — the police did not arrest'^everybody. Later, after the State legislature passed a special statute outlawing pic keting of public buildings, the picketers were arrested, but that passed, too, and the picketing has resumed. The COFO project in Hattiesburg is one of the largest and most ac tive in the state, with a high proportion of adult participation and leadership. The town is organized, with 100 block captains, 15 cife izenship tfeachers, and uncountable canvassers, picketers and ministers from outside the state. Two candidates for national office (one fv Congress and one for Senate) have come out of the movement in Hat tiesburg. The atmosphere is enthusiastic and the people work very hard. Because the project is so active, there is a lot of demand for the Freedom Schools, and the Hattifcsburg people have, therefore planned Freedom School Profiles, page 2 a series of Freedom Schools. The fadilities are presently planned for Sunday School rooms in churches around town and in surrounding counties. Project leaders in Hattiesburg are especially interested in supplementary classes for local adults and staff members in basic literacy and current issues. The project has found housing for 110 summer workers (all of which will not work in the city of hattiesburg, however). The project has also laid hands on a movie projector and a tape recorder for the summer project. Since the community is able to support the program better than in other areas of the state, the needs are not proportionately as great, even though it is a large Freedom School project. The main needs are for equipment and trans portation to-voutlying schools and schools in other counties. The to tal budget is for $2,000 to pay for food, transportation, equipment and inescapable expensed such as phone bills, II. Meridian " Meridian is a city of 50,000, the second largest in the state. It is the seat of Lauderdale county. It is in the eastern part of the state, near the Alabama border, and has a history of moderation on the racial issue. At the present time, the only Republican in the State Legislature is from Meridian. Registration is as easy as any where in the state, and there is an informal (and inactive) "biracaal committee", which, if it qualifies, is the only one in the state. Voter registration work in Meridian began in the summer of 19'63 (for COFO staff people, that is), and by autumn, when Aaron Henry, ran in the -Freedom Vote for Governor campaign, there was a permanent. staff of two people in the city. In January, 1.96^, Mike and Rita Schwerner, a married couple from New York City, started a community center. In Meridian's mild political climate, the community center there has functioned more smoothly than either of the two community centers which COFO has organized in tougher areas. The center has recreation programs for children and teenagers, a sewing class and citizenship classes. It also has a library of slightly over 10,000 volumes, arid ambitious plans for expansion if more staff were available. The COFO staff in Meridian uses Meridian as.a base for working six other ad*, joining counties. The Freedom School planned for Meridian will have a fairly large fa cility, in contrast to most places in the state. The Baptist Semin ary is a large, 3-story building with classroom capacity for 100 stu dents and sleeping accommodations for staff up to about 20. Besides this, there is a ballpark available for recreation. The school has running water, blackboards and a telephone. '•'•'he center has a movie projector and screen which it probably would lend. The library lerids books to anyone for two-week periods. The question of rent has not been decided for the school. Even if there is no rent, however, we can count on a budget of around £L3Q0, for food for students, utili ties, telephone and supplies. III. Holly Springs H 1:L ? ? Springs is a small town, the seat of Marshall County. The ffeth- odist Negro College, Rust College, is located in the town. It's a very attractive campus, and the students and faculty have been very active recently (since it's a church-operated school, one can exnect Freedom School Profiles, page 3 somewhat more cooperation of Rust than the state schools). Solly • ^jringsis currently acting as the clearinghouse for all our library bboks and Freedom School materials. There has been no permanently- oased COFO project with a full-time staff worker in Holly Springs; all the action has been the work of the local people. The roots in ' this community are somewhat recent, reflecting the fact thai in the Northern, hilly part of the state, intensive civil rights work is gust beginning. In Holly Springs there are tv.ro houses available for a total of 75 stu dents (and housing for 15 teachers). The rent will be $400, a major expense. The houses will go if we can't raise the rent.money. Besides rent, the normal expenses and food will make the project cost about $1,000. IV. Ruleville is a small Delta cotton town in Senator Eastland's home county (Sunflower County). The sheriff in Ruleville is the brother of the man believed to have killed little Emmett Till in 195^—a man with a great reputation in his own right for brutality toward' Negroes.. By any standard, Ruleville is a tough Delta town. It's main attraction for usis that it is the home of Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party's candidate for Congress in the Second Congressional District. Mrs. Hamer's own history is ty pical of much of the harrassment of Negroes in the Miss. Delta: When Mrs. Hamer tried to register to vote in 1962, she was fired from her job. She and her family were run*off the plantation where they had worked for years. She persisted, and became oneof the great leaders of the Mississippi movement, but in themeantime she was arrested, beaten, her home shot into, her husband fired. Voter registration activity began in Ruleville in 1962. rj-"he project is well-established in the community, even though the town is so snail Because it is an area of desperate poverty, even for the Delta, COFO has sponsored,a food and clothing project in Ruleville for several months, with Mrs. Hamer and other local ladies in charge of the dis- For a Freedom School project in Ruleville, the local people have found a house which can serve 40 students, and have housing for 8 teachers. For the rent, and a few necessary supplies, we estimate that this Freedom School needs $200. Lunches for students would probably be another $500, but this as a service which is needed in the area. RESOURCES FOR DISCUSSION OF THE POOB TN AMERICA, CONT. UNIONS, BOSSES, AMD NFGROES, CONT., The Civil Rights Act of 196b Title VTI of the Civil Rights Act makes some of the discriminatory- practices we just talked about illegal. The Act says that: 1) No employer may fire you or refuse to hire you or discmiminate against you in your wages and conditions of employment, or seg- gregate or classify you in any way that might deprive you of job opporunities or of your rights as an employee, because of your race, color, religion, eex or national origin. 2) No employment agency may refuse to refer you for employment, or classify you, or discriminate against you in any other way, because of your race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. 3) No labor union may exclude you from membership, or discriminate against you, or segregate or classify $rbs membership or refuse to fefer you for employment or limit your employment opportunities in any way, or try to get an employer to discriminate against you, because of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. These rules, if they are enforced, should do a great deal to end blatant discrimination. (They might be less effective in ending the more informal, difficult to prove types of discrimination — like un written agreements by employers to hire only whites, or few Negroes; or the use of personal Influence to get jobs for whites). To enforce the Act, a federal commission of f> members is to be set up. This commission may cooperate with state, local, or other private or public agencies to make sure than Negroes get equal job opportunities. If there is already a state Fair Employment Practices Commission in operation, the federal commission may agree not to in.,ofere with the work that this Commission is doing unless it feels it La necessary, in order to ensBftrce the Civil Rights Act. The commission also has powers to make studies and recommendations, to mediate disputes, to conduct hearings, and to examine witnesses. This part of the Civil Rights Act goes into effect thin July. It applied, during the first year, to employers or unions that have at least 100 members; in the second year, to f-ose which have 75 or more; in the third year to those with $0 or more, and in the fourth year, to those with 25 or more. h.et. MISC2LTAN JUS DIRECT ACTION 1, ",ie resolve that there should bo a state wide school demonstration, on urging teachers to vote, better shoools, and interpreted schools in support of Rulev ille(, 2. We resolve that weshould support nonviolence, picketing, and de~ monstratIons, CIVIL LIBERTIES 1. \Ie resolve that citizens of Miss, are entitled to have out-of-state lawyers, 2. lie resolve that section two of thefourteonth auendment should be enforced. Specifically in Miss" ocipni and other southern states, until the voting psctices are cbangeda 3. T./e resolve that citizens should have the privilege to exercise their rights guaranteed in the Constitution, sych as; a. the right to assemble b. the right to petition c. freedom &kE of the press d. and freedom of speech in such ways as picketing, passing out leaflets, and demonstrations. We oppose all laws that deprive citizens of the above rights. 4. we resolve that the Louse Un/mericen Activities Comm ''HUAC" be abolished because it deprives citizens of their constitutional rights: 5. tfe resolve that the Freedom . ovement should accept people regardless of religion, race, political view3 or national origin. LAW ENFORCEMENT 1* That qualified Negroes be appointed in lStepfe MiBrtoeba afolfehfeopafeibeet fin.yone bMaaragnfih^hiawtrfegaEddnfehefririice^i.creed , or color. 2. That all police possess warrants when they demand to enter homes andsearch premises, a. in the absence of a search warrant, that the police give a rr reasonable interpretation of what they are looking for. In my se, with or without a warrant, no damage should be done to property; and if damage is done, it should be paid for. 3» That a national committee be sot up to check police procedure; and to insure the safety of people in jailI SH their food, sleeping, health facilities, protection from mobs; and see that no biolence is done tothem, 4. All cases against law enforcement agencies or involving civil rights to be tried In federal courts. 5. That law enforcement should provide against such hate groups as the KKKo Police and public officials should not belong to any group that practices violence, CITY I-IAINT NANCE 1. More paved streets and wider streets, complete with drainage systems to be financedby the city. 2. That Bidelwaks be placed along all paved streets. 3. That a better system of garbage disposal be devised especially more frequent garbage pickups., 4. That the street be adequately lughted. h ,d, THE POOR IN AMERICA CONCEPT ,. QUESTIONS FOR -DISCUSSION TN FREEDOM SCHOOLS (Contrasting economic 1', Who are the poor people In America? situation of Negroes and whites. Are we Do we have enough money, enough food to eat, and poor?) enough clothing to keep warm, and enough beds in our house so that everyone In our family can have g'o1-;, ' a place to sleep?' DP .we: have electricity, and - - * • running water, and refrigerators, and toilets? - Do we have other things, like T.V. sets, foodgr, , freezers, clothes washfers and dryers, air- condi tioners, and carsK;Do we,need..sbme''or.all of these i : ! Y. g>-nothings? Are "we pbor? ,o'--'"4 " ii -.'" • '". I'". v;----'.- ..-•/' 2. Who is not poor in America? Are most white people you know""^bout poor?oAre some white peopletpoor? - o What kinds of houses=do whits-•peonle'yc.u knew about..live in? Do they have electricity, and running, water, and toilets, and many of the- pther things we mentioned before'?-: Are-most of them poor? or g-/.--o~- (Why-"people are po'or) ' -13?- Why: are people poor? ' ' «* Sonieg people say it's because we are lazy, or stupid, and don't really want to workj,is thhff: • - -O.tt-ue? :;• -;.g,- \-iir'; . o -...Og.g,,o K\.-: 0.•:••:•-,„-.. r. ' ;* -lis it becausewe are Negro?.. ,g g -::g ... .-;.; ,, -.- g: ; o -v.Because we live -in..the South? ,• :-,ggv,;, •--= - _-..;r.-.- •>'<- -Because we have little education and few-skills? •';'•>- -,'BecauSe there are not enough jobs?vWhy not?-Are g Our jobs being-taken away by machines? '- -•<; •-.,••, •?,% •- Because "we a re old? -.:..'• •: 'go. ;g • ..^.g-.:g. g'»r ...... - Bp'cause we, are sick? ':.-...,, •-,'"- -gg. ..- Because nobody, including the federal, government. P cares enough about-poor people^ to- dog anything- : ••'- about poverty?-- - •--/;>'•- :;•'''," •:-,.'g-;g.: '-~jgt-- • -For all of these,, and. some other, reasons? g-.ig, .o- (Who decid-oS- who shall, *h» Who decideK what kinds of jobs,Negroes, can get? be poor and who - shall not: the owners of the .. - The white man-who owns the plantation? ,-••• g g'-•' plantation?, farms, and- - ..The white man,who owns the.iarm?- ,-.. ., • /. -.• ,g- .'g. factoriesj also discrim - The white men who own and mx& the factories? - g inatory labor unions. ) - Wno are the owners,-of most of .-the planta tions and farms where we:live? Why are'' most, of them white and few of themgNegro? ' How much money do these owners make? Why ;• do they make so much more than-, we do: is it because they work harder than we do? What kinds of houses do they live In? THE POOR IN AMERICA, CONT,, - 2 - CONCEPT QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION IN FREEDOM SCHOOLS - What are the biggest plants and factories in your town? Your state? Who runs them? How do plants make money (legal and illegal ways)? How much money do the men who run the plants make? How much do the people who run the machines and do the other labor inside the plants make? - Do you know any Negroes who work in the plants? What kinds of jobs do they do? What kinds of jobs do the white people who work in the plants do? How much do Negroes who work in the plant earn? - Whites? Is there a union in the plant? Does the union help Negroes as much as it helps the whites> or does the Union'' a lso discriminate against Negroes? (Does the union make sure that Negroes who do the same work as whites get paid as much as whites? Does it make sure that Negroes get promoted to better, higher-paying jobs as often a s whites? Does it make sure that the plant hires Negroes? Does the union protect the jobs of Negroes who try to register to vote, or who, in other ways, support the civil rights movement?) (How we can change things U* How can we change things so that Negroes so that Negroes and other and other poor people can get good jobs? poor people will have jobsj and better, higher-; paying - What is a "good" job? How do we feel jobs.) about the work we do? Does your mother "g like her job? Tour father? What is work? - Should we organize ourselves into unions so we will be strong against the men who hire and fire — the bosses? - "if we do organize into unions, should they be independent, or should they be part of larger, already-existing unions? What are the advantages and disadvantages of this? - Should we try to gain power through the vote; - What other kinds of things can we do? RESOURCE MATERIALS FOR USE- IN DISCUSSION ON THE POOR IN AMERICA Most Americans are not poor. In fact, most of them are r^ch compared to other people around the world, and to most of us. The average family of four in America makes about 17,000 to ,18,000 each year. Most Americans live in homes they own themselves (although many of them own them on long-terra mortgages)? these homes have electricity, running water, and bathrooms. Many of them (in fact, one-sixth of them) have clothes dryers, food freezers, and air conditioners.) Most Americans take good care of themselves, too; they visit their doctor 5 times a year, and their dentist 3, But among all of these fairly rich people live liO to SO MILLION poor people, A fammly that eanrs less than $3,000 a year is poor, because $3,000 is not enough to buy all of the food, clothing, schoolbooks, and other things people need, not? to pay the rent, the doctor bills, the phone bills, and o:her bills that a fammly has to pay, '.'Thy are poor people poor? Some people, usually the rich ones, say that "poor people are just too lazy to work hard; they don't really want to work, and besides that, many of them are really too stupid to get a job. Therefore, the poor don't deserve anything better. They should be poorS" But we know that many of us, and many of oiir mothers and fathers, work very hard. Our fathers bend over all day long in the hot sun picking and chopping cotton. Our mothers scrub floors, and toilets, and wash clothes, and cook meals for white women all day long. And sometimes we work too, for long hours, in the fields. Yet still we are poor. So we can't be poor because we are lazy and don't want to work} we work very hard, but we are poor. Why? We are poor because we are Negroes and because we live in the Sout|i. There are not many jobs in the South, and many of them -- especially the ones Negroes can get — don't pay very much. There Is a law, passed by the U.S. C ongress, that says ev eryone who works in some kinds of jobs must get paid at least $1,2$ per hour. But most of the |obs we do are not covered by this lawj all people who work on plantations or farms, and all maids are not covered by this law. They can be paid whatever the boss can gut away with paying them. So many of us get paid only t2.50 or $3,00 for irorking a whole day in the cotton fields; many of us get paid only $10 each week for working as maids for white women. To see what kinds of jobs people who are not white {9%t of all people who are not white are Negro; others are Puerto Rican, Indian, and others), look at the Table below: JOB PERCENTAGE OF NON^WHTTES HOLDING THESE JOBS Professional, technical a.7 Managers, officials, other bosses 2.1 Offices workers, clerks 3.7 Skilled craftsmen, foremen Iu7 Machine operates 10.8 Service workers (like gas station men); 20.2 (Not including maids) Laborers (not including farm and mine workers) 25.7 Household workers, like maids 5U.3 Farmers and farm workers (sharecroppers, migrants,etc.) 1U.U You can easily see from this Table that Negroes and other non-whites have vex few good, well-paying jobs, and most of the hard, bad-pa|ring, dirty ones. RESOURCES FOR DISCUSSION OF THE POOR IN AMERICA, CONT., I'iow what about how much money non-white people make? -The Table below shows -Miat a big difference there is between what most-non-white people make, as compared wit h what most white people make. Whites $5}>ll2lt Nonwhites 3,053 Nonwhioes, then, earn only a little more than f of what white people raake, or $6%, What does automation, or the replacing of working men by machines, hav 1 do with this'? Our country has always believed in the idea that if a man worked — if he helped to produce the good people In our country need and want fto buy — then he could earn enough money to buy these goods for himself and his family as well. But now the machines are doing the work of producing the goods, and the men have no jobs. This means they earn no money to buy the goods with. So many of the goods — like rice and cotton — are not bought. Instead, they are stored, by the U.S. Government, in huge storage bins, warehouses, and other places. The Government spends fl billion each year soring these things* Meanwhile, about kO to £0 million people live in poverty. How many people loose their jobs because of the machines? No one knows exca'og, how many, but some people guess that it is around ltO,000 every week* We do know that the unemployment rate (the number of people out of work) is %*$% of the total labor force. This is twice as high as any other major industrial country. Teenagers have an even higher unemployment rate; it isr 15% t and for high-school drop-outs 30$. For teenagers who live in the ghettoes of northern cities, it is often as high as $0%, Machines are not taking everyone's jobs away. They are taking away mostly the jobs we call blue-collar — the jobs where people work with their hands as farmers, miners, factory hands, and the like. The number of blue-collar jobs open to people is dropping ev ery year. But the number of jobs open to white-collar workers, like doctors, teachers, lawyers, technicians, and the like. Is increasiing every year. Service jobs, too, are increasing. The Table below shows that this is so. Perceo s of total P v- ploymen l?ii7 1956 1963 1975 H Blue-collar White-collar Service Soulier U.S. Dept. of abor RESOURCES FOR DISCUSSION OP THE POOR IN AMERICA Most of the people who write about, or talk about the problem of a utomation think that the responsibility for doing something about poverty lies with the federal government. This is because they think that only the federal government has enough money and enough power to really solve the problems of poverty and unemployment. The federal government has done some things already. Let's look at what these are. There are three main programs the federal government has developed recently to deal with the problem of unemployment and automation. These are: 1 • The Area Redevelopment Act, passed in 1961 2) The Manpower Development and Training Act, passed in 1962 (MDTA) 3) The Economic Opportunity set of 1961j —Johnson's War on Poverty. The Area Redevelopment Act This act provides federal help (in the form of loans, grants, advice _, and training programs) to areas which are economically under developed. An area is con sidered a "redevelppment area" if it has continued and widespread unemployment. In 0rder to be eligible for federal assistnace, a local committee in such an area, which must be repre sentative of the community, ggts together and outlines a plan for economic development of that area. Over 75 counties and other areas in Mississippi were listed by the U.S. Department of Labor in 1963 as eligible for ARA programs — many of them because of the low incomes of Negro families. Despite this fact, there were no ARA training programs in Mississiippi in 1961. In all, only about T50 Negroes in the entire South were trained under the ARA, even though Negroes make up a very high percentage of the unemployed in the South. Part of the problem with the ARA in the South is that its programs must be approved b y the state c oncerned b efore loans can be mrvSQo This makes it difficult if not impossible for Negro communities to bon-.fit from ARA programs; and, as a result, the ARA has had no real importance in the South for Negroes. The major thing wrong with the ARA program is that it is too small. In its first three yeasts, the program trained only 35,000 workers and helped create between 110,000 and 115,999 jobs (according to the U.S. Department of Labor.) There are approximately h million unemployed people in the United States, and perhaps another k million who would seek work if they thought there was any chance of finding it. So you can see that this small government program was not nearly big enough to solve the problem of unemployment. as In June of 1963 the Senate agreed to set ide new fun^g to that the ARA program could oncintue. But the House refused to agfee to this, so the program has been discontinued. It will get no more additional money. RESOURCES FOR DISCUSSION OF THE POOR IN AMERICA, CONT., The Manpower Development and Training Act (MDTA) This program, paid for jointly by the states and the federal govern ment, and run by the states^ was set up to train workers for jobs which had been found through research, labor market surveys, and other means. In other words, it was not set up to create new jobs, but rather to match unemployed workers with jobs that were already available. To be in this program, a person had to be: one of the following: - unemployed, and a member of a family whose income was less than $1200 a year - working at a job below their skill level - working much less than full time ^ working In a job that would soon be taken over by a machine - between the ages of 16 and 22 and In need of training and more education The main things wrong with this program, like the ARA, is that it is too small. In 1963, the MDTA had 1,622 projects, with 59,595 men being trained. In the four stated of the Deep South (Ala., Ga., La., and Miss.) there were 51 projects, with 2,099 men being trained. The breakdown by states was: Projects Trainees Alabama 30 1,569 Mississippi 5 125 Lousiana —- Georgia 16 ij.05 Total 51 2,099 The Economic Opportunity Act of 1961). —- Johnson's "War" on Poverty, There-are five key programs set up by this Act: 1) The Job Corps will offer work, training and new surroundings for lj.0,000 boys and girls in 1965 and 100,000 by 1966 , with most of them coming from the slums, and being high-school drop-Shuts. The young people will be paid $50 a month. One staff person will work with every 5 young peDple in the program. Training will take place In national parte, forest facil ities, veterans hospitals and other areas far away from the slums. 2) Y°v bh Work-Training program for about 200,000 young people. This will try to keep potential school drop-outs in school. The students will earn enough money in various jobs in federal, state, and private agencies, to allow them to stay in school — or to return to school if they have already dropped out and wish to return. 3) Wen k-study programs will give lh0,000 college students part-time jobs and"vacation work in labs, libraries, and so fotth, with costs chared b* the U.S. Government and the University. This is to help students get enough mon ey to stay in school. RESOURCES FOR DISCUSSION OF POOR IN AMERICA, CONT., $) Community Actloh Program will give funds to comimmities to help them fight poverty in their community. Plans will be made by the people in the community. These will probably be things like community centers, playgrounds, adult-education facilities, and health clinics. 5<) Adult Work-Training programs will try to retrain and find jobs for people on relief. There is a literacy program for adults in- c luded. Again, the problem with this program is that it is too small. A mere I78y million has been set aside for it. To see how small this amount is, we can compare it with the other u2 agencies and programs of the federal government which deal in some way or another with poverty; their total budget was $15 BIDLION in 1961* „ So Johnson's "War" is not realxy a "War" at all. It is more like a minor skirmish. There are two other things wrong with this program. First, everybody who is to receive anything through the program must first sign a loyalty oathc Secondly, every program proposed by the people of a community is subject to a veto b the Governor of the state. (Information from the Research Dept. of.the United Packinghouse, Food and Allied Workers, and from the Act.) RESGliiCES FOR LiyCKSSIOH ol %M FOOR IN AMERICA, CONT,, ^UNIONS j„ WSSES^ ^J^I^£Fp\ One way that working people have been able to get higher wages, shorter working hours, and belter working conditions is by foi-ming a uni jn, A union is simply a group of people who join together and tell oheir 'boss' that they will not work for less than a certain amouno of money, for more than a certain number ©f hours, and only under certain conditions. If the boss refuses to agree to their demands, and to sign a written contract, then the workers strike; that is, they refuse to work until the boss agrees to their demands. Some people soy that we should organize ourselves into unions and etrjij against our * bosses' — the plantation, farm, and factory owners. Can v 3 do this? What are some of the problems we would face? What are the risks we "wsimld take? What could we gain? If we do organize, sir 11 we form independent unions, or should we jofe up vi%h one of the ; og unions that already exists? What would be the advantages and d-sedVaatages of this? There Is one big problem that working people face when they joir! unions and strike, especially in the southern states. If they have jobs which are not very skilled jobs (that is, jobs whieh some- bc"r else *ottid learn to do quickly without much training), then they car. be replaced very easily when they j|o on strike. And when there are ..any:; many people who don1t have any jobs at all (as there are ir the South), then these people who don't have jobs c^n be hired t© talo- the place of the people who go on strike. What happens then is that the people who want on strike sooner or later loose their jobs completely (one year after their contract runs out; if they were ir: g union before). But the boss doesn't lose any money bscause he huj oeen able to hire new workers to take the place of the strikers. The only x\ray to prevent this from happening (short of violence), is t - organise IgVPRYBODT In the whole town — to organise all of the WOOIOTS and all of the people without jobs, so that th.ej won't take the jobs' of the people on strike. This is very hard to do, because the people who don't have jobs usually want jobs so much that tboy will take the jobs of the people who are on strike no matter what the peop.e on strike say to them. It is hard for these people to see that It would be better, in the long run- if nobody agreed to work for a boss unle-ss he paid them enough and met their other demands as well. So this is one big problem *e would face. We would have to organize ftcsriy everybody In order to win a strike. There is another problem with unions in the South. That is that if Vi organise on the plantations and the farms, and demand higher wages, + oOi the farm or plantation owner might decide that it would be cheaper and less trouble for him in the long run if he brought in machines to do '•- he work which we do now. And there are machines which can do most of IOJ work we do; so the farmer could bring these machines in tomorrow if ho wanted to. He would then havg to hire onlv a very few people to run the machines, and the rest of us would all be out of work. HESOUL..'ES FOR DISCUSSION OF THE POOR IN AMERICA,, COMT., UNIOIMS, B03SES> *ND NEGROPS- COOT,, ILnally, there is one more thing we should think about, one more proKl e a we might run into if we organize. If we organize ail of the mails in a town, and they demand higher wages and shorter hours, some ®f theAite ladies who now hire maids wouldn't be able to afford them any mere,They would fire the maids and do the work themselves. Some of the ttlite ladie3 who now have jobs (bedause their maids do ail their hOT.3et.3rk and cooking, and take care of their children fcr them), ftlgh* Lave to quit these jobs; But most of them would probably find a way to do this work themselves and still keep their jobs., (They might, for- e..:-ample, share the baby-sitting job with their neighbors). So, if we organize ourwslves we might find that some of us would keep our jobs ant o \ higher wages, but many others of us might find ouroaivea out of wo; 'k9 Put let's suppose that we think about all of these problems, and we decile that the circumstances where we work are such that wo think we car- better our lot if we organise into unions, and, possible, strike. The o.eXi question we need to thing about is whether we should form independent unions, or whether we should join ourselves up" wit-ii one of til.- big unions that has branches (called 'locals' ) all around the cotes -,-y. To answer this question we need to know something about these big uxono — about how they treat Negro workers. x< ,>sfc of toe big unions have written, formal policies agsdn^t dis- croolr ition; but many of them don't pay much attention to these formal policies, and they do discriminate against Negroes. Some of the most important ways they discriminate are: 1) excluding Negroes from membership t) having segregated 'locals^. :} controlling whether sry Negroes are hired in MJ riant-, and if so; how many. •-. ) controlling what kinds of jobs Negroes get* and whether or not Negroes get promoted as fast and as far aS whites &Jli Se Menbe hip gregated Locals Iory few unions still exclude Negroes completely from their membership; in fac t, only 3 still do. By the Civil Rights Act of 196a, such exclusion is no*- outlawed. In the past, unions which didn't keep Negroes out altogether often formed segregated locals. Often, Negroes wanted to keep the locals seg no; -•( .1 as much as whites did; This was because in the segregated locals Ner;r©*§ could hold offices in the Negro union, and have some say over their- own affairs. Thev knew that if they joined up with the white local, they would have little chance of holding office and little say about any thing that went on in the union. This is still the case in some places, parti, llatly in the South, where segregated locals still exist. RESOIJCSS FIR DTDBU3JSI0N OF 'HIE POOR TN fiMERICA, C^NT., UNIONS, BOSSES, AND NEGROFS, "ONT.. Hiring Sometimes unions set up a 'hiring hall'; the bosses agree to hire nobody except people the unions sends to him through the hiring hall. By excluding IJegroes from membership in the union, the union can keep Negro-.: i from getting any jobs in a particular plant at all. Or they can careo - Lly control the number of Negroes who do get hired and what kinds of j Ot : they get. ej'ob or ortunities In addition to the hiring halls, unions sometimes set up referral systeoj. In this case, Negroes must go to the union first to be referred to a job opening. Unions which discriminate refer Negroes only to the worst, lowest-paying jobs; often, whites don't even have to use the refers -.1 system but are informed of job openings by the union by telephone. Another way unions keep Negroes from getting good jobs is by keeping them out of training and apprenticeship programs. If the Negro never gets a chance to get trained for a skilled job, he is 'not qualified' when an opening occurs in that job category. Lot the main way that unions control the jobs that Negroes get is by utting pressure on the employers. They tell the employers that if • cproes are hired, or hired for goodyhigh-paying positions, then the white employees will strike-, (Often this 1* a bluffj and a firm Statement by the employer (the boss) is enough to put down, any re-- sistoooe white workers have to Negroes being hired.) Unitrj In the South Prions in the South discriminate more than do unions in the North, as wo. ,ight expect. Some of them have set up separate lines of promo tion • r whites and Negroes- Negroes can be promoted up the job line just 30 far, and then ho farther. Thus, there is a top limit to the kinds cf jobs Negroes can get and how much they can earn. Usually, Negroes' jobs are limited to unskilled, menial laboring and service jobs. Sometimes Negroes are allowed to transfer into better, higher- paying jobs, but only by loosing all of the years of seniority they have a'..cumulated since they began working in a plant. Q- a cannot criticize all unions in the South, because there are some where Negroes are organized and protected adn promoted as fairly as whites. One finds this to be true in the ^Fertilizer, food-processing, logging, lum ber, meatpacking unions. These unions are exceptions to the general rule, however. Overall, unions in the South have hurt rather than helped Negroes. SMCOMS, BOSSES, AND NEGROES, CONT. Discrimination by Bosses Bosses, men who run the plants, discriminate against Negroes just as do some unions,. The most important ways they discriminate are: 1) In recruiting workers 2) In hiring 3) In making work assignments li) In promotions 5) In training of workers Recruiting. Tnis is sometimes hard to see, because discrimination in recruiting goes on 'behind closed doors.' Sometimes these are speftial unwritten agreements or 'understandings' between public or private employment agencies and the bosses, whereby the agency will not refer Negroes to the bosses for hiring. (The Civil Rights Act of 196k makes this illegal.) Another way bosses discriminate in recruiting workers is bv recruiting them from all-white high schools or colleges, or from all-white neighborhoods. A third way is for employers, bosses, to recruit workers only from among friends and relatives of people (mostly whites) already working in the plants. Finally, discrimination occurs in the hiring halls, as we mentioned above«, Hiring Discrimination in hiring is much easier to see than discrimination in recruiting. Most bosses will now hire some Negroes, but usaully only for semi-skilled or unskilled jobs. (5k% of all domestic workers are non-whites; many service workers, like janitors, are non-whites. Few only k.lt of all profession and technical people are non-whites.) Since the civil rights movement began to demand more and better jobs for Negroes, some of these better jobs have been opening up. But many times Negroes do not have the skills that are needed to fill these jobs. The question of what Should be done about this — Whether special training programs should be set up, night- classes for high- school drop-out, or what — is one we should talk about. Promotion There are many different ways Negroes are discriminated against in promotions. Sometimes Negroes are simply overlooked, when a position opens up at a higher level in the plant. Sometimes these new positions demand special skills which can be learned only throught training, and Negroes are excluded from the training programs. And sometimes Negroes are allowed to transfer to these better, higher -paying positions only by loosing all seniority privileges. ' RESOURCES FOR USi IN DISCTfog'TON OF POOR IN ^MFRICA, 60SST»4 UNIONS, BOSSES, AND NEGROES, CONT. Why employers practice racial discrimination In addition to prejudice on ihe part of some employers, there are other reasons why they discriminate against Negroes; 1) They are afraid ttiat white customers, employees, lain- unions, or the general white public will object, and that their business es will suffer. 2) They do not think that qualified Negroes can be found for many of the hlpier-levfo positions* 3) They don't feel like changing old practices unless someone pushed them to do so. Discrimination by Employment Agencies: Public and Private The Civil Rights Act of 19eli now ouilaws discrimination by tfr»S3 agencies. But it will be a long time before such, discrimination ends, especially in states .here there is already an Fair Employment "Practices Commission. The federal government will not step in in such cases until it is clear tnat the state commission isn't doing anything about discrimination. This takes time to prove.
SNCC Executive Committe, COFO Summer Program Committee From
