Female Players: An Analysis of Women’s Responses to Minority Situations

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty

of the Department of Sociology at

The Colorado College in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Bachelor of Arts

Christina R. Ford

May 2012

On my honor, I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

Christina Ford

May 2012

ABSTRACT

The data for this thesis was collected from eight interviews and participant observation. Participant observation took place in league poker games in bars and restaurants and cash poker games and tournaments in casinos. Interviews were conducted with both players of the poker league and casino poker. Poker is a male dominated game and it is a leisure time activity, outside of the workforce and the private home. Individuals who participated in these poker games reproduced gender binaries by performing gender. Male poker players respond to and treat women different than men, and women who participate in the poker games are expected to perform specific, stereotypical female roles. The research has addressed how gender is performed not only in the workplace or in private homes, but also in leisure activities in the public sphere. The implications of this include the reproduction of poker as a male dominated game in a male dominated arena and the reproduction of female stereotypes. Though women have been accepted into this male dominated game in great numbers, the men still treat women as though they do not belong. The females who participate in these poker games have extended the intentions of the feminist movement by seeking for equality of women in public arenas.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ….…………………………………………………………………………...1

HISTORY OF POKER ……………………………………………………………………...... 2

Women and Poker ……………………………………………………………………….3

SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY AND GENDER ...…………………………………………….....4

Feminism ………………………………………………………………………………..4

Gender Performance ……………………………………………………………………5

Tokenism ………………………………………………………………………………...8

Visibility. ………………………………………………………………………...8

Contrast. ………………………………………………………………………..10

Assimilation. ……………………………………………………………………11

METHODS ……………………………………………………………………………………..13

Participants ……………………………………………………………………………..14

Procedures ……………………………………………………………………………...15

FINDINGS ……………………………………………………………………………………..15

League Poker …………………………………………………………………………..16

Casino Poker …………………………………………………………………………...23

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………...27

FURTHER RESEARCH ……………………………………………………………………….30

APPENDIX ……………………………………………………………………………………..32

REFERENCES …………………………………………………………………………………34

The binary of gender has been studied extensively throughout the history of sociology as an academic discipline. Gender inequality, gender performance, identity and sexuality have been defined and redefined by several influential social scholars for the past 200 years. As society changes, the knowledge and opinions of gender and sexuality have developed along with it. As women entered the workforce, gender was studied in an arena outside the private home. Gender performance, sexuality and identity have not been extensively studied in the arenas of leisure activities in American lives in a public sphere other than the workforce. One leisure activity in which sexuality and gender is prevalent is through games. Sports and games are gendered in our society, and gender roles are reinforced and reproduced though the behaviors of the players. The separation of boys and girls teams, boys and girls sports and the exclusion and stigma of individuals based on their gender allows the binary to continue.

This thesis focuses on the game of poker, and the gendered behaviors and performances displayed within it. In my family, poker was a game that was played during the holiday seasons or for other celebrations where everyone came together for a good time. When I was 19, I joined a poker league in the city in which I lived. Several family members were already in the league and through this league I was able to improve my poker playing and knowledge of the game.

Upon entering the league, I immediately became aware of my gender as a female and noticed the sexualized arena in which these games took place, in bars and restaurants. As a sociology student, I began to wonder how the gender performances and identity that I observed during the poker games related to the larger body of research on gender and society.

This thesis aims to understand gender performance and gender binaries in the leisure activities of our society. The theories of feminism and gender performance are utilized in my research along with the theory of tokenism. The theory of tokenism has been applied to the data I

1 have collected. Tokenism is outlined in detail in the book “Men and Women of the Corporation” by Rosabeth Moss Kanter. Previous research on tokenism, such as Kanter’s, has been applied to understand the trends and patterns formed from the methods of my research. The methods include interviews with poker players and observations from league poker games and casino games.

HISTORY OF POKER

The term “poker” refers to a group of games involving playing cards and betting. Some of the most well-known poker games include Hold’em, Three Card or Five Card Stud, Chicago

High and so on. Poker can be dated back to as early as the fifteenth century and has expanded throughout the world ever since (McManus 2009:42). Though hundreds of poker games are played throughout the United States alone, the research for this project focused on the poker game of No-Limit Texas Hold’em. Texas Hold’em, developed in Texas from the previously existing poker games, is currently the most popular variant of poker played in the United States.

“Five-card stud was played as early as 1860, with the seven-card version developing toward the end of the nineteenth century. Hold’em wasn’t played until early in the twentieth and didn’t overtake and seven-stud as the most popular game until the late 1980s” (McManus

2009:244).

No-Limit Texas Hold’em is the focus of the research for this thesis because the betting style allows for more aggressive poker playing. The idea of no limit betting was first applied to

Texas Hold’em in 1970, after the first was held at the Binion’s Horseshoe

Casino in Las Vegas (Brunson 2005). In the years following the first World Series of Poker, the popularity of Texas Hold’em grew throughout the country and the world. Poker became accepted

2 in popular culture as it was featured in several movies such as The Cincinnati Kid (1965),

California Split (1974), and Maverick (1994). The most popular movie to feature Texas Hold’em is Rounders (1998), starring Matt Damon. Along with movies, poker books began emerged detailing the history of the game and tournaments as well as game theory and strategy. With coverage of the World Series of Poker by ESPN, popularity and knowledge of the game became available to men and women alike across the country.

Women and Poker

Though women were never explicitly excluded from Texas Hold’em or other poker games, the games remained male dominant. The general attitude during the early years of Texas

Hold’em popularity was accurately expressed by David Spanier, a poker player and writer, in

1977. Spanier (1977) wrote:

No girl I have ever seen at a poker table has ever managed to win consistently. There are plenty who try, in gorgeous palaces of Las Vegas and in Gardena, and in the workaday casinos of London, too. Women players, typically, are tense, beady-eyed, chain-smoking ladies. (P. 142) Due to the general attitudes of male poker players toward female poker players, the game has remained male dominant throughout its popularity and women generally have kept their distance.

Since 1977, the number of women participants in the World Series of Poker, and other poker games and tournaments throughout the country, has increased dramatically. Though more and more women enter the tournaments and games, the majority of women poker players are playing online. The general attitudes, such as these displayed by Spanier, toward women poker players are eliminated during online play, due to the anonymity, allowing for a possible advantage to the female player. More than one third of online poker players are women, whereas only about 5% of face-to-face poker players in high stakes tournaments are

3 women (Zupko 2010, McManus 2009:353). It is hard to say whether the number of female online poker players would be larger without gambling laws such as the Unlawful Internet

Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006. However, the anonymity of online poker players may provide women with a playing advantage, or at least a level playing field.

The amount of resources targeted at female poker players has increased as well, including publications such as the Woman Poker Player Magazine and books including the Badass Girl’s

Guide to Poker. Whether women are playing on the internet or in face-to-face games in casinos or leagues, the number has certainly increased. One reason for the increase of female poker players may be the shifting attitudes of the males in this male dominant game. Though to this day, no woman has won the World Series of Poker, even Spanier has declared “Women are no longer considered as accessories to be brought to the poker table, but as equals at the game”

(McManus 2009: 353).

SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY AND GENDER

Feminism, gender performance and tokenism make up the theories that frame my research in order to analyze and discuss the experiences of women poker players in league games and casino games. These sociological theories have developed throughout history as a demand for the inclusion of women has increased in various fields, including the labor force, sports and games. The theories are valuable in understanding the gendered world around us. However, these theories could be studied in more detail in the field of gaming and poker.

Feminism

The aim of the feminist movement in sociology has been to incorporate women into the existing male dominated fields, specifically the labor force. Nancy Fraser is a critical theorist

4 who discusses social movements, including feminism, and how these movements are aimed at either redistribution of wealth or recognition of identities. The feminist movement went from a redistribution goal toward a recognition goal. The redistribution goal was aimed mainly at differentiating the labor force and worker’s rights. The feminist movement shifted toward the differentiation of sexuality (Fraser 2003).

The problem that feminists faced was how to overcome the differences between gender and sexuality, and how to revalue the stigmatized identities of society. There were two strategies in overcoming these obstacles, as outlined by Fraser. The first strategy of feminism is the affirmative strategy, enacting and encouraging more liberal politics or legislation. However, with this strategy, the core issues of why there are stigmatized identities are not resolved and the problem remains. The second strategy is transformative. This strategy is more mainstream and multi-cultural, changing the stigmatized ideas of society and becoming more accepting (Fraser

2003).

The work of Nancy Fraser has contributed to a new understanding of the injustice in societies and the need for movements to create change. Fraser (2003) stated:

As a result, there is no alternative to a politics of representation, in which the framing of questions of justice becomes a matter for democratic deliberation. Thus, a politics of redistribution and recognition must be joined to a politics of representation, oriented to decision-making processes and governance structures. Put differently, the theory of social justice must become a theory of democratic justice. (P. 1)

Gender Performance

Gender has been studied by sociologists since 1955 when John Money introduced the term “gender role.” Money (1955) stated:

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The term gender role is used to signify all those things that a person says or does to disclose himself or herself as having the status of boy or man, girl or woman, respectively. It includes, but is not restricted to, sexuality in the sense of eroticism. Gender role is appraised in relation to the following: general mannerisms, deportment and demeanor; spontaneous topics of talk in unprompted conversation and casual comment; content of dreams, daydreams. (P. 254) From Money’s original observations, sociologists continued to have study gender and sexuality.

Judith Butler is one of the most important social theorists when it comes to gender performance. Butler has complicated previously accepted concepts of gender through her work.

“Judith Butler questions the belief that certain gendered behaviors are natural, illustrating the ways that one's learned performance of gendered behavior (what we commonly associate with femininity and masculinity) is an act of sorts, a performance, one that is imposed upon us by normative heterosexuality” (Felluga 2011). In her book Gender Trouble: Feminism and the

Subversion of Identity, Butler states “There is no gender identity behind the expressions of gender; that identity is performatively constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are said to be its results” (1999:25). Butler’s ideas on gender performance have contributed to sociology of gender and have expanded the field beyond feminism, to include sexuality.

The study of gender performance can be categorized as microsociology and helps to define the interactions between genders which create the inequalities that exist today. These inequalities can be experienced in the workforce and the private home, or beyond to leisurely activities. Butler first introduces the idea that gender does not exist in the sense that it is natural, stating, “Gender reality is performative which means, quite simply, that it is real only to the extent that it is performed” (1990:278). Another radical idea of Butler that has been widely accepted by the sociology of gender field is the separation of gender and sex. Butler describes

6 sex as the biological parts that an individual was born with, classifying either male or female.

Gender is the performance not naturally linked to the sex of the individual (Felluga 2011).

Cecilia Ridgeway has dedicated her work to studying gender in the workplace.

Ridgeway’s article entitled “Interaction and the Conservation of Gender Inequality: Considering

Employment” outlines the behaviors of both the genders in the workplace. Ridgeway states,

“With a gender inequality in the distribution of resources there will be more of these mixed-sex encounters in which the man is resource-advantaged; thus the encounters will produce a predominance of status beliefs favoring men, which diffuse widely” (1997:222). This article is helpful in understanding how interactions in the workplace reproduce gendered employment, and further understanding of the reproduction of gender in other arenas where women are in the minority. “Micro-level productions of gender contribute greatly to the continuing persistence of traditional gender ideology as well as to the pervasiveness of occupational sex segregation and the gender wage gap” (Bonnell 2007:26).

There are several consequences of gender performance for women in our society.

Considering gender inequalities in the workforce, sociologists speak of the concept of the “glass ceiling.” The glass ceiling is a concept that describes the inability of women to advance in a specific field at the rate that men advance. The “glass ceiling” is in contrast to the concept of a glass elevator, which is a way of describing how men in the workforce are typically advanced and promoted much quicker and easier than their women counterparts (Purcell 2010). Not only are there inequalities between the genders on hiring or promoting practices, but inequalities exist also in pay rates. The inequalities in hiring and promotions as well as pay rates can be credited toward the varying jobs which the different genders tend to occupy.

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Tokenism

Tokenism is a complex theory that can apply not only to gender, but also to race and social class. The term “token” refers to an individual who is in the minority in a group, whether this group is of a work environment or otherwise. Token does not refer to a simple minority, but possibly someone who is extremely rare in that situation. Kanter defines a minority as a tilted group with a ratio of about 65 to 35 and a token situation as a skewed group with a ratio of about

85 to 15. Tokens then “are often treated as representatives of their category, as symbols rather than individuals” (Kanter 1977:208). Rosabeth Moss Kanter, a sociologist who has outlined the theory of tokenism in her 1977 book entitled, Men and Women of the Corporation, focusing on women tokens in a corporation and how they are able to survive a man’s world.

Kanter’s book has contributed to the understanding of how tokens are able to respond, and in a sense survive, an inhospitable environment where they may be the only one of that gender or other characteristic that would set them apart. The study of tokenism has led to the understanding of how social institutions respond to demands of diversity with hiring practices and also goes in depth into describing the micro-sociological experiences and responses of the tokens themselves. Kanter explains three tendencies associated with an individual who is in a token situation. These tendencies are visibility, contrast and assimilation (Kanter 1977:210).

Visibility.

With the visibility tendency of tokenism, the token feels performance pressure because of their rarity. A token in a situation is visible in that news about this individual travels quickly, making it nearly impossible for the token to be anonymous. According to Kanter, tokens often prefer to be less visible because mistakes are highlighted and attributed to the characteristic that

8 makes that individual a token. Tokens are also “deliberately thrust into the limelight and displayed as showpieces, paraded before the corporation’s public but in ways that sometimes violated the women’s sense of personal dignity” (Kanter 1977:213).

Tokens often feel the need to be gracious and grateful to the dominants for being included in the situation and feel as though they cannot voice their opinions. In Kanter’s study on women in the corporation, she stated that “women are often measured by two yardsticks: how as women they carry out the sales or management role, and how as managers they lived up to images of womanhood” (1977:214). In other words, everything that the individual does is a sign of how women in general perform, and often tokens express feeling that they are “speaking for women, not just themselves” (Kanter 1977:215). Tokens also can form a dislike for other tokens, in order to feel as though they are a part of the majority culture. Tokens also become very self- conscious and focus on how they present themselves in the token situation. Kanter explains that tokens do not have to work hard to get noticed, but their achievements are hardly recognized.

Women feel as though they must outperform the men in order to be allowed to continue their participation, but feel uncomfortable outperforming the males.

Kanter outlines ways in which a token, and the women in her study on corporations, respond to the visibility tendency of tokenism. The first response is to become a public figure which typically is a successful and older token who can pave the way for other tokens. The second response to the status as token is to flaunt their unique characteristic as a woman. This involves attempting to keep other tokens out of the majority culture, which can oppose the progress made by the public figure tokens. The third response is to take on attributes of the majority culture, including dressing like males as an attempt to desexualize the field and avoid conflict or risk. These tokens often do not make their achievements publicly known and do not

9 take credit for them. This is similar to flaunting the tokenism in the sense that it keeps women in the token situation and allows the majority culture to remain masculinized, reproducing gender inequalities, ideologies and binaries.

Contrast.

The second tendency of tokenism outlined by Kanter is contrast. Due to the fact that tokens are so rare, the boundaries of the majority culture are heightened and there is a cost for the tokens in belonging. Kanter explains that with the presence of a token, the dominants become more aware of what they have in common, making the token more uncomfortable and self-conscious (1977:222). Often, dominants are uncertain about how to respond to the presence of a token. In the instance where a woman is the token, as in Kanter’s study, the men will often express more sexual jokes or locker room humor as a way of showing off for the token. This also contributes to the token’s uncomfortable feelings, and the cycle becomes self-perpetuating.

However, in contrast to younger men making the sexualized jokes, the older men of the majority culture will often speak more of their business successes or successes of a particular field

(Kanter 1977:224).

The response of the token in the situation of the contrast tendency of tokenism is drastically different than the response of the dominants. The token, the woman in this case, often does not wish for the behaviors of the men to change due to her presence. Kanter explains that tokens often feel as though they have to listen to dirty jokes and excessive cursing without being allowed to participate. Kanter states that tokens in this situation are “double deviants” in that they are a woman in a man’s world and also that they aspire to the privileges of the men. The idea of double deviance is outlined by Judith Long Laws. Laws states, “tokenism is likely to be

10 found wherever a dominant group is under pressure to share privilege, power, or other desirable commodities with a group which is excluded” (1975:51).

With the tendency of contrast, the token will often attempt to join the dominant culture, however occasionally, “recognition works against you as well as for you” (Kanter 1977:217).

Though joining the dominant culture allows for a more comfortable situation, “the price of being

‘one of the boys’ was a willingness to occasionally turn against the girls” (Kanter 1977:228). If a woman is not accepted into the dominant culture, she can often be the subject of jokes about incompetence in the field, therefore it becomes easier for her to agree than to defend herself.

There are two responses to the tendency of contrast which Kanter outlines. The token can accept from the majority culture or become an insider, by “defining themselves as exceptions and turning against their own social category” (Kanter 1977:230).

Assimilation.

The third tendency of tokenism, as outlined by Kanter, is assimilation. With assimilation, tokens are often fighting stereotypes because those of the majority culture distort the characteristics of the individual token to “fit preexisting generalizations about their category as a group” (Kanter 1977:230). By fitting an individual into a stereotype, the situation becomes more comfortable for the dominants and they then know how to respond to the presence of that token.

Kanter explains that assimilation can include a case of ‘mistaken identity’ where the majority culture will assume the token is not taking on an unusual role (1977:231). Tokens can often accept these expectations and stereotypes in order to make the situation more comfortable for everyone or as an attempt be accepted into the dominant group.

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Kanter outlines several stereotypical roles of women, in which men will often categorize the tokens. These roles were adapted from Freud’s Madonna-Whore complex in which Freud states, “Where such men love, they have no desire, and where they desire, they cannot love”

(1925). The first of these roles is the mother, in which males will bring personal issues to the woman, because the stereotype is that women are easy to talk to and compassionate. The second of these stereotypical roles is the seductress, where the token is seen as sexually desirable and available, without ever having to act seductively (Kanter 1977:234). The third stereotypical category attributed to token women is the iron maiden, in which a token resists the two other categories and takes on an almost militant role, facing possible abandonment by not only the majority culture, but other tokens as well (Kanter 1977:236). The responses to the role encapsulation of assimilation are typically to accept stereotypes, though there are some tokens that work hard to break away from them.

As illustrated in the above three sociological theories, much literature on the study of gender in sociology seems to focus on the inequalities in the workplace. Feminism sought equality for women in male dominated spaces, starting with the labor force. The theory of gender performance analyses the roots of the inequalities associated with the genders and sexuality contributing to the division of labor. Tokenism is a less known sociological theory and has been mostly analyzed in the workplace, as seen in Kanter’s study on women in the corporation as well as other studies such as Bonnell’s study of women in construction. Tokenism and gender theories are lacking research in the gaming arena, or other public leisurely activities outside the private home. By analyzing tokenism and other gender theories in light of gaming, we can better understand the progress of these equality and justice movements.

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Beyond the work place, tokenism can be studied in other public arenas in which women are the tokens or in the minority. Tokenism as an extension of the purposes of feminism can help us understand the current efforts for justice and equality for women. My research attempts to analyze tokenism in the public arena of casino poker as compared to league poker, where women are not tokens but in the minority. By studying tokenism in the public arena, outside of the labor force, sociologists can better understand how the struggles of feminism have allowed for the progress of women in joining other male dominated fields. The responses by women in token situations in the male dominated field of corporations are similar to the responses of female poker players both in the token situation of casino poker and the minority situation of league poker. Analyzing these responses illustrates how gender is used to create an equal playing field for females in token situations and males in the dominant majority . By understanding these responses, behaviors of other token or minority situation can be analyzed and understood as a measure of the progress toward equality for women in male dominated spaces.

METHODS

Two primary data collection methods were used in this study: in-depth interviewing and participant observation. I conducted interviews with eight women and men who were, at the time, either poker players or dealers. The interview took place in person between the dates of

January 24th and February 27th, 2012. Five of the interviews were conducted in a midsized city in the Midwest. These participants were interviewed because of their participation in a poker league of that city. The three other interviews took place in a larger city, with several casinos and a large gambling community. The participants of these interviews were asked to participate because of their involvement in games of No-Limit Texas Hold’em in the casinos. The questions were grouped into four sections titled Demographics, History with Poker, Poker Preferences and

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Observations of Poker. The participants were informed that they could discuss anything they felt was relevant to the questions and were encouraged to go into detail with their answers.

In addition to the interviews, participant observation was utilized in collecting data. As a researcher, I participated in league games and casino games of No-Limit Texas Hold’em. Given the project’s focus on minority or token situation of poker, I observed gendered behaviors during the games and took notes discretely, so as not to interrupt the game. These observations are useful in accompanying the interviews in data collection. By utilizing participant observation, I was able to better understand the scenes that were often described in the interviews and I was able to observe behaviors that may not have been mentioned in the interview process, but could be relevant to my research.

Participants1

- Suzanne: Female, 24 years old, lesbian, poker player and poker dealer for poker league

- Ashley: Female, 20 years old, straight, poker player in poker league

- Terri: Female, 48, straight, poker player in poker league

- Bob: Male, 77, poker player in league

- Jessica: Female, 32, straight, poker dealer in poker league and player in league and casinos

- Melina: Female, 22, straight, poker player in poker league

- Steven: Male, 22, straight, poker player in casinos

- Patrick: Male, 51, poker player in league and casinos

1 To maintain anonymity, all names are pseudonyms.

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Procedures

The participants for the interviews were selected using nonprobability purposive sampling. This allowed me to recruit specific participants because of their roles either in the league or the casinos. Grounded theory data analysis was used to allow for all themes and patterns to emerge in the interviews and the observations. I also used open coding to recognize the patterns of the raw data, observation notes and interview transcripts. The themes and patterns collected were then observed in light of gender theories, including feminism, gender performance and tokenism. Some of the patterns that were discovered through the coding were consistent with these theories and some patterns were unique. These concepts are interpreted into a narrative in the Findings section.

FINDINGS

The feminist movement allowed for participation by women into male dominated arenas, such as the labor force. As a result of this movement, the participation of women has expanded to male dominated sports and even games, including participation in poker whether in casinos or league games. Legislation, such as Title IX and similar laws have allowed for equal opportunity of female athletes in participation in sports (Title IX). Other legislation has passed since then to prohibit discrimination against women. The thought of legislation allowing for women participation in male dominated games in male dominated places may have been absurd prior to this movement. The stigma of a woman participating in these games has faded partially as a result of the movement. Although this may be true, gender performance is still prevalent in these games, as it is in all aspects of society. Though women are generally accepted into male dominated games and arenas, inequalities and binaries are created and reinforced in the gendered

15 performances. Tokenism allows for an understanding of how women, or other tokens, are able to respond to an inhospitable situation where they are not only in the minority, but also are treated as though they do not belong.

League Poker

Through my research on the female poker players who participate in the poker league, I have discovered that tokenism, as outlined by Kanter, may only apply in certain instances.

Tokens can be defined as being of a skewed group, with a ratio of about 85 to 15 (Kanter

1977:208). The women poker players in the league seems to reflect a more tilted group, rather than skewed with a ration closer to 65 to 35. Women in the league do not seem to be tokens, but more of a simple minority to the dominant culture of males. The theory of tokenism refers to an instance where the token is rare, not just of the minority, and is a representative of their characteristic for the dominant culture (Kanter 1977). With the number of women who were participating in the poker league that I observed, these women cannot be defined as tokens in the situation. However, in several poker games that I observed in the league, females were put into situations where they were the only female at the poker table. In these rare instances, the female then became a token of that table and therefore took on some more token characteristics described by Kanter.

League poker games take place in various bars or restaurants around the city. Most league poker players sign up for the game at the location and then order food while they wait for the game to begin, typically an hour later. The time spent between sign up and the game is a time to socialize with the other players. Players are able to choose which table they would like to sit at, based on the other players at that table and the dealer. The social nature and the friendships

16 that form in the poker league allow for a more casual setting. As the game progresses, the poker players and dealers continue to drink, which I believe contributes to the sexualized nature of these games.

When it comes to the sexual arena of league poker, the males of the league are the ones who create it. The younger males, in particular, create and encourage the sexual gestures and jokes that take place throughout the poker league. The sexual humor is a way for the males to reinforce the dominant culture boundaries as an attempt to keep the women in the minority. The interviews with the female poker players in the league revealed that this kind of humor is a major part of the poker scene. As seen in the following interview with Suzanne, a pregnant lesbian poker player, “Tom made a joke about me once saying that I know a lot of ‘positions’ because

I’m pregnant,” referencing sexual positions. Playing position is a which takes into consideration the poker player’s seat in relation to the dealer. Tom’s joke about Suzanne knowing a lot of sexual positions, and other similar jokes, reinforce the sexualized arena of the poker game and are effective in creating an uncomfortable situation for the minority female poker players. Suzanne responded by simply ignoring the comment, “some of the women who were insulted by such innuendoes found it easier to appear to agree than to start an argument”

(Kanter 1977: 228).

Through coding of the interview transcripts and the notes taken during participant observation, several themes and patterns occurred in the responses to token situations by the female poker players. One such theme is that even though the women in the league may not fit the definition of token, the males remain dominant. The dominance of the males in this culture allows for the responses of the female poker players in their situation as minorities in a similar way to how a woman in a token situation would respond. One such similarity is the preference to

17 be less visible, focusing on their appearance as a way to distance themselves from the minority group of women. As stated by Ashley during our interview, “When I first joined the league, I wore more baggy jeans and loose shirts but now I don’t really bother.” Ashley was aware of the male dominance at the game, and as an attempt to avoid unwanted attention and to desexualize the arena of poker, she had to dress a certain way. After being accepted into the dominant culture, Ashley had accepted the sexualized nature of the poker scene and no longer attempted to desexualize it by dressing conservatively.

Another pattern that arose through the interviews and participant observation in the league poker was the importance of age. This was a surprising discovery in my research, which was unanticipated and not mentioned in previously existing literature on token and minority situations. Though gender is the focus of this study, age was important in the role that the women played. The women in the poker league were treated in terms of stereotypical female roles. This is similar to how the tokens of Kanter’s study were treated by the males of the dominant culture in her study of women in the corporation. Though Kanter never discusses the age of the tokens in her study as an important factor, age seemed to be significant in the treatment of the female poker players.

Older female poker players served a stereotypical role as the mother or the iron maiden, where younger females are attributed to the stereotypical role of the seductress. These terms were originally used by Kanter in describing the stereotypical roles that were attributed to women in the corporation. Some of the older women in the poker league fit this mother role. I have discovered this when it comes to Terri and the younger male counterparts in the poker league. One male in the poker league named Mike often tells Terri about his problems at home.

In her interview, Terri stated, “Mike often tells me about how Mary takes the side of her sons

18 and doesn’t listen to him when he tries to discipline them.” Mike often has told Terri about other problems in his marriage. Mike and his wife are now separated and neither have continued to participate in the league. Mike hasfit Terri into the motherly role, coming to her with their personal problems, because of the belief that women are nurturing and good listeners.

The second stereotypical role that the older female poker players fit into was the iron maiden role. Kanter describes how the iron maiden attempts to resist situations where she can be put into other stereotypical categories, by avoiding interactions with the males (Kanter 1977).

There are several iron maidens of the poker league that I observed. The most obvious would be

Jane, who does not often socialize with the males in the poker league and tends to be abandoned by the females as well. Though Jane is a member of the minority group of female poker players, she is abandoned by the other women because of their desire for acceptance into the dominant culture. Women in the iron maiden role, such as Jane, face abandonment, which may seem as cause to disengage in iron maiden behaviors. However, iron maidens are successful in avoiding categorization into the other stereotypical roles. Stereotypical iron maidens are typically unable to find friends or acquaintances that are sympathetic. Often when Jane is taken out of the game, the player who took her chips does not apologize or shake her hand, as most players do.

Younger female poker players seemed to have a different experience than the older female poker players. A younger female player is often attributed to the stereotypical female role of the seductress, where she is seen as sexually available. At one league poker game I observed, which took place in a sports bar, one female who fit the role of the seductress was receiving much attention from the males in the game. During a break in the game, Shelly was standing speaking with two males, one of which was very intoxicated. He began to make sexual jokes towards her and I observed him grab her backside. Her response to this situation was just

19 ignoring it and allowing it to continue, rather than saying something or causing a scene. This woman chose to respond this way so that she would not face abandonment by the dominant culture. This reinforced the stereotype of the seductress as sexually available, even when the female is not acting seductively, and reproduces the sexualized nature of the game. “Men could adopt the role of predator toward an attractive woman, regardless of her collusion, and by implication cast her as sex object, reminding her and the rest of the group of her sexual status”

(Kanter 1977:235). This behavior reinforces the stereotypes and keeps female poker players in the token or minority position.

The age of the female poker player affects how she is treated in the league, but also the age of the male in the dominant culture effects how he treats the females. Younger males of the dominant culture attempted to impress the female poker players with sexual humor and jokes.

The older male dominants speak more of their business successes. One such instance of this was discovered in the interview with Ashley. She described several instances of younger males encouraging sexual jokes made by other male. She continued to a story of how an older male would continuously speak to her about his new businesses. “He game me his business card and asked me to tell my friends about his new indoor soccer complex. Then like a week later he did the same with his new coffee shop.” The age of the female poker player to which they were speaking did not seem to affect this response of the dominants.

Through the interviews, most poker players stated that the individuals usually making these sexual jokes were the younger males. Most of the female players interviewed said that they do not get offended at the jokes, unless they are directed at a particular individual. The subjects of the jokes are either women in the poker league or often the women on the television in the bar.

Suzanne stated that “the gay jokes offend more” than the jokes about women. During our

20 interview, Terri described an interesting thing involving gay jokes at one of the league poker games. Terri stated, “The gay jokes happened like two times. Mike and some other guy, I don’t know who he was, were really good friends I guess. This other guy kept winning hands from

Mike and then Pete started making jokes that this other guy was getting screwed by Mike. Then the second time, the same thing happened and Pete said it was another ‘broke-back moment’ and that this guy was making Mike his bitch, so this guy started gesturing like he was having sex with Mike. I was really embarrassed.”

Some women respond to the contrast of their presence by participating in the humor and often unintentionally providing a source for the sexual jokes as a way of demonstrating their loyalty to the majority culture and presenting themselves as the exception to the stereotypes that come with their social category as female in a man’s world. Ashley stated “The jokes make me uncomfortable, but I don’t want to say anything because it would make the situation worse.”

Ashley said she often goes along with the sexual humor because she doesn’t want to draw attention to herself, though she “felt like I should say something.” The process of turning against the girls in order to become one of the guys is a response to the contrast of the female presence.

If a female in the minority position were to say something, she could face abandonment by the dominant culture and may be attributed to the role of the iron maiden.

Another pattern that was discovered through coding in the interview transcripts and observation notes of league poker was that the female poker players tended to gravitate toward each other, either before or during the game. When it comes to choosing who to sit by, the women poker players all said very similar things during their interviews. When asked if they prefer to play at a poker table with mostly males or mostly females, each stated that they prefer females. Prior to the game starting, I observed that the female poker players mostly sit together

21 and socialize or eat, rather than sit at a table of mostly males. Melina and Ashley stated that they prefer to sit with mostly females because of the social scene. Melina stated that she would prefer to sit with “females for sure, because it’s more of a social gathering and a game” while Ashley described a table of mostly women simply as “less serious.” Melina stated that at a table with mostly men, “it’s like a contest, they’re too aggressive and competitive.”

In deciding where to sit, the poker dealer at the table seems to be just as important as the other players. When asked if they have a favorite dealer in the league, each of the female poker players interviewed named a female poker dealer. Ashley stated “My favorite dealer is Nicole because we’ve become friends.” In the interview with Terri, when asked about her favorite dealer, she stated “It changes. I like woman dealers better than men because they make you more comfortable and the game is lighter and more social.” All female players interviewed stated that they prefer a particular female dealer for various reasons. Melina stated that her favorite dealer is

“not too crazy like the men.”

In Pricilla Bonnel’s thesis on token females in the labor force of construction, one pattern that she discovered was that the females took on the stereotypical female construction worker role of being a lesbian. However, through my research on female league poker players, I found the opposite. Suzanne stated that “everyone knows I’m gay, but they still come up and hug me from behind and say they want to be my baby daddy.” Due to the hypersexual nature of the poker league, sexual jokes and humor are utilized and therefore lesbians are assumed to be straight and treated as such. These lesbian women are often subjects of sexual humor, like the heterosexual women and can also be treated inappropriately by the males. Suzanne went on in our interview to describe multiple occasions where she was told by the male poker players that

22 she is lesbian “just hasn’t been with the right man yet.” In response to the assumption that she is heterosexual, Suzanne found it easier to accept it rather than combat the dominant males.

The females who played in the poker league were assumed to be just playing for fun, rather than taken as serious players, possibly due to the social aspect of the female players. When a woman played in the poker league, men would often call her raise because of the assumption that she was less experienced. Melina expressed this in her interview, and stated “ the men assume they are going to beat me.” Men assume that women are tighter players and believe that if a bet is raised, the woman will fold. Male poker players “will often try to run her over” in a hand (Badger 2010). The stereotype of male poker players is that “they drink more, they smoke more, they eat more… blindly throw themselves into things without thought or study far more than women” (Badger 2010). These stereotypes can be based in biology and knowledge that “the areas of the brain that track gut feelings are larger and more sensitive in the female brain”

(Marquez-Nichols 2011). Men assume women make calls to bet that are not appropriate, however it may be attributed to the gut feeling response.

Casino Poker

Casino poker games are very different from the league poker games. In casinos, the

“Poker Room” is a separate room, or sometimes a separate building, where poker is the only game played. The other table games and machines in the casinos are kept separately. Upon entering the poker room, there is typically another game already in progress. Players must sign up for the next game or tournament at a front desk and then receive a table number and seat number. With assigned, randomized seating, players are not able to choose who they sit with or which dealer they receive, like they would be allowed to do in the poker league. While waiting

23 for the game or the tournament to begin, the players typically will order coffee, or go outside to smoke. The scene of casino poker games is less social than the games of the poker league.

During the casino poker games that I observed, I was the only female at the table except for one instance when the dealer was female. Upon studying female poker players in the scene of casinos, the theory of tokenism seems very applicable. The male to female ratio as observed in casino poker games were about 35 to 1. This compared to the ratio of female poker players of the league allow these female players to be far rarer and in a token position. The rare number of women in casino poker games could be attributed to the attempt to isolate female poker games.

The pattern of isolation in the games that took place in casinos was a pattern that was discovered through the coding of participant observation in casinos.

The existence of ladies nights and female only tournaments contributed to the irolation.

These tournaments are smaller than the tournaments where both men and women can participate.

These female only tournaments and games perpetuate the token situation of female poker players and isolate the women into certain games. This is a way of keeping women from entering the male dominated world, allowing poker tournaments and games to remain male dominant.

Through the tendencies of the tokens in these situations, the males remain dominant in the games. The responses of the token women are survival techniques and create an environment that allows for women to play poker. The women who do venture to play in games and tournaments outside of the female only games or ladies nights are often only there to accompany their husbands or other male family members.

As described earlier, in league poker games, males often attempted to push women off of hands with the assumption of inexperience. However, in the poker games of casinos, the

24 tendency was the opposite. One stereotype of female poker players here is that they are “tighter” players, meaning that they don’t typically , don’t try to the with bets on cards they don’t have and only play when they know they will win (Badger 2010). This is prevalent in the observations and the interview with Steven, a young male casino poker player. He said that he gets nervous when a woman is at the poker player. “If a woman sits down at a casino, she must know what she’s doing.” This is consistent with what was seen during participant observation.

When a woman would raise the bet, men would fold because, as one man described, he has “too much respect.”

The sexualized arena of poker games are created differently in league poker and casino poker. In league poker, as described earlier, the males created the sexualized arena by sexual jokes as a way of establishing dominant culture boundaries. However, with female poker players in casinos, was women who created the sexualized arena. The purpose of this was to gain an advantage in the game. This is consistent with the way Jessica described how she plays poker in casinos. Jessica stated “I prefer to play in casinos because there are more men.” Jessica enjoys her position at the poker table as a token, and uses it to her advantage. The technique that Jessica used for taking advantage of her visibility as a token was to “wear a low cut shirt and say ‘I don’t know how to play poker’ and they call and then I just take all of their money.”

The tendency for female poker players in league poker games is to gravitate toward each other by sitting together for dinner before the poker games and to save seats for each other at the poker tables. Female casino poker players are so rare in number that it is difficult to recognize whether these women prefer to sit with each other or not. The pattern of age that was present in the league poker games did not seem to be a factor in the casino games. This also may be attributed simply to how rare these women really are. The Madonna-Whore complex, outlined by

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Kanter, and the attribution of female poker players into stereotypical roles of females was also not present in the observations and interviews of casino poker players. The lack of all these patterns in the study of female casino poker players in comparison to the female poker players of league games may be just the numbers.

Though female poker players are rare in casinos, females are present in the casinos in stereotypical female roles. During my participant observation of casino poker, the entirety of the wait staff was female. The dealers of the poker games, and other table games were female at a ratio of about 50 to 50. As a dealer, this individual is the head of the table, forced to interact with all players at the table and facilitate the game. These women are placed in positions as the face of the casino, though they are not full participants of the games. This can be attributed to the expectation of women to do well in casino poker games, but pressure to not outperform the males. If a female token outperforms a male who is part of the dominant culture, she faces scrutiny by the dominants and therefore may not be accepted into that culture.

The sexualized language of poker is consistent between league poker and casino poker.

The language of the game of poker in these bars and casinos perpetuate the token situation for women. When referencing the best hand during the game, the poker slang term is “the nuts.”

While the two cards or any suit are called the “douche” and two Jacks are called “a pair of hookers.” If a player has a pair of queens, they are often called “hoes” or “bitches.” In one instance I observed where an individual needed another jack on the board in order to remain in the game, a male opponent stated that he was “just one jack off” of winning the hand. The hierarchy of the cards also reflects the dominance of the males. The winning hands, such as a flush beating a pair, is based on the probability of receiving those hands. The probability of a

26 pair of kings is the same as the probability of getting a pair of queens, however the kings are more valuable are more valuable and will win the hand.

Another consistency between casino poker and league poker games are the responses of the women to the way they are treated. Female poker players in bars and casinos are seen to be treated similarly, whether they are a token of just in a simple minority. The response of the female poker players align with the responses outlined in Kanter’s description of visibility as a tendency of tokenism. The female poker players attempt to do well, but not too well. Another response to being a token or in the minority that is displayed by these women is by not making their achievements publically known, and they typically do not take credit for their achievements. “Fear of success in women, for example, is really the token woman’s fear of visibility” (Kanter 1977: 221).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Female poker players can either accept isolation, as in the role of the iron maiden, or strive to be accepted into the dominant culture by accepting stereotypes or turning against other women. The responses of female poker players to the way they are treated can either pave the way for more women to join the games, or could perpetuate the token or minority situation and allow for the unjust treatment. Though there has been progress by women in gaining equality in male dominated arenas, injustices still exist. These inequalities keep women in a token or minority position and do not allow for a poker table in which women can be successful.

Female poker players serve as an example of how the purposes of the feminist movement have allowed women to enter male dominated arenas. Originally, beginning in the labor force, women have now extended their presence to male dominated sports and games with support of

27 legislation, such as Title IX. Although women have become present in these arenas, in many of the previously male only or male dominant places, women are still in the minority. The male dominated arena of No-Limit Texas Hold’em is one example of where women are present, yet remain in the minority and continue to be treated as though they don’t belong. In the poker league, women are of the simple minority and in casinos, women are tokens because of their rarity. Through my research, it seems that there is little difference between the responses of the women in the minority position or women in the token position to the male dominated situation.

Through my research, I have discovered several patterns of behavior of the female poker players in the poker league and the casinos. The behaviors of these women in response to the token or minority situation either attempt to create an equal playing field for both genders or attempt to ignore the existence of a dominant group. The responses to the behaviors are survival techniques, allowing women to participate in the male dominated game. The responses of the female poker players are to either accept the stereotypes which are attributed to them by the males or to face abandonment by attempting to fight those stereotypes. I have interviewed several poker players, both male and female, who have made statements consistent with my observations of the behaviors. Though the behaviors of the male and female poker players differ between the league and the casino, the response of the females in both situations are the same.

In casinos, with the existence of ladies nights and female only tournaments, women are isolated in these games and tend to not participate in the male dominated games. This allows all other poker games and tournaments to continue to be male dominant and keeps the women in a minority position. Another response by some female poker players is an attempt to desexualize the arena. This is done by dressing conservatively and ignoring the jokes and sexual humor.

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These attempts often go unrecognized and are ineffective due to the encouragement of the sexual humor and behavior by the other male participants.

A surprising discovery in my research, which was unanticipated and not mentioned in previously existing literature was the importance of age. This is significant in understanding which stereotypical female roles are attributed to the female poker players. By attributing the thee roles to the female players, the dominant males are more comfortable in the situation and are able to respond to the presence of that woman. Another important discovery of the research is that the younger male poker players create the sexualized arena in league poker, while the young women poker players use their sexuality for their advantage in casino poker, creating that sexualized arena for their gain.

Tokenism is a self-perpetuating phenomenon, because of the responses by the tokens themselves and by the nature of the games or the arenas. By accepting stereotypes, the female poker players continue to allow the game of poker to be male dominated and keep women in the token position or in the minority. This allows the individual woman to be accepted into the male dominant culture, and therefore creates an environment that she feels is comfortable to participate in. Through my research I have discovered that age is the only way for women to escape from the sexualized nature of the poker games. Homosexual women and women who attempt at distancing themselves from the sexualized nature are unsuccessful, and therefore accept the stereotypical roles of women. However, by participating in the nature of the sexualized poker games, the women allow the behaviors to continue.

The responses of the women not only allow tokenism and women in minority positions to be self-perpetuating, but also reproduce the gender inequalities that have existed within these

29 arenas and others since before the feminist movement. Though women have been incorporated into the game of No-Limit Texas Hold’em, other games, sports and workplaces, the response to the presence of the women has not changed. The gender performance of both the males and females in these situations allow these arenas to remain male dominant and keep women in the minority or token situation. The male dominated arenas have yet to transform into places that women are completely equal, comfortable or full participants.

FURTHER RESEARCH

Much research has been conducted on gender performance and feminism in sociology.

The small pool of research on tokenism has centered on the labor force, whether it is males in typical female jobs or females in typical male jobs. My research has focused on the male dominated game of Texas Hold’em and female poker players. Further research on this topic could focus on age tokenism. This study can take place in the labor force or in the game or sports arena. This research would be important in expanding the knowledge that is available about tokenism and minority situations. Tokenism concerning age was an unanticipated finding in my research and deserves to be expanded upon.

Another idea for further research would be to conduct a similar thesis to my own and attempts to discover whether the results differ. This would need to take place in a situation where women are tokens and in the minority in order to see how the women differ in their response to the male dominants or if the responses are the same. This could also be expanded to a study of a characteristic of tokens and minorities besides gender, such as race or age. A group of a certain race or age could be studied in both a token and minority situation to determine whether the responses are similar, consistent with my research on gender.

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Further research can also include studying tokenism in other games, besides poker. No-

Limit Texas Hold’em was the focus of my research because of its availability and aggressive betting style. Research in other, non-gambling games would be an interesting topic, as well as research of tokenism in other gambling games which take place in casinos as well. Further research on this topic is important in discovering how tokens and minorities respond to their situation. This research can allow for dominant arenas to become less hostile and more available to token or minority individuals. These topics have not been explored through my research and would contribute to a deeper understanding of minority and token situations.

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APPENDIX A

Interview Schedule

Demographics

1. What is your gender? 2. What is your age? 3. What is your sexual orientation? This question is optional and you do not need to answer if you do not want to. 4. Are you a poker dealer or player, or both? History with Poker

5. When did you learn to play poker? What sparked your interest in poker? 6. How long have you been playing poker competitively? 7. How long have you been playing with the Poker League or in the Casinos? 8. How often do you play poker? 9. Have you won any or high stakes game? a. If yes, what was the gender of the person you went heads up with? b. If yes, did you recognize any shift in attitude of any of the poker players as more and more players were eliminated? c. If yes, can you recall the gender of the other players at the final table? Were you the only one of your gender? i. If you were the only one of your gender, did you feel as though you were treated differently than others at the table? Poker Preferences

10. Do you have a favorite poker dealer? a. If yes, why do you prefer this dealer? b. What is the gender of this dealer? 11. Do you prefer to play poker at a table with mostly males or mostly females? Why? 12. Do you prefer to play poker in bars or restaurants (league poker) or Casinos? Why? 13. Do you take into consideration your appearance (clothing) prior to going to a poker game? Why? 14. What is a normal reaction for you when you take someone out at the poker table? Does this depend on your relationship to that person or their gender? 15. Are there certain poker players you avoid or prefer to not sit with at the table? Why do you avoid them and what is their gender?

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Observations of Poker

16. Have you observed “locker room humor” or sexual jokes during poker games? a. If yes, what is the gender of the person making these jokes? Who are the people that participate, encourage or laugh at the jokes? b. If yes, who is the subject of the jokes? c. If yes, how do these jokes make you feel? d. If yes, do you feel a need to participate in the jokes? 17. Have you observed excessive cursing during poker games? a. If yes, what is the gender of the individuals who curse excessively? 18. Do you feel comfortable cursing at poker games? 19. Please use the rest of this paper to describe stories or other observations at the poker table that you feel relate this survey.

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