Seanad Reform Implementation Group Third Meeting
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Re-Tweeting Election #Ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD
Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD 1 Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Introduction The 2011 General Election was the first Twitter Election in Ireland. The appetite for increased engagement, accountability and interaction via the social media platform followed the resignation of Defence Minister Willie O’Dea in February 2010, in part because of a carefully composed tweet. By January 2011, Twitter was part of the daily political discourse, as candidates posted their thoughts, policies, pictures and links in the competitive war to raise profiles and attract eyeballs. The beauty of Twitter is that it allows your ‘followers’ to view you in a different lens from the normal political script, and to engage with you on a variety of topics political, personal, trivial and even philosophical. It also allows politicians break some news at appropriate times, and share views on national events without the constraints of a formal press release. This ebook is based on all the tweets published over the course of the General Election campaign, from the announcement of Labour’s motion of no confidence in the government to the day of the election result. It is important to consider that the commentary on the tweets was completed in the months immediately after the election in February 2011, when my memory of events and emotions was still raw and fresh, and not two years later. Therefore, the commentary provided is frozen in 2011 and has not been altered to take account of two years in government and developments in 2013. The tweets and reflections are frozen in time. -
Prohibition of Conversion Therapies Bill 2018
An Bille um Thoirmeasc ar Theiripí Tiontúcháin, 2018 Prohibition of Conversion Therapies Bill 2018 Mar a tionscnaíodh As initiated [No. 33.6 of 2018] AN BILLE UM THOIRMEASC AR THEIRIPÍ TIONTÚCHÁIN, 2018 PROHIBITION OF CONVERSION THERAPIES BILL 2018 Mar a tionscnaíodh As initiated CONTENTS Section 1. Interpretation 2. Prohibition of Conversion Therapy 3. Criminalisation of Conversion Therapies 4. Short title and Commencement [No.33.6 of 2018] ACT REFERRED TO Mercantile Marine Act 1955 (No. 29) 2 AN BILLE UM THOIRMEASC AR THEIRIPÍ TIONTÚCHÁIN, 2018 PROHIBITION OF CONVERSION THERAPIES BILL 2018 Bill entitled An Act to prohibit conversion therapy, as a deceptive and harmful act or practice against 5 a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression. Be it enacted by the Oireachtas as follows: Interpretation 1. In this Act— “conversion therapy”— 10 (a) means any practice or treatment by any person that seeks to change, suppress and, or eliminate a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression; and (b) does not include any practice or treatment, which does not seek to change a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression, or 15 which— (i) provides assistance to an individual undergoing a gender transition; or (ii) provides acceptance, support and understanding of a person, or a facilitation of a person’s coping, social support and identity exploration and development, including sexual orientation-neutral interventions; 20 “sexual orientation” refers to each person’s capacity -
1 * Toke S. Aidt Is Reader in Economics, Faculty of Economics
WHAT MOTIVATES AN OLIGARCHIC ELITE TO DEMOCRATIZE? EVIDENCE FROM THE ROLL CALL VOTE ON THE GREAT REFORM ACT OF 1832* TOKE S. AIDT AND RAPHAËL FRANCK * Toke S. Aidt is Reader in Economics, Faculty of Economics, Austin Robinson Building, Sidgwick Avenue, CB39DD Cambridge, UK. Email: [email protected]; and CESifo, Munich, Germany. Raphaël Franck is Senior Lecturer, Department of Economics, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 91905 Jerusalem, Israel. Email: [email protected]. We thank Ann Carlos and Dan Bogart (the editors), several anonymous referees, Ekaterina Borisova and Roger Congleton as well as participants at various seminars for helpful comments. Raphaël Franck gratefully acknowledges financial support from the Adar Foundation of the Economics Department at Bar Ilan University. Raphaël Franck wrote part of this paper as Marie Curie Fellow at the Department of Economics at Brown University under funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP 2007-2013) under REA grant agreement PIOF-GA-2012-327760 (TCDOFT). We are also grateful to the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure and the ESRC (Grant RES-000-23-1579) for helping us with shape files for the maps of the ancient counties and parishes. The research was supported by the British Academy (grant JHAG097). Any remaining errors are our own. 1 WHAT MOTIVATES AN OLIGARCHIC ELITE TO DEMOCRATIZE? EVIDENCE FROM THE ROLL CALL VOTE ON THE GREAT REFORM ACT OF 1832 Abstract. The Great Reform Act of 1832 was a watershed for democracy in Great Britain. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
Seanad Éireann
SEANAD ÉIREANN AN BILLE UM GHNÍOMHÚ AERÁIDE AGUS UM FHORBAIRT ÍSEALCHARBÓIN (LEASÚ), 2021 CLIMATE ACTION AND LOW CARBON DEVELOPMENT (AMENDMENT) BILL 2021 LEASUITHE COISTE COMMITTEE AMENDMENTS [No. 39a of 2021] [2 July, 2021] SEANAD ÉIREANN AN BILLE UM GHNÍOMHÚ AERÁIDE AGUS UM FHORBAIRT ÍSEALCHARBÓIN (LEASÚ), 2021 —AN COISTE CLIMATE ACTION AND LOW CARBON DEVELOPMENT (AMENDMENT) BILL 2021 —COMMITTEE STAGE Leasuithe Amendments *Government amendments are denoted by an asterisk SECTION 3 1. In page 6, line 29, after “emissions” to insert “minus removals”. —Senators Regina Doherty, Garret Ahearn, Paddy Burke, Jerry Buttimer, Maire Ní Bhroinn, Micheál Carrigy, Martin Conway, John Cummins, Emer Currie, Aisling Dolan, Seán Kyne, Tim Lombard, John McGahon, Joe O'Reilly, Mary Seery Kearney, Barry Ward, Lisa Chambers, Catherine Ardagh, Niall Blaney, Malcolm Byrne, Pat Casey, Shane Cassells, Lorraine Clifford-Lee, Ollie Crowe, Paul Daly, Aidan Davitt, Timmy Dooley, Mary Fitzpatrick, Robbie Gallagher, Gerry Horkan, Erin McGreehan, Eugene Murphy, Fiona O'Loughlin, Denis O'Donovan, Ned O'Sullivan, Diarmuid Wilson. 2. In page 6, to delete lines 34 and 35, and in page 7, to delete lines 1 to 3 and substitute the following: “ ‘climate justice’ means the requirement that decisions and actions taken, within the State and at the international level, to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to adapt to the effects of climate change shall, in so far as it is practicable to do so— (a) support the people who are most affected by climate change but who have done the least to cause it and are the least equipped to adapt to its effects, (b) safeguard the most vulnerable persons, (c) endeavour to share the burdens and benefits arising from climate change, and (d) help to address inequality;”. -
Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16Th – 17Th November 2018
79th ÁRD FHEIS Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16th – 17th November 2018 #FGAF18 CONTENTS Information Connacht/Ulster Candidates 4 17 5 Standing Orders 20 Dublin Candidates 6 What’s Happening 22 Leinster Candidates Message from the Munster Candidates 8 General Secretary 25 General Election Candidates Message from 28 9 An Taoiseach Leo VaradkarTD 30 Accounts Executive Council 10 Nominations 2018 Motions for Debate 32 11 Presidential Candidate 43 Site Maps 12 Vice Presidential Candidates Parliamentary Party Candidates 13 Council of Local Public 16 Representatives Candidates #FGAF18 ARD FHEIS 2018 // 3 INFORMATION REGISTRATION & PRE-REGISTRATION ELECTIONS & VOTING Don’t worry if you haven’t pre-registered for Voting will take place on the Ground Floor of the Árd Fheis. You can still register, but please the Convention Centre between 1.00pm and be aware that you must do so at the Citywest 4.00pm. To vote, members must produce a valid Convention Centre. Membership Card (2018/19) and a Delegate Card and will be asked to produce photo I.D. Registration will take place from 4.00pm to The following are entitled to vote: all Public 8.00pm on Friday and 9.00am to 5.00pm on Representatives, members of Executive Council, Saturday. Constituency and District Officers and five Delegates will be required to produce their delegates per Branch. membership card and photo I.D. Travelling companions will have to be vouched for by a VOTING APPEALS member. The Ethics Committee (Gerry O’Connell, Eileen Lynch, Tom Curran (Gen. Sec), Brian Murphy, COLLECTION OF ACCREDITATION Mary Danagher, Fiona O’Connor, John Hogan) will Delegates who have registered but have not convene in the Carraig Suite between 1.00pm. -
Franchise Extension and the British Aristocracy
Franchise Extension and the British Aristocracy Samuel Berlinski 1 Torun Dewan 2 Brenda van Coppenolle 3 Abstract. Using evidence from the Second Reform Act, introduced in the United Kingdom in 1867, we analyze the impact of extending the vote to the unskilled urban population on the composition of the Cabinet and the background characteristics of Members of Parlia- ment. Exploiting the sharp change in the electorate caused by franchise extension, we sepa- rate the effect of reform from that of underlying constituency level traits correlated with the voting population. Our results are broadly supportive of a claim first made by Laski (1928): there is no causal effect of the reform on the political role played by the British aristocracy. 1. I NTRODUCTION Does the expansion of voting rights lead to elected assemblies that are a microcosm of the societies that they represent? Or are the background characteristics of the men and women elected to office unaffected by differences in the rules governing the franchise? The question is pertinent if, as recent evidence suggests, the identity of politicians affects their subsequent performance: studies of changes in mandated forms of representation in the developing world show that identity is causally related to different outcomes (Pande, 2003); and recent contributions in political science show that background characteristics of elected MPS and cabinet ministers affects their performance. Establishing a relationship between franchise extension and the identity of elected politicians can, moreover, shed light on an intriguing puzzle in the study of political development. As noted by Aidt and Jensen (2009) there is a “growing consensus that the extension of the franchise contributed positively to the growth in government”. -
Dáil Éireann
DÁIL ÉIREANN AN COMHCHOISTE UM DHLÍ AGUS CEART, COSAINT AGUS COMHIONANNAS JOINT COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE, DEFENCE AND EQUALITY Dé Céadaoin, 25 Samhain 2015 Wednesday, 25 November 2015 The Joint Committee met at 9.30 a.m. MEMBERS PRESENT: Deputy Niall Collins, Senator Ivana Bacik, Deputy Alan Farrell, Senator Martin Conway, Deputy Seán Kenny, Senator Tony Mulcahy. Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn, Deputy Gabrielle McFadden, Deputy Finian McGrath, DEPUTY DAVID STANTON IN THE CHAIR. 1 MANAGEMENT AND Administration OF THE Courts: Courts Service OF IRELAND Management and Administration of the Courts: Courts Service of Ireland Chairman: Apologies have been received from Senators Martin Conway, Denis O’Donovan and Katherine Zappone. The purpose of the first part of the meeting is to engage with the Courts Service of Ireland on a number of related matters. On behalf of the joint committee, I welcome Mr. Brendan Ryan and his colleagues. We will meet Mr. John Coyle, Mr. Seán Quigley and Ms Marie Ryan later and hear what they do in the Courts Service of Ireland. We are delighted that they were able to make it this morning. We understand there are 33 agencies within the remit of the Department of Justice and Equality and that the Courts Service of Ireland is one of the more important. We have not had a chance to engage with it during the past four and a half years; therefore, nearing the end of this Dáil, we are delighted that its representatives are able to come and tell us what it is doing, about the challenges it faces and the progress it has made in the past while because it is probably one of the most important services within the remit of the Department. -
1 Memorandum TO: the Working Group on Seanad Reform
1 Memorandum TO: The Working Group on Seanad Reform, Department of an Taoiseach FROM: Senator Sean D. Barrett, Ph.D., FTCD (Independent, University of Dublin Panel) DATE: 16.01.2015 RE: Submission to the Seanad Reform Working Group The Seanad Bill 2014 is being hailed by the government as an extension of franchise, a reforming and widening of our democracy. In reality, replacing the present two university constituency with a single six•seat constituency will put an end to the independent voices which have been the stalwart of these university constituencies, will pave the way for this six seat constituency to be dominated by the political parties and will in no way further the democratisation of the electoral process. The people did not vote against the proposed abolition of the Seanad only to have the upper house of the Oireachtas damaged, made less effective and less independent•minded. The current design of the 6 university seats owes much of its origin to the defence of private property. The participation of Provost Bernard of Trinity College resulted in the allocation of places for Trinity College in the original Senate and creating a situation where the 1937 Constitution continued the tradition. The design of the constituencies of NUI and TCD resulted in the returning of members in keeping with the original intent of the Seanad. The TCD seats have been long associated with reform and alternative viewpoints in the history of the Irish state. Though largely forgotten now, Trinity senators proposed free trade, women’s rights, against corporal punishment, the need for freedom of conscience and a peaceful solution to Northern Ireland during times when those views were considered unpopular, anti•government, anti•Irish and downright peculiar by the parties in power at the time. -
Labour: Working for Women
Labour: Working for Women March 2021 Contents Executive Summary ………………………………………………………………………………. 1. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………….………. 7. Foreword Alan Kelly: Leader of the Labour Party …………………………………………………….. 10. Ivana Bacik: Labour Party Seanad Group Leader ………………………………………….. 11. Women in the Labour Party 13. Labour Legislating for Equality …………………………………………………………….…… 14. Labour’s Vision for Women in Ireland: Policies for Change 1. Women’s Health Labour’s Action: Legislating for Women’s Health ……………………….…………………. 16. Labour’s Vision for Women’s Health …………………………………………………………. 16. 1.1. Cervical Cancer ………………………………………………………………………… 17. 1.2. Assisted Reproduction ……………………….……………………………………….. 18. 1.3. Gynaecological Services ………………………………………………………………. 18. 1.4. Provide for Free Contraception ………………………………………………………. 18. 1.5. Enhance Early Screening ………………………………..…………………………….. 19. 1.6. HPV Vaccine Catchup …………………………………………..……………………… 19. 1.7. Sexual Health ……………………………………………………………………………. 20. 1.8. Transgender Healthcare ………………………………………………………………… 20. 1.9. Abortion ………………………………….………………………………………………. 20. 1.10. Support for Survivors of the Mother and Baby Homes and Adopted Persons .… 20. 1.11. Fund Mental Health and Primary Care Centres ………………..…………………… 21. Labour: Working for Women 2. Workers’ Rights: Women at Work 22. Labour’s Action: Legislation for Women in the Workplace …………………………..……… 23. Labour’s Vision for Women in the Workplace 2.1. A New Childcare Model: Pay Every Childcare Worker a Living Wage ……………… 24. 2.2. Support for Carers ………………………………………………………………………. -
CULTURAL and EDUCATIONAL PANEL (A) Provisional Nominating Bodies Sub-Panel
SEANAD GENERAL ELECTION _________________ APRIL, 2016 _________________ PANELS OF CANDIDATES PREPARED BY THE SEANAD RETURNING OFFICER ACT, 1947, AS AMENDED BY THE SEANAD ELECTORAL (PANEL MEMBERS) ACT, 1954. CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL PANEL (a) Provisional Nominating Bodies Sub-Panel Name Address Description Qualifications of candidate for inclusion in the Name of body by whom Candidate was Panel as determined by the Seanad nominated Returning Officer Brabazon, Tom 75 Lóiste Mhic Reachtain, Baile Comhairleoir Cathrach, Conradh Na Gaeilge Átha Cliath 13 Aturnae Burke, Deirdre Orchard House, Templelyon, Solicitor The Law Society of Ireland Redcross, Co. Wicklow Carey, Declan 116 The Strand, Donabate, Co. Mental Health Social Worker Dental Council Dublin Collins, Michael Ballinvallig, Newcastle West, Public Representative, Theatre Forum Limited Co. Limerick Musician, Comhaltas Ceoltoirí Eireann Connolly, John 12 Gort na Bró, Millers Lane, Primary School Teacher Irish National Teachers’ Organisation Rahoon, Galway Conway, Joe ‘An Druimín’, Roselawn, College Tutor, Public Aontas Múinteoirí Éireann/Teachers’ Union of Tramore, Co. Waterford Representative Ireland Crowley, Liam Killorglin, Co. Kerry Solicitor The Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland D’Arcy, Jim 12 Sandygrove Close, Senator Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland Blackrock, Dundalk, Co. Louth Finucane, Jim 3 Cloondara, Tralee, Co. Kerry Member of Kerry ETB Education and Training Boards Ireland Howard, Mary Claureen House, Ennis, Co. Member of Clare County The Drama League of Ireland Clare -
Five Days in Labour Party History by Brendan
SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 By Brendan Halligan 1 SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS OF LABOUR PARTY HISTORY By Brendan Halligan Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 1. The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 2. The Day Labour almost came to Power: Tuesday, 16 August 1927 3. Why Labout Put DeValera in Power: 9 March 1932 4. Giving the Kiss of Life to Fine Gael: Wednesday, 18 February 1948 5. The Day the Party Died: Sunday, 13th December 1970 2 No. 1 The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 William O’Brien Fifteen hundred delegates jammed the Mansion House. It was a congress unprecedented in the history of the Labour Movement in Ireland. Or, in the mind of one Labour leader, in the history of the Labour movement in any country in Europe. The euphoria was forgivable. The Special Conference of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress (to give it its full name) was truly impressive, both in terms of its size and the vehemence with which it opposed the conscription a British government was about to impose on Ireland. But it was nothing compared to what happened four days later. Responding to the resolution passed by the Conference, Irish workers brought the economic life of the country to a standstill. It was the first General Strike in Ireland. Its success was total, except for Belfast. Nothing moved. Factories and shops were closed. No newspapers were printed. Even the pubs were shut.