DOCSLIB.ORG

Phonological Typology

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Phonological Typology Class 8: Phonological typology Adam Albright ([email protected]) LSA 2017 Phonology University of Kentucky Announcements I For those taking this class for credit I Please upload assignments (option 1 or option 2) by PDF to Canvas by tonight I Today I Questions? I Phonological typology References 1/38 From specific languages to typology I So far: main focus has been on providing rankings that yield set of outputs attested in a specific language I However, arguments for constraint formulation and ranking have been partly language-internal, and partly cross-linguistic I Language-internal: Korean allows laryngeal contrasts on consonants before a vowel, but not before another consonant I Cross-linguistic: if a language allows laryngeal contrasts before a consonant, it allows them before a vowel *[voice]/ :[+son] ≫ *[voice]/ :[−son] or: Ident([±voi])/[+son] ≫ *Ident([±voi])/ [+son] I Or in some cases, almost entirely cross-linguistic I Low-ranked markedness constraints[ ] −sonorant I E.g., Limbu: Ident([±voi]) ≫ * +voice References 2/38 Using typological data to inform constraint formulation Implicational asymmetries give us insight into… I Which constraints to include I Conjecture (not verified): if a language allows initial #ŋV, it also allows initial #mV and #nV I *#ŋ constraint without corresponding *#m, *#n: predicts two type of languages, depending on ranking w.r.t. Ident(place) I Fixed rankings I Verified by Steriade (1999): if a language allows laryngeal contrasts before a consonant, it allows them before a vowel I *[voice]/ :[+son] ≫ *[voice]/ :[−son] References 3/38 Universal CON? I This reasoning is most straightforward if we can guarantee that no grammar would ever contain a constraint that would ‘subvert’ the predicted asymmetry I Hypothesis: set of constraints (and, perhaps, a priori rankings) is fixed and universal (Prince and Smolensky, 2002) I Or, subject to limitations that guarantee asymmetries (Hayes, 1999; Hayes and Steriade, 2004; Smith, 2003) I Assumed by RCD (must be able to identify all L’s from the start) References 4/38 Factorial typology I Space of possible grammars = set of possible rankings I Deriving the set of predicted languages I Virtually guaranteed to be fewer languages than rankings (why?) I Enormous space, but much smaller than possible sets of ordered rules References 5/38 Evaluating typological predictions of a proposed constraint I Can only be assessed through interaction I In practice, often assessed for just a limited set of constraints (‘mini-typology’) I Typological predictions are independent of lexicon (Richness of the Base) I Assessing fit to attested typology Predicted/Attested Yes No Yes Correctly analyzable Accidental gap No Exception Correctly excluded I Eliminating exceptions: descriptive adequacy I Minimizing “accidental” gaps ! restrictive theory References 6/38 The typology of stress systems I In principle, all of the constraints that we’ve used up until this point could be submitted to factorial typology and evaluated I Interactions ! enormous set of possible languages I Stress assignment: somewhat ‘insulated’ from other parts of the grammar I Easier to document independently of other features of the language (modulo morphology) I Easier to assess mini-typology with some confidence References 7/38 Stress I An abstract (“hidden”) property I Liberman (1975); Liberman and Prince (1977): linguistic manifestation of rhythmic structure I Prosodic prominence = ‘strength’ I Behavioral diagnostics (tapping, text alignment) I English: eligibility for phrasal prominences (‘nuclear intonation tones’, marked with pitch accents) I Diagnosis through pitch accent: calling contour, surprise redundancy contour I Compare: collàborátion, clàssificátion I Conditions phonological processes I Contrast: e.g., vowel reduction in stressless syllables I Other reductions: e.g., flapping in English References 8/38 Stress I Acoustic correlates: mostly indirect in English (pitch accent) I Inherent: duration, possibly voice quality, following C duration I Accent: intensity/amplitude, pitch I Probably also mostly indirect cues in other languages, though remarkably few studies dissociating stress from pitch accent I NB: when the most straightforward diagnostics (e.g., stress-based meter) are unavailable or irrelevant for a given language, the position of stress can be notoriously difficult for non-native listeners to identify! I Misidentification of duration, pitch, etc. associated with position in word or phrase (French, Welsh) I An interesting problem: difficult also for learners References 9/38 Typological properties of stress: some universal properties (Hayes, 1995, chap. 3) I Culminativity: every word or phrase has a single strongest (most prominent) syllable I Hierarchical organization I Primary, secondary, tertiary stress: Constantinople 23010 vs. sensationality 32010 I Rhythmic organization I Alternating stressed/stressless syllables I If there are multiple stresses in a given domain, they are generally spaced at regular intervals: 102020 not *122000 I Regular stresses every two (or sometimes three) syllables I No assimilation I Unlike voicing, place, etc., no tendency for adjacent syllables to agree in stress I In fact, assimilation would destroy rhythmic organization I Often taken as an argument for a distinct representation (not a feature) References 10/38 Parameters of stress systems I Is the position of stress determined phonologically? (lexical (free) vs. fixed stress) I What determines position? I Edges of the word: stress left, right, penultimate, peninitial, antepenultimate… I Weight: stress ‘heavier’ syllables (long vowel, CVN, CVC, etc.) (Quantity sensitivity) I Stress just the syllable(s) with relevant property (free stress) or regularly alternating syllables (bounded stress) I If alternating: binary or ternary? I Morphological sensitivity References 11/38 The representation of stress I Featural (but: no assimilation) I Grid (Prince, 1983; Selkirk, 1984) × × × σ σ σ σ σ a bra ca da bra I Feet: binary vs. ternary, head position (σ̀ σ) σ (σ́ σ) abra ca dabra References 12/38 Where does stress fall? Quantity insensitive systems (Gordon, 2002) I Final: Atayal, Moghol, Mazatec I Penultimate: Mohawk, Albanian, Jaqaru I Antepenultimate: Macedonian I Initial: Arabela, Chitimacha, Nenets I Peninitial: Lakhota, Koryak I Postpeninitial: Hocąk (a.k.a. Winnebago) I Rarer: ‘dual’ systems, at/near L and R (one primary, one secondary) (Not discussed here: quantity sensitive systems, where position of stress depends on vowel length or syllable type) References 13/38 Capturing stress placement with constraints Gordon (2002): Align(Level n,Edge) Level 2: × Level 1: × × Syllables: σ σ σ σσ I Levels: {1,2}, Edges: {L,R} I Every grid mark on Level n must be aligned with the grid mark on the named edge of Level n-1 I Align(Level 1,L): there must be a stress on the leftmost syllable I Example above: satisfies Align(Level 1,L), but violates Align(Level 1,R) I Align(Level 2,L): the leftmost stress must be primary (cf. Hayes, 1995 ‘End Rule Left’) I Example above: violates Align(Level 2,L), but satisfies Align(Level 2,R) References 14/38 AFACTORIALTYPOLOGYOFQUANTITY-INSENSITIVESTRESS 499 are several violations of a constraint committed by a form, the number of violations appears in parentheses. Adopting the ALIGN (x2,X,1,PrWd)constraintsasopposedtocon- straints which count absolute distance of the primary stress from an edge (cf. McCarthy and Prince 1993) has the empirical advantage of creating amoreconstrainedfactorialtypologyofstresssystems12 as well as the formal advantage (in a grid-based theory of representation) of being more principled, assuming that all grid marks above level 0 must dominate a Evaluatinglower levelAlign grid mark(Level (Prince’s n,Edge): (1983) ContinuousGordon (2002 Column, Constraint). p. 499) (5) Evaluation of the ALIGN constraints References 15/38 Before proceeding with analyses employing the ALIGN constraints, it should be noted that, although the ALIGN constraints discussed in this paper will make reference to the word as the stress domain, it is assumed that other members of the ALIGN constraint family sensitive to different stress domains, such as the root and different phrasal levels, also exist. These ALIGN constraints play an important role in characterizing mor- phologically sensitive stress (see Alderete 1999 for morphological stress 12 The ALIGN (x2,{R/L},1,PrWd)constraintsadoptedheregenerateonly79distinct stress systems as opposed to 93 generated by their hypothetical counterparts which count absolute distance of the main stress from an edge. The extra patterns, none of which are attested, fall under the class of fixed stress systems displaying two stresses per domain (see section 2.2 for the factorial typology of fixed stress). Rhythmic stress and windows I *Clash I No sequences of two stressed syllables: *σ́σ́ I *Lapse I No sequences of two stressless syllables: *σσ I *Extended Lapse I No sequences of three stressless syllables: *σσσ I Position: *Lapse(R), *Lapse(L), *ExtLapse(R), possibly also *ExtLapse(L) References 16/38 Rhythmic stress and windows I The idea behind windows: stress wants to be at one edge of the word, but is prohibited from being more than one/two syllables from the opposite end I Antepenultimate: *ExtLapse(R) ≫ Align(Level 1,L) ≫ Align(Level 1,R) I *Lapse(R), *Lapse(L): penultimate, peninitial stress I *ExtLapse(R): antepenultimate (and *ExtLapse(L) if postpenititial exists) I Gradient violations: must be better to stay ‘at outer edge of window’ than to go all the way
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Applying Phonology in Lexicography: Variant-Synonym Classification In
    Applying phonology in lexicography: variant-synonym classification in Czech Sign Language Hana Strachoňová, Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic, [email protected] Lucia Vlášková, Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic, [email protected] Sign language (SL) lexicography, as a young field of study within SL linguistics, faces a lot of challenges that have already been answered for the audio-oral language material. In this talk we present a method that is being applied in the ongoing process of data classification for the first Czech SL online dictionary (part of the platform Dictio). Problem: For audio-oral languages, a dictionary entry standardly contains the citation form of a lexeme and all the variants (Čermák 1995). See for example the gender variants in Czech: brambor (potato- masculine) / brambor-a (potato-feminine), hadr (cloth-masculine) / hadr-a (cloth-feminine). However, two (or more) expressions of a different word-forming nature are not considered variants but synonyms (Filipec 1995). See the example pairs in Czech - the first expression comes from the traditional Czech lexicon and the latter originates in English/Latin: jazykověda (linguistics; Czech origin) / lingvistika (linguistics; foreign origin), poradce (consultant; Czech origin) / konzultant (consultant; foreign origin). The common ground of the variant- and synonym-pairs is their shared meaning (brambor has the same meaning as brambora; jazykověda has the same meaning as lingvistika) and in the lexicographic work it is essential to assign each of them the right place in the dictionary entry. What seems as a simple task for spoken languages (basically - common root for variants, different roots for synonyms) becomes a challenge for SLs (still ongoing discussion about the definition of morphemes and lexical roots; see e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Development Language Development
    Language Development rom their very first cries, human beings communicate with the world around them. Infants communicate through sounds (crying and cooing) and through body lan- guage (pointing and other gestures). However, sometime between 8 and 18 months Fof age, a major developmental milestone occurs when infants begin to use words to speak. Words are symbolic representations; that is, when a child says “table,” we understand that the word represents the object. Language can be defined as a system of symbols that is used to communicate. Although language is used to communicate with others, we may also talk to ourselves and use words in our thinking. The words we use can influence the way we think about and understand our experiences. After defining some basic aspects of language that we use throughout the chapter, we describe some of the theories that are used to explain the amazing process by which we Language9 A system of understand and produce language. We then look at the brain’s role in processing and pro- symbols that is used to ducing language. After a description of the stages of language development—from a baby’s communicate with others or first cries through the slang used by teenagers—we look at the topic of bilingualism. We in our thinking. examine how learning to speak more than one language affects a child’s language develop- ment and how our educational system is trying to accommodate the increasing number of bilingual children in the classroom. Finally, we end the chapter with information about disorders that can interfere with children’s language development.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods
    The Kabod Volume 3 Issue 3 Summer Article 1 January 2017 Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods Cory C. Coogan Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod Part of the Modern Languages Commons, and the Reading and Language Commons Recommended Citations MLA: Coogan, Cory C. "Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods," The Kabod 3. 3 (2017) Article 1. Liberty University Digital Commons. Web. [xx Month xxxx]. APA: Coogan, Cory C. (2017) "Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods" The Kabod 3( 3 (2017)), Article 1. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod/vol3/iss3/1 Turabian: Coogan, Cory C. "Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods" The Kabod 3 , no. 3 2017 (2017) Accessed [Month x, xxxx]. Liberty University Digital Commons. This Individual Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Kabod by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Coogan: Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods Running Head: PHONETIC AND PHONOLOGICAL RESEARCH SHARING METHODS 1 Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods Cory Coogan Liberty University Published by Scholars Crossing, 2017 1 The Kabod, Vol. 3, Iss. 3 [2017], Art. 1 PHONETIC AND PHONOLOGICAL RESEARCH SHARING METHODS 2 Phonetic and Phonological Research Sharing Methods Most linguists affirm the observation that human language is innate; the human mind has a capacity for grammar that is inherent from birth. This notion implies that a singular grammar produces all human languages; therefore, to appropriately understand the scope of the human capacity for grammar, a single model must cohesively describe the various processes of all human languages.
    [Show full text]
  • 24.900 Intro to Linguistics Lecture Notes: Phonology Summary
    Fall 2012 Phonology Summary • Speakers of English learned something from the data they were presented with as (contains all examples from class slides, and more!) babies that caused them to internalize (learn) the rule exemplified in (1) — just as Tojolabal speakers learned from the data that they heard as babies, and ended up with 1. Phonology vs. phonetics the rule exemplified in (2). • The path from memory (lexical access) to speech is mediated by phonology. • The English rule is real and active "on-line", governing creative linguistic behavior. A • Phonology = system of rules that apply when speech sounds are put together to form native speaker of English will apply it to new words they have never heard. The /t/ in morphemes and words. tib will be aspirated, and the /t/ in stib (both nonsense words, I hope) will not be. Probably Tojolabal speakers will show similar behavior with respect to their rule. (1) stop consonant aspiration in English: initial within a stressed syllable ASPIRATED UNASPIRATED 2. What phonetic distinctions are made in lexical entries? initial within a stressed syllable after s or initial within an word-final (therefore syllable- Part 1: phonological rules that eliminate distinctions from the lexicon unstressed syllable final) pan span nap tone stone note • English: lexicon does not need to distinguish aspirated from unaspirated stops. kin skin nick There is no reason to suppose that information about aspiration forms part of the sound field of lexical entries of English words, since it is entirely predictable. Though pan is upon supping pronounced /pʰæn/ and span /spæn/, there is no reason to distinguish the aspirated and unaspirated bilabial stops in the lexical entries of the two words.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonological Typology, Rhythm Types and the Phonetics-Phonology Interface
    Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2012 Phonological typology, rhythm types and the phonetics-phonology interface. A methodological overview and three case studies on Italo-Romance dialects Schmid, Stephan Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-73782 Book Section Published Version Originally published at: Schmid, Stephan (2012). Phonological typology, rhythm types and the phonetics-phonology interface. A methodological overview and three case studies on Italo-Romance dialects. In: Ender, Andrea; Leemann, Adrian; Wälchli, Bernhard. Methods in contemporary linguistics. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton, 45-68. Phonological typology, rhythm types and the phonetics-phonology interface. A methodological overview and three case studies on Italo- Romance dialects Stephan Schmid 1. Introduction Phonological typology has mainly concentrated on phoneme inventories and on implicational universals, whereas the notion of ‘language type’ ap- pears to be less appealing from a phonological perspective. An interesting candidate for establishing language types on the grounds of phonological or phonetic criteria would have come from the dichotomy of ‘stress-timing’ vs. ‘syllable-timing’, if instrumental research carried out by a number of phoneticians had not invalidated the fundamental claim of the so-called ‘isochrony hypothesis’. Nevertheless, the idea of classifying languages according to their rhythmic properties has continued to inspire linguists and phoneticians, giving rise to two diverging methodological perspectives. The focus of the first framework mainly lies on how phonological processes relate to prosodic domains, in particular to the syllable and to the phonolog- ical word.
    [Show full text]
  • 19 Chapter 2. Cyclic and Noncyclic Phonological Effects a Proper
    Chapter 2. Cyclic and noncyclic phonological effects A proper theory of the phonology-morphology interface must account for apparent cyclic phonological effects as well as noncyclic phonological effects. Cyclic phonological effects are those in which a morphological subconstituent of a word seems to be an exclusive domain for some phonological rule or constraint. In this chapter, I show how Sign-Based Morphology can handle noncyclic as well as cyclic phonological effects. Furthermore, Sign-Based Morphology, unlike other theories of the phonology-morphology interface, relates the cyclic-noncyclic contrast to independently motivatable morphological structures. 2.1 Turkish prosodic minimality The example in this section is a disyllabic minimal size condition that some speakers of Standard Istanbul Turkish impose on affixed forms (Itô and Hankamer 1989, Inkelas and Orgun 1995). The examples in (28b) show that affixed monosyllabic forms are ungrammatical for these speakers (unaffixed monosyllabic forms are accepted (28a), as are semantically similar polysyllabic affixed forms (29b). (28) a) GRÛ ‘musical note C’ b) *GRÛ-P ‘C-1sg.poss’ MH ‘eat’ *MH-Q ‘eat-pass’ (29) a) VRO- ‘musical note G’ b) VRO--\P ‘G-1sg.poss’ N$]$Û ‘accident’ N$]$Û-P ‘accident-1sg.poss’ MXW ‘swallow’ MXW-XO ‘swallow-pass’ WHN-PHO-H ‘kick’ WHN-PHO-H-Q ‘kick-pass’ What happens when more suffixes are added to the forms in (28b) to bring the total size to two syllables? It turns out that nominal forms with additional affixes are still ungrammatical regardless of the total size, as shown by the data in (30). (30) *GRÛ-P ‘C-1sg.poss’ *GRÛ-P-X ‘C-1sg.poss’ *UHÛ-Q ‘D-2sg.poss’ *UHÛ-Q-GHQ ‘D-2sg.poss-abl’ *I$Û-P ‘F-1sg.poss’ *I$Û-P-V$ ‘F-1sg.poss-cond’ These forms suggest that the disyllabic minimal size condition is enforced cyclically.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction to Phonology École D’Automne De Linguistique, ENS
    Introduction to Phonology École d’automne de linguistique, ENS Class coordinates Time : 14:30-15:50 (Session 4), Sept. 24, 25, 26, 27 (Monday to Thursday) Place : Salle des Résistants (45 rue d’Ulm, 1er étage, couloir A-B) Instructor coordinates Name : Kie Zuraw [ ka z ] Affiliation : UCLA (University of California, Los Angeles) Department of Linguistics E-mail : [email protected] Web page : www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/zuraw Course description What do we know about our language’s sound pattern, and how do we know it? This course will begin with a quick overview of characteristics of sound patterns that linguists have noticed (alternations and phonotactics), and of the approach to explanatory adequacy that will be adopted here. We will then look at research that has sought to determine what phonological generalizations speakers extract from the learning data, and follow the consequences of these findings for achieving a descriptively adequate grammatical framework (that is, a framework that can express speakers’ implicit phonological knowledge): basic rule notation, features, and constraint interaction. Next we will consider why determining what speakers know is so difficult, and review a range of methods that have been tried. Finally, we will examine some recent work that moves towards explanatory adequacy—what kind of learner can, on exposure to typical learning data, choose a grammar similar to the one that human learners choose? Prerequisites : None! Course outline Day 1: 24 September sound patterns conceptual framework Day 2: 25 September descriptive adequacy: methods and consequences Day 3: 26 September explanatory adequacy: methods Day 4: 27 September explanatory adequacy: theoretical developments Suggestions for further reading are included at the ends of the first two handouts Language : In accordance with EALing policy, I’ll lecture in English, but feel free to make comments or pose questions in French, to ask me to try to express something into French if it’s not clear in English, to talk to me after class in French..
    [Show full text]
  • Relating Application Frequency to Morphological Structure: the Case of Tommo So Vowel Harmony*
    Relating application frequency to morphological structure: the case of Tommo So vowel harmony* Laura McPherson (Dartmouth College) and Bruce Hayes (UCLA) Abstract We describe three vowel harmony processes of Tommo So (Dogon, Mali) and their interaction with morphological structure. The verbal suffixes of Tommo So occur in a strict linear order, establishing a Kiparskian hierarchy of distance from the root. This distance is respected by all three harmony processes; they “peter out”, applying with lower frequency as distance from the root increases. The function relating application rate to distance is well fitted by families of sigmoid curves, declining in frequency from one to zero. We show that, assuming appropriate constraints, such functions are a direct consequence of Harmonic Grammar. The crucially conflicting constraints are IDENT (violated just once by harmonized candidates) and a scalar version of AGREE (violated 1- 7 times, based on closeness of the target to the root). We show that our model achieves a close fit to the data while a variety of alternative models fail to do so. * We would like to thank Robert Daland, Abby Hantgan, Jeffrey Heath, Kie Zuraw, audiences at the Linguistic Society of America, the Manchester Phonology Meeting, Academia Sinica, Dartmouth College and UCLA, and the anonymous reviewers and editors for Phonology for their help with this article; all remaining defects are the authors’ responsibility. We are also indebted to the Tommo So language consultants who provided all of the data. This research was supported by a grant from the Fulbright Foundation and by grants BCS-0537435 and BCS-0853364 from the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis
    The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis Jie Zhang For my family Table of Contents Acknowledgments xi 1 Background 3 1.1 Two Examples of Contour Tone Distribution 3 1.1.1 Contour Tones on Long Vowels Only 3 1.1.2 Contour Tones on Stressed Syllables Only 8 1.2 Questions Raised by the Examples 9 1.3 How This Work Evaluates The Different Predictions 11 1.3.1 A Survey of Contour Tone Distribution 11 1.3.2 Instrumental Case Studies 11 1.4 Putting Contour Tone Distribution in a Bigger Picture 13 1.4.1 Phonetically-Driven Phonology 13 1.4.2 Positional Prominence 14 1.4.3 Competing Approaches to Positional Prominence 16 1.5 Outline 20 2 The Phonetics of Contour Tones 23 2.1 Overview 23 2.2 The Importance of Sonority for Contour Tone Bearing 23 2.3 The Importance of Duration for Contour Tone Bearing 24 2.4 The Irrelevance of Onsets to Contour Tone Bearing 26 2.5 Local Conclusion 27 3 Empirical Predictions of Different Approaches 29 3.1 Overview 29 3.2 Defining CCONTOUR and Tonal Complexity 29 3.3 Phonological Factors That Influence Duration and Sonority of the Rime 32 3.4 Predictions of Contour Tone Distribution by Different Approaches 34 3.4.1 The Direct Approach 34 3.4.2 Contrast-Specific Positional Markedness 38 3.4.3 General-Purpose Positional Markedness 41 vii viii Table of Contents 3.4.4 The Moraic Approach 42 3.5 Local Conclusion 43 4 The Role of Contrast-Specific Phonetics in Contour Tone Distribution: A Survey 45 4.1 Overview of the Survey 45 4.2 Segmental Composition 48
    [Show full text]
  • Two Types of Portmanteau Agreement: Syntactic and Morphological1
    January 2014 manuscript To apppear in Advances in OT Syntax and Semantics, edited by Geraldine Legendre, Michael Putnam, and Erin Zaroukian. Oxford University Press. (Paper presented at the Optimality Theory Workshop, Johns Hopkins University, Nov 2012) Two Types of Portmanteau Agreement: Syntactic and Morphological1 Ellen Woolford University of Massachusetts A portmanteau agreement morpheme is one that encodes features from more than one argument. An example can be seen in (1) from Guarani where the portmanteau agreement morpheme roi spells out the first person feature from the subject and the second person feature from the object. (1) Roi-su’ú-ta. [Guarani] 1-2sg-bite-future ‘I will bite you.’ (Tonhauser 2006:133 (8a)) This portmanteau morpheme is distinct from the agreement morpheme that cross-references the first person subject, in (2), and from the morpheme that cross-references the second person object in (3). (2) A-ha-ta. [Guarani] 1sg-go-future ‘I will go.’ (Tonhuaser 2006:133 (9a)) (3) Petei jagua nde-su’u. one dog 2sg-bite ‘A dog bit you.’ (Velázquez Castillo 1996:17 (14)) The goal of this paper is to answer the question of where and how portmanteau agreement is formed in the grammar. This is a matter of considerable debate in the current literature. Georgi 2011 argues that all portmanteau agreement is created in syntax, with Infl/T probing two arguments. Williams 2003 argues that what is crucial for portmanteau morphemes of any kind is 1 I would like to thank the participants in the November 2012 Advances in Optimality Theoretic-Syntax and Semantics Workshop at Johns Hopkins University and the anonymous reviewer for this volume for valuable comments on this paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Uu Clicks Correlate with Phonotactic Patterns Amanda L. Miller
    Tongue body and tongue root shape differences in N|uu clicks correlate with phonotactic patterns Amanda L. Miller 1. Introduction There is a phonological constraint, known as the Back Vowel Constraint (BVC), found in most Khoesan languages, which provides information as to the phonological patterning of clicks. BVC patterns found in N|uu, the last remaining member of the !Ui branch of the Tuu family spoken in South Africa, have never been described, as the language only had very preliminary documentation undertaken by Doke (1936) and Westphal (1953–1957). In this paper, I provide a description of the BVC in N|uu, based on lexico-statistical patterns found in a database that I developed. I also provide results of an ultrasound study designed to investigate posterior place of articulation differences among clicks. Click consonants have two constrictions, one anterior, and one posterior. Thus, they have two places of articulation. Phoneticians since Doke (1923) and Beach (1938) have described the posterior place of articulation of plain clicks as velar, and the airstream involved in their production as velaric. Thus, the anterior place of articulation was thought to be the only phonetic property that differed among the various clicks. The ultrasound results reported here and in Miller, Brugman et al. (2009) show that there are differences in the posterior constrictions as well. Namely, tongue body and tongue root shape differences are found among clicks. I propose that differences in tongue body and tongue root shape may be the phonetic bases of the BVC. The airstream involved in click production is described as velaric airstream by earlier researchers.
    [Show full text]
  • A Lateral Theory of Phonology by Tobias Scheer
    Direct Interface and One-Channel Translation Studies in Generative Grammar 68.2 Editors Henk van Riemsdijk Harry van der Hulst Jan Koster De Gruyter Mouton Direct Interface and One-Channel Translation A Non-Diacritic Theory of the Morphosyntax-Phonology Interface Volume 2 of A Lateral Theory of Phonology by Tobias Scheer De Gruyter Mouton The series Studies in Generative Grammar was formerly published by Foris Publications Holland. ISBN 978-1-61451-108-3 e-ISBN 978-1-61451-111-3 ISSN 0167-4331 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. ” 2012 Walter de Gruyter, Inc., Boston/Berlin Ra´ko odlı´ta´ by Mogdolı´na Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Țȍ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Table of contents overview §page Table of contents detail .............................................................. vii Abbreviations used ........................................................................ xxiv Table of graphic illustrations......................................................... xxvii 1 Editorial note ................................................................................. xxviii 2 Foreword What the book is about, and how to use it..................................... xxxi 3 Introduction 4 1. Scope of the book: the identity and management of objects that carry morpho-syntactic information in phonology........... 1 9 2. Deforestation: the lateral project, no trees in phonology and hence the issue with Prosodic Phonology ............................... 5 Part One Desiderata for a non-diacritic theory of the (representational side of) the interface 17 1.
    [Show full text]